Profesa Shivji: Mashtaka ya Ugaidi kama Silaha ya Hofu

Profesa Shivji: Mashtaka ya Ugaidi kama Silaha ya Hofu

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Katika makala yake yenye kichwa "Terrorising Academic Freedom in Tanzania" Profesa Issa Shivji amekosoa mashitaka ya ugaidi yanayoendelea nchini, akisema ni ukandamizwa kwa uhuru wa kitaaluma na ongezeko la matumizi ya nguvu za dola nchini Tanzania.

Akijadili kuhusu kukamatwa kwa wanataaluma, Profesa Shivji ameangazia kesi ya Melkisedeki Kitunzi Kaijage, mhadhiri msaidizi wa Chuo Kikuu cha Dodoma (UDOM), aliyekamatwa Julai 2026 kwa tuhuma za kuhamasisha maandamano ya Siku ya Saba Saba.

Awali alishikiliwa kinyume cha sheria kwa siku 17 bila kufikishwa mahakamani, na baada ya Mahakama Kuu kuamuru apewe dhamana, polisi walimbadilishia mashtaka na kumfungulia kesi isiyo na dhamana ya ugaidi.

Shivji anaeleza kuwa hati ya mashtaka dhidi ya Kaijage (iliyodai alitishia kuchoma majengo ya umma na nyumba za polisi) imekosa ushahidi na maelezo ya msingi. Anasisitiza kuwa mashtaka haya makubwa hayana lengo la kutenda haki, bali ni mbinu ya kuwaadhibu na kupandikiza hofu ili kunyamazisha wasomi na wanataaluma wengine.

Kuhusu mazingira ya ukandamizaji nchini, Profesa Shivji amehusisha ukamatwa huko na wimbi pana la ukandamizaji nchini Tanzania, akitolea mfano wahadhiri wengine wawili wa Chuo Kikuu cha St. John's (UDOM) waliokamatwa baada ya kufundisha kuhusu kashfa za ufisadi wa kihistoria. Pia anagusia mauaji ya vijana wengi wakati wa uchaguzi wa Oktoba 2025 na kesi za uhaini/ugaidi zinazowakabili viongozi na wanachama wa CHADEMA.

Ameelezea pia jinsi kukamatwa huko kwa Dk Kaijage, amesema vyama vya wafanyakazi wa vyuo vikuu (kama UDOMASA na THTU), asasi za kikanda (ACAF), na vyama vya upinzani vililaani ukamatwa huo, ingawa mwandishi anasikitishwa na ukimya wa chama cha wanataaluma wa Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam (UDASA).

Amesema jumuiya ya wasomi barani Afrika ipo njiapanda kutokana na mifumo ya kiimla na changamoto za kijamii. Anatoa wito kwa wanataaluma kuchagua ama kunyamazishwa na kupotea, au kuendelea kupaza sauti za upinzani na kuwajibika kwa jamii, bila kujali gharama zake.

Soma zaidi kwenye attachment.
 

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View attachment 3639813
Katika makala yake yenye kichwa "Terrorising Academic Freedom in Tanzania" Profesa Issa Shivji amekosoa mashitaka ya ugaidi yanayoendelea nchini, akisema ni ukandamizwa kwa uhuru wa kitaaluma na ongezeko la matumizi ya nguvu za dola nchini Tanzania.

Akijadili kuhusu kukamatwa kwa wanataaluma, Profesa Shivji ameangazia kesi ya Melkisedeki Kitunzi Kaijage, mhadhiri msaidizi wa Chuo Kikuu cha Dodoma (UDOM), aliyekamatwa Julai 2026 kwa tuhuma za kuhamasisha maandamano ya Siku ya Saba Saba.

Awali alishikiliwa kinyume cha sheria kwa siku 17 bila kufikishwa mahakamani, na baada ya Mahakama Kuu kuamuru apewe dhamana, polisi walimbadilishia mashtaka na kumfungulia kesi isiyo na dhamana ya ugaidi.

Shivji anaeleza kuwa hati ya mashtaka dhidi ya Kaijage (iliyodai alitishia kuchoma majengo ya umma na nyumba za polisi) imekosa ushahidi na maelezo ya msingi. Anasisitiza kuwa mashtaka haya makubwa hayana lengo la kutenda haki, bali ni mbinu ya kuwaadhibu na kupandikiza hofu ili kunyamazisha wasomi na wanataaluma wengine.

Kuhusu mazingira ya ukandamizaji nchini, Profesa Shivji amehusisha ukamatwa huko na wimbi pana la ukandamizaji nchini Tanzania, akitolea mfano wahadhiri wengine wawili wa Chuo Kikuu cha St. John's (UDOM) waliokamatwa baada ya kufundisha kuhusu kashfa za ufisadi wa kihistoria. Pia anagusia mauaji ya vijana wengi wakati wa uchaguzi wa Oktoba 2025 na kesi za uhaini/ugaidi zinazowakabili viongozi na wanachama wa CHADEMA.

Ameelezea pia jinsi kukamatwa huko kwa Dk Kaijage, amesema vyama vya wafanyakazi wa vyuo vikuu (kama UDOMASA na THTU), asasi za kikanda (ACAF), na vyama vya upinzani vililaani ukamatwa huo, ingawa mwandishi anasikitishwa na ukimya wa chama cha wanataaluma wa Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam (UDASA).

Amesema jumuiya ya wasomi barani Afrika ipo njiapanda kutokana na mifumo ya kiimla na changamoto za kijamii. Anatoa wito kwa wanataaluma kuchagua ama kunyamazishwa na kupotea, au kuendelea kupaza sauti za upinzani na kuwajibika kwa jamii, bila kujali gharama zake.

Soma zaidi kwenye attachment.
Inafikirisha,inasikitisha sana hasa kwenye hii Karne ya 21, Yenye teknologia na ujuzi wa Hali yajuu!
 
View attachment 3639813
Katika makala yake yenye kichwa "Terrorising Academic Freedom in Tanzania" Profesa Issa Shivji amekosoa mashitaka ya ugaidi yanayoendelea nchini, akisema ni ukandamizwa kwa uhuru wa kitaaluma na ongezeko la matumizi ya nguvu za dola nchini Tanzania.

Akijadili kuhusu kukamatwa kwa wanataaluma, Profesa Shivji ameangazia kesi ya Melkisedeki Kitunzi Kaijage, mhadhiri msaidizi wa Chuo Kikuu cha Dodoma (UDOM), aliyekamatwa Julai 2026 kwa tuhuma za kuhamasisha maandamano ya Siku ya Saba Saba.

Awali alishikiliwa kinyume cha sheria kwa siku 17 bila kufikishwa mahakamani, na baada ya Mahakama Kuu kuamuru apewe dhamana, polisi walimbadilishia mashtaka na kumfungulia kesi isiyo na dhamana ya ugaidi.

Shivji anaeleza kuwa hati ya mashtaka dhidi ya Kaijage (iliyodai alitishia kuchoma majengo ya umma na nyumba za polisi) imekosa ushahidi na maelezo ya msingi. Anasisitiza kuwa mashtaka haya makubwa hayana lengo la kutenda haki, bali ni mbinu ya kuwaadhibu na kupandikiza hofu ili kunyamazisha wasomi na wanataaluma wengine.

Kuhusu mazingira ya ukandamizaji nchini, Profesa Shivji amehusisha ukamatwa huko na wimbi pana la ukandamizaji nchini Tanzania, akitolea mfano wahadhiri wengine wawili wa Chuo Kikuu cha St. John's (UDOM) waliokamatwa baada ya kufundisha kuhusu kashfa za ufisadi wa kihistoria. Pia anagusia mauaji ya vijana wengi wakati wa uchaguzi wa Oktoba 2025 na kesi za uhaini/ugaidi zinazowakabili viongozi na wanachama wa CHADEMA.

Ameelezea pia jinsi kukamatwa huko kwa Dk Kaijage, amesema vyama vya wafanyakazi wa vyuo vikuu (kama UDOMASA na THTU), asasi za kikanda (ACAF), na vyama vya upinzani vililaani ukamatwa huo, ingawa mwandishi anasikitishwa na ukimya wa chama cha wanataaluma wa Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam (UDASA).

Amesema jumuiya ya wasomi barani Afrika ipo njiapanda kutokana na mifumo ya kiimla na changamoto za kijamii. Anatoa wito kwa wanataaluma kuchagua ama kunyamazishwa na kupotea, au kuendelea kupaza sauti za upinzani na kuwajibika kwa jamii, bila kujali gharama zake.

Soma zaidi kwenye attachment.
My friends, ladies and gentlemen,

mwambie profesa kwamba namuheshimu sana na aache uoga yeye binafsi kwanza, lakini pia hana sababu yoyote ya maana kuwajengea wahadhiri na waTanzania wote dhana useless ya uoga dhidi ya vyombo vyao vya ulinzi na usalama nchini.

ikiwa wewe ni raia mwema,
vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama vikihitaji ushirikiano wako endepo kutakua na kitisho au mashaka ya kihalifu au ya kiusalama dhidi yako, toa ushirikiano tu, una hofu ya nini, ikiwa wewe ni raia mwema na una nia njema?

Mwambieni profesa aache tabia mbaya ya kuwajengea wahadhiri na waTanzania viburi na ujeuri useless dhidi ya vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama nchini.

anajivunjia heshima na kujishushia hadhi miongoni mwa wanazuoni 🐒
 
Mimi najiuliza, hivi nini mchsngo wa wana taaluma wa vyuo vikuu nchini katika hali tuliyofikia?

Isijekuwa tunalalamikia matokeo huku chanzo kikiwekwa kando. Narudia nini mchango wa wana taaluma katika mkwamo tulionao?
 
View attachment 3639813
Katika makala yake yenye kichwa "Terrorising Academic Freedom in Tanzania" Profesa Issa Shivji amekosoa mashitaka ya ugaidi yanayoendelea nchini, akisema ni ukandamizwa kwa uhuru wa kitaaluma na ongezeko la matumizi ya nguvu za dola nchini Tanzania.

Akijadili kuhusu kukamatwa kwa wanataaluma, Profesa Shivji ameangazia kesi ya Melkisedeki Kitunzi Kaijage, mhadhiri msaidizi wa Chuo Kikuu cha Dodoma (UDOM), aliyekamatwa Julai 2026 kwa tuhuma za kuhamasisha maandamano ya Siku ya Saba Saba.

Awali alishikiliwa kinyume cha sheria kwa siku 17 bila kufikishwa mahakamani, na baada ya Mahakama Kuu kuamuru apewe dhamana, polisi walimbadilishia mashtaka na kumfungulia kesi isiyo na dhamana ya ugaidi.

Shivji anaeleza kuwa hati ya mashtaka dhidi ya Kaijage (iliyodai alitishia kuchoma majengo ya umma na nyumba za polisi) imekosa ushahidi na maelezo ya msingi. Anasisitiza kuwa mashtaka haya makubwa hayana lengo la kutenda haki, bali ni mbinu ya kuwaadhibu na kupandikiza hofu ili kunyamazisha wasomi na wanataaluma wengine.

Kuhusu mazingira ya ukandamizaji nchini, Profesa Shivji amehusisha ukamatwa huko na wimbi pana la ukandamizaji nchini Tanzania, akitolea mfano wahadhiri wengine wawili wa Chuo Kikuu cha St. John's (UDOM) waliokamatwa baada ya kufundisha kuhusu kashfa za ufisadi wa kihistoria. Pia anagusia mauaji ya vijana wengi wakati wa uchaguzi wa Oktoba 2025 na kesi za uhaini/ugaidi zinazowakabili viongozi na wanachama wa CHADEMA.

Ameelezea pia jinsi kukamatwa huko kwa Dk Kaijage, amesema vyama vya wafanyakazi wa vyuo vikuu (kama UDOMASA na THTU), asasi za kikanda (ACAF), na vyama vya upinzani vililaani ukamatwa huo, ingawa mwandishi anasikitishwa na ukimya wa chama cha wanataaluma wa Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam (UDASA).

Amesema jumuiya ya wasomi barani Afrika ipo njiapanda kutokana na mifumo ya kiimla na changamoto za kijamii. Anatoa wito kwa wanataaluma kuchagua ama kunyamazishwa na kupotea, au kuendelea kupaza sauti za upinzani na kuwajibika kwa jamii, bila kujali gharama zake.

Soma zaidi kwenye attachment.

ENGLISH :

CODESRIA Bulletin Online, No. 10, July 2026

Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

Terrorising Academic Freedom in Tanzania
An Article By : Issa G. Shivji

1785412360383.png

Photo: Professor Emeritus
University of Dar es Salaam
Tanzania

Abstract
On 3 July 2026, Melkisedeki Kitunzi Kaijage, an assistant lecturer in Political Science and Public Administration at the University of Dodoma (UDOM), was summoned to appear at the police station. He presented himself there on 8 July, 2026 accompanied by the deputy chairman of the University of Dodoma Academic Staff Association (UDOMASA), a
lawyer by profession. Kaijage was
taken into police custody allegedly for having incited people to
demonstrate on the national public holidaycalled Saba Saba, held on 7 July.

This was the second time Kaijage
had been arrested. ‘On December
9, 2025, he was arrested over a
lecture delivered the previous day,
after informers in his lectureroom allegedly told police he was inciting demonstrations planned for that date’ (Kuwanda 2026).
Kaijage remained in custody for
seventeen days, contrary to the
law, which requires the police to
charge an accused person in court within twenty-four hours.

UDOMASA filed an application in the High Court on 12 July. The case
was eventually heard on 21 July 2026.The judge ruled that Kaijage be released on bail.

While the family and UDOMASA were processing bail, on 23 July, 2026 Kaijage was brought to the magistrate’s court on charges of terrorism, an offence which is not bailable. The particulars of the offence on the charge sheet read thus:

MELKISEDEK KITUNZIKAIJAGE,
on 03rd day ofJuly 2026 at the University of
Dodoma area within Dodoma
Region, committed a terrorist
act to wit; threatening to burn
public buildings and police
residences within the United
Republic of Tanzania, with the
aim of seriously intimidating
members of the Public of the
United Republic of Tanzania.
The charge is dated 22 July 2026
—​

That is, a day after the High Court’s ruling. The particulars of the offence read as if they have been cut and pasted from a template. They singularly lack the necessary details that could enable the accused to meet the accusation.

Where exactly in the university were the threats issued? In
a lecture room? Under a tree? In a
public hall? Were the threats verbal or written?

What was the medium used to issue the threat—social media? a lecture? a public rally?

What was the audience—students ? passers-by? street vendors?

What were the contents of the threat?

A host of other questions could be
posed but they would be unnecessary. The objective of the drafter of the charge is clear—to chargeKaijage with an unbailable offence not only to ‘punish’ the accused but to drive fear among and intimidate his academic peers.

No reasonable Tanzanian could
imagine that a university lecturer
would issue a threat to burn public buildings and police residences.
But there we are! We are being told that even after the unrest around the general elections on 29 October 2025 resulted in the killings of hundreds of youths, and the subsequent all-pervasive fear that reigns over the country, we still have an isolated Tanzanian courageous enough to issue threats to burn public buildings and police residences.

Kaijage was promptly transferred
from police custody to Isanga prison, ready for a long haul in custody. The case is likely to follow
the same pattern, of a long spell
of remand, that is becoming the
new normal. Every time the case is
called for mention, the prosecution
applies for adjournment on spurious grounds like ‘investigations are not complete’.


Unfortunately,our courts invariably oblige without further ado. At the least, the court could raise the obvious question: Why was the accused arrested in the first place if the investigations were not complete?

And in this case, there are lots of
other questions. Initially, the police
took Kaijage into custody on charges of incitement, not terrorism. So, presumably within a day after the court order of release they found out that in fact he had not actually incited the public to demonstrate but rather threatened to burn public buildings and police residences
to intimidate the public.

Which is which ? You don’t intimidate thepublic that you are encouraging todemonstrate. Or maybe, in police thinking, Kaijage’s original intention was to incite the public but while in police custody he changed his mind and decided to intimidate the public! This may sound illogical and absurd—but then absurdity is not foreign to coercive state apparatuses that thrive on the logic of force rather than the force of logic.

Kaijage’s case is not isolated. On 3
July 2026 two other lecturers, Johaiven Revelian Bikongolo and Titus Joseph Kituli from St John’s University of Tanzania at Dodoma, were arrested on allegations of mobilising demonstrations for the upcoming Saba Saba Day.

It is said that one of the lecturers was arraigned after delivering a university lecture on Ethics and Good Governance during which historical corruption scandals were discussed.

The ghosts of non-accountability
and lack of public integrity continue to haunt the powers-that-be. They cannot even withstand the recalling of past scandals, perhaps for fear that current scandals might also surface.

To the credit of UDOMASA and
the Tanzania Higher Learning Institutions Trade Union (THTU), they issued statements condemning the arrests and detentions and calling
for the immediate release of the academics.

The Africa Coalition for
Academic Freedom (ACAF) based
in Accra, Ghana also issued a statement addressed to the President of Tanzania. In addition, two opposition parties—ACT-Wazalendo and CHADEMA —condemned the detention. Comments and postings
on social media expressing apprehension for the future of academic freedom and autonomy of the university as the site of debates and critical thinking have continued.

One conspicuous silence so far, regrettably, has been that of the University of Dar es Salaam Academic Staff Association (UDASA), which has yet to issue a statement of solidarity. UDASA, by the way, is the originator of the respected Dar es Salaam Declaration on Academic
Freedom and Social Responsibility of Academics adopted in 1990.
This Declaration in turn inspired
the continent-wide Kampala Declaration on Intellectual Freedom and Social Responsibility. Both declarations have been instrumental in sparking debates on the importance of academic freedom and autonomy of the university as a site of critical thinking.

Academic freedom on the continent and elsewhere has been under severe strain over the past decade as states are becoming increasingly repressive and intolerant.

Neoliberal chickens are coming home to roost. Various policy measures like privatisation, marketisation and the commodification of social
services have resulted in enormous social inequality and massive unemployment among the youth, the so-called Gen Z. This has led to youth protests and demonstrations, which states, bereft of any credible solutions, have responded to with ever more repression.

Use of force is becoming the new normal,which we, Tanzanians, had the misfortune of witnessing in October last year (2025). The official estimate by the Commission of Enquiry was
that some 518 people were killed,
many by gun shots—it is a gross
underestimation. So far no one has
been held criminally or politically
accountable for this killing and
mayhem.

Society has been deeply
traumatised. It lives in fear as the
security apparatus continues its relentless campaign of arrests, detentions and abductions, with no signs of relenting.

As I was writing this piece, a newspaper report announced that some thirty members and leaders of the CHADEMA party, including four university students, have been charged with terrorism. The particulars of the offence, it seems, are not very different from those of the Kaijage case (Mwananchi, 25 July 2026).

As I said, there is a cut-and-paste
template used in many of these
cases. Meanwhile, the chairman of
CHADEMA, Tundu Lissu, remains in
prison on a charge of treason. His
trial seems to go nowhere except
to keep him under lock and key indefinitely.​

The African intellectual community is at a crossroads. The incessant repression of our people under near-fascist and authoritarian
regimes in many of our countries
calls for a major continent-wide
debate on our social responsibility. The choice before us is clear:
we either accept being silenced
and go under, or we continue beating the drums of resistance

References:
  1. Africa Coalition for Academic Freedom (ACAF), 21 July 2026,
  2. ‘Call for the Immediate Releaseof Detained University Lecturersand the Protection of Academic Freedom in Tanzania’,
  3. Facebook. Facebook/61567221721200/posts/academic-freedom-under-attack-in-tanzaniathree-university-lecturers-detained-for/122214218492574057/Mwananchi, 25 July 2026.
  4. Tanzania Higher Learning Institutions Trade Union (THTU), n.d.,
  5. ‘Uhuru wa Taaluma Vyuo VikuuTanzania: Uchambuzi wa Mfumo wa Kisheria na Athari za Ukamataji wa WanaTaaluma’ [AcademicFreedom in Universities: Analysis of the legal regime and the impact of arrests of academics] Kuwanda, J. 2026,
  6. ‘High Court Orders Release of UDOM Lecturer Held 13 Days Without Bail’, The Chanzo, 22 July 2026. https://thechanzo.com/2026/07/22/hi...se-of-udomlecturer-held-13-days-without-bail/
Source : Terrorising Academic Freedom in Tanzania | CODESRIA Bulletin

N.B

Issa Shivji, A Life of Radical Commitment


CODESRIA

View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=97ytFfcA5Qo
Issa G. Shivji
Professor Emeritus
University of Dar es Salaam
Tanzania
 
the University of Dodoma (UDOM),

20 July 2026
Universitaet zu Koeln
Cologne, Germany

Joshua Andilile Mwaipape (Dodoma): Language and legitimacy in Tanzania’s general election campaigns


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=9-hn6E5eKLE



Am 08. Juni 2026 hielt Joshua Andilile Mwaipape (Dodoma) eine Auerbach Lecture zu »Language, legitimacy, and the public sphere in Tanzania’s general election campaigns«. Abstract:This study examines the role of language in constructing legitimacy and shaping the public sphere during Tanzania’s 2025 general election campaigns.

The election took place in a politically changed environment marked by debates over electoral integrity due to the disqualification of the major opposition parties.

In this context, the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) campaigned largely against smaller parties with limited political influence, raising questions about the nature of political competition and the functioning of the public sphere in Tanzania.

Drawing on perspectives from sociolinguistics and linguistic anthropology, the study investigates how political actors used language to claim or challenge legitimacy in the run-up to the election.

The analysis is based on a qualitative approach supported by a corpus of approximately 100 Swahili-language political texts collected from broadcast transcripts, campaign speeches, and social media during the pre-election, election, and post-election periods (September to December 2025).

The preliminary findings show that language played a central role in asserting or denying political authority.

The incumbent president, Samia Suluhu Hassan, frequently used authoritative language that implicitly cautioned voters against alternative choices.

Some opposition candidates employed discourse that indirectly reinforced the incumbent’s legitimacy, while others relied on a rhetoric of grievance, claiming that the ruling party sought to silence them for exposing governance failures.

The data also revealed a strategic use of pronominals, in which the use of plural pronominals was strategically employed to project inclusivity or collective authority, while singular pronominals were used to indicate personal capability and authority.

Overall, the study demonstrates how linguistic practices both enable and constrain participation in the public sphere during electoral campaigns
Source : UniversitaetzuKoeln

N.B

University of Cologne (Universitaet zu Koeln) is a public research university in Cologne, Germany. It was established in 1388. It closed in 1798 before being re-established in 1919. It is now one of the largest universities in Germany with around 43,594 students
 
20 July 2026
Universitaet zu Koeln
Cologne, Germany

Joshua Andilile Mwaipape (Dodoma): Language and legitimacy in Tanzania’s general election campaigns


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=9-hn6E5eKLE



Am 08. Juni 2026 hielt Joshua Andilile Mwaipape (Dodoma) eine Auerbach Lecture zu »Language, legitimacy, and the public sphere in Tanzania’s general election campaigns«. Abstract:This study examines the role of language in constructing legitimacy and shaping the public sphere during Tanzania’s 2025 general election campaigns.

The election took place in a politically changed environment marked by debates over electoral integrity due to the disqualification of the major opposition parties.

In this context, the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) campaigned largely against smaller parties with limited political influence, raising questions about the nature of political competition and the functioning of the public sphere in Tanzania.

Drawing on perspectives from sociolinguistics and linguistic anthropology, the study investigates how political actors used language to claim or challenge legitimacy in the run-up to the election.

The analysis is based on a qualitative approach supported by a corpus of approximately 100 Swahili-language political texts collected from broadcast transcripts, campaign speeches, and social media during the pre-election, election, and post-election periods (September to December 2025).

The preliminary findings show that language played a central role in asserting or denying political authority.

The incumbent president, Samia Suluhu Hassan, frequently used authoritative language that implicitly cautioned voters against alternative choices.

Some opposition candidates employed discourse that indirectly reinforced the incumbent’s legitimacy, while others relied on a rhetoric of grievance, claiming that the ruling party sought to silence them for exposing governance failures.

The data also revealed a strategic use of pronominals, in which the use of plural pronominals was strategically employed to project inclusivity or collective authority, while singular pronominals were used to indicate personal capability and authority.

Overall, the study demonstrates how linguistic practices both enable and constrain participation in the public sphere during electoral campaigns
Source : UniversitaetzuKoeln

N.B

University of Cologne (Universitaet zu Koeln) is a public research university in Cologne, Germany. It was established in 1388. It closed in 1798 before being re-established in 1919. It is now one of the largest universities in Germany with around 43,594 students


Mfano hai wa Presentation nzuri sana kutokana chuo kikuu cha University of Cologne (Universitaet zu Koeln) Ujerumani kuwa na uhuru wa wanazuoni kuwa na fikra tunduizi za kuwapa wanafunzi pamoja pia na umma mpana.

Vyuo vikuu vyetu vya Tanzania vinatakiwa kuiga utamaduni huu mzuri wa kuwa na fikra huru kuweza kufikiria bila vikwazo vya kidikteta.
 
Mimi najiuliza, hivi nini mchsngo wa wana taaluma wa vyuo vikuu nchini katika hali tuliyofikia?

Isijekuwa tunalalamikia matokeo huku chanzo kikiwekwa kando. Narudia nini mchango wa wana taaluma katika mkwamo tulionao?
Anzisha uzi tujadili mchango wa wana taaluma.
 
Mjadala Tunduizi bila hofu wa wasomi kuhusu Julius Nyerere, maalum kwa watu walio na fikra huru kuchambua mambo katika darasa lisilo na kuta nne

06 July 2026
California USA

Neither Saint Nor Tyrant: The Real Julius Nyerere | Professor Paul Bjerk


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=qYEImQ2pk5w

Who was Julius Nyerere, and why is he still one of Africa's most respected and debated leaders?

In this episode of Right Place Right Time, historian Professor Paul Bjerk takes us through the remarkable life of Tanzania's founding president.

We explore Nyerere's journey from a small village in Butiama to leading Tanganyika to independence, creating the Union with Zanzibar, introducing Ujamaa socialism, and shaping Tanzania's place in African history.

The conversation goes beyond familiar narratives, examining both Nyerere's greatest achievements and the difficult decisions that continue to generate debate decades later.

Whether you're passionate about African history, politics, leadership, or the story of Tanzania, this episode offers valuable historical context and fresh perspectives.What You'll Learn✔ Julius Nyerere's childhood and education✔ The formation of TANU and Tanzania's independence movement✔ How Ujamaa socialism was developed and implemented✔ The Arusha Declaration and its lasting impact✔ The 1964 Zanzibar Revolution and the Union with Tanganyika✔ The Tanganyika Rifles Mutiny and its consequences✔ Tanzania's role in overthrowing Idi Amin✔ Why Nyerere voluntarily stepped down from power✔ Professor Paul Bjerk's assessment of Nyerere's enduring legacy

Chapters

00:00 Introduction
01:40 American Independence and Influence on Africa
05:50 Prof Paul Bjerk Meeting Nyerere
13:00 Deciding to pen an biography for Nyerere
15:50 Nyerere's childhood in Butiama
21:40 Nyerere Sainthood process
24:00 Nyerere in Scotland and early adult life
30:05 Returning home to fight for independence
44:00 Independence and the early years
50:15 Nyerere Shock Resignation after independence
55:40 Mutiny by the Army
1:04:00 The Zanzibar Revolution and Union
1:12:00 What was Ujamaa?
1:27:50 Dethroning Idi Amin
1:31:00 Why Nyerere stepped down
1:32:45 Outro and Nyerere Thames Interview on South Rhodesia and Ian Smith

Hosted by Stephen Maika Featured Guest Professor Paul Bjerk is a historian specializing in modern Tanzanian history, African politics, decolonization, and the life and legacy of Julius Nyerere.

Recommended Reading
• Building a Peaceful Nation: The Life and Legacy of Julius Nyerere
• Julius Nyerere: A Biography
• Development as Rebellion by Issa Shivji, Ng'wanza Kamata & Saida Yahya-Othman
 
LEGACY OF COLONIAL RULE SYSTEMS IS STILL VERY MUCH AROUND US UP TO NOW

Overdependence on government in Africa, is one of inherent aftermath of colonial admnistrative system

08 June 2026

Constitutionalism in Africa: Prof Muna Ndulo on Democracy, Devolution and Accountability


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=IGgwzmrJdeo
In this keynote address, Prof Muna Ndulo, Professor of International and Comparative Law at Cornell Law School, reflects on 30 years of South Africa’s 1996 Constitution and its wider significance for Africa and the world.

Drawing on his own experience of working in South Africa during the constitution-making period of the early 1990s, Prof Ndulo argues that the South African Constitution remains one of the world’s most progressive constitutional texts. He highlights its participatory making process, its break with colonial and apartheid legacies, and its influence on constitution-making across Africa.

The lecture examines the role of a constitution in a democratic state: to establish legitimate public power, limit that power, protect liberty, define national ideals, affirm the duties of the state, and provide a framework for governance.

Prof Ndulo cautions, however, that constitutional rights cannot be understood only through civil and political liberties.

In societies shaped by colonialism, apartheid, inequality and marginalisation, constitutionalism must also address structural injustice.

Prof Ndulo further discusses Africa’s inherited colonial state structures, the persistence of authoritarian institutions, the crisis of national identity, social exclusion, centralised executive power, and the need for devolution, accountability and citizen participation.

He argues that South Africa’s Constitution has provided an important model through its commitment to human dignity, equality, non-racialism, non-sexism, the rule of law, socio-economic rights and institutions supporting democracy.

The address concludes with a powerful reminder: "no constitution implements itself". The promise of the Constitution depends on effective institutions, accountable government, public participation, civic education, the eradication of poverty, and policies that confront the structural legacies of apartheid and colonialism.
CHAPTERS :
  • 00:11 Opening acknowledgements
  • 00:43 Constitution-making and contemporary challenges
  • 01:42 Reflecting on 30 years of South Africa’s Constitution
  • 02:20 South Africa’s Constitution as a progressive global model
  • 03:08 The role of a constitution in a democratic state
  • 04:00 Rights, inequality and structural injustice
  • 07:00 Constitution-making in the post-Cold War era
  • 08:41 Africa’s governance challenges and colonial legacies
  • 16:18 Rewriting inherited constitutions to transform the colonial state
  • 17:04 South Africa’s Constitution as a model for Africa
  • 18:24 Socio-economic rights and constitutional leadership
  • 21:40 Why the constitution-making process matters
  • 23:03 Executive power, devolution and accountability
  • 29:33 South Africa’s Bill of Rights and socio-economic rights
  • 32:10 Constitutions without constitutionalism
  • 35:30 Rule of law, service delivery and accountable institutions
  • 37:35 Watchdog institutions and human rights awareness
  • 42:09 Courts, access to justice and institutional constraints
  • 43:39 Deepening democracy through accountability and participation
  • 45:56 Has the Constitution delivered on its promise
  • 46:04 No constitution implements itself
  • 48:03 South Africa’s structural challenges after apartheid
  • 49:20 Policies needed to address apartheid and colonial legacies
  • 49:36 Closing remarks

Source : Thabo Mbeki School
 
24 July 2026

Tanzanian lecturer arrested over anti-government protests charged with terrorism​

A close-up of Melkisedek Kaijage wearing a black shirt against a blue background
Image source,Melkisedek Kaijage
Image caption,
Melkisedek Kaijage was among more than 130 people arrested earlier this month
ByAlfred Lasteck
Reporting fromDar es Salaam

A Tanzanian university lecturer who was arrested earlier this month over allegations of inciting anti-government protests has now been charged with terrorism.

Melkisedek Kaijage, who works at the University of Dodoma, had appeared at a magistrate's court to request bail after spending 15 days in police custody when the charges were changed.

He was among more than 130 people arrested over planned protests calling for democratic reforms and justice for those killed in a post-poll crackdown last year. The 7 July demonstrations were banned and did not take place.

The academic will now remain in custody until his case goes to trial as terrorism offences are generally not eligible for bail.

Kaijage, who teaches political science and public administration, was not asked to enter a plea at Thursday's hearing as his terrorism case can only be heard by a higher court.

He was arrested a day after the planned nationwide protests and initially charged with inciting people to join them.

The authorities had deployed security forces across major cities in the East African nation on 7 July and warned that they would act against anyone accused of inciting unrest.

Prosecutors now accuse Kaijage of threatening to burn public buildings as part of intimidation tactics.

Under Tanzanian law, offences such as recruiting for, facilitating, harbouring or supporting terrorists or terrorist groups carry severe penalties. Individuals convicted of these offences may face prison sentences ranging from 10 years to life imprisonment.

Gerald Shija, chairman of the University of Dodoma Academic Staff Association (Udomasa), said Kaijage had been transferred from police custody to Isanga Prison in the capital, Dodoma.

Colleagues have described him as a respected lecturer whose popularity stems from his teaching rather than political activism.

His case comes amid a broader crackdown by the authorities on opposition figures and activists critical of President Samia Suluhu Hassan.

Last month, the government suspended political rallies across the country until further notice, saying the move was necessary to maintain security.

During the widespread protests that followed the results of the 29 October 2025 election, 518 people died from "unnatural causes", including 197 who were shot dead, according to a commission of inquiry established by President Samia.

The scale of the violence shocked a country that had cultivated an image of calm, consensus and stability for nearly six decades.

President Samia was declared the winner the poll with 98% of the vote, a result the opposition dismissed as a "mockery" of democracy after her two main challengers were excluded.

At the time, the president said the election had been fair and transparent and blamed foreigners for the violence, saying it was part of a plot to overthrow her
 
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