Maswali ya kisiasa yenye kuhitaji majawabu yake

[Pascal Mayalla]

Asante mkuu kwa maelezo haya, nitarudi kwa maswali zaidi.

Karibu
P

 

[Mohamed Said]

Jiwe...
Dully Sykes kwangu ni mwanangu.

Baba yake Ebbie mimi na yeye ni marafiki toka udogo wetu na tulipishana siku moja kuzaliwa katangulia Ebbie.

Siwezi kumtaja Dully Sykes kwa kuwa hakuwako katika kuunda TANU na kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika wala siwezi kumtaja baba yake.

Mimi nawataja babu zake Dully, Bwana Abdul na Ally Sykes na nawataja kwa yale waliyofanya wakati wa kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Ikiwa wewe historia hii inakuchoma moyo ungependa kama vile isingekuwapo hii ni bahati mbaya kwako.

Swali limekuja kuhusu Mandate Territories 1950 na nimeombwa kutoa jibu.

Wewe hutaki Sykes watajwe katiks historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Hii itawezekabaje?

Sasa msome Abdul Sykes na wenzake hapo chini vipi walilishughulikia suala hili:

''A major issue facing Abdul Sykes and the TAA Political Subcommittee was the status of Tanganyika as a mandate territory. Abdulwahid engaged Earle Seaton, a lawyer from Bermuda based in Moshi, and attached him to the committee to advise them on constitutional law and decolonisation of mandate territories under foreign rule. The United Nations Trusteeship Council had already sent its first visiting mission to Tanganyika in 1948; but not much was gained from this mission. The TAA headquarters in Dar es Salaam under Dr Kyaruzi and Abdulwahid with the backing of the political committee was now rising from its deep slumber. What was now required were serious issues to stimulate the minds of the young intellectuals. The TAA leadership did not have to look far. These issues came in the form of the Constitutional Development Committee set up by Governor Edward Twining and the Meru land evictions.

Tanganyika as a Mandate Territory​

Britain was administering Tanganyika under articles 76 and 77 of the Charter of the United Nations. As the administering authority, Britain was expected to establish and promote political, economic and social advancement of Tanganyika until such time as its people were ready for self-rule. In spite of this international commitment, the British were more interested in safeguarding their own colonial interests and those of other minorities but-not those of the indigenous African majority. [1] In order to pre-empt African reaction to this injustice, in 1949 Governor Twining invited proposals from prominent individuals, welfare societies and from Native Authorities,[2] as to how Tanganyika should be governed. The TAA political committee submitted a memorandum to the Constitutional Development Committee which was signed by the entire executive: Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdulwahid Sykes, Vedasto Kyaruzi, Hamza Mwapachu, John Rupia, Stephen Mhando and Said Chaurembo. [3] In his annual report for 1950, Abdulwahid was to write:

For the welfare of the Africans and to safeguard the interests of this Association and those of the African community as a whole, this Association has marranged for an advocate to stand by and to advise the Association on the technical side of the law. This advocate is Mr. E.E. Seaton of Moshi. He has from time to time written to the Association on various political subjects, and helped a great deal with his advices when this Association was compiling its memorandum on constitutional development. [4]

Abdulwahid realised that many of the problems in respect of the rights of Africans in the territory were legal issues which required the advice of legal experts. For the first time, with the help of Seaton, TAA was able to confront the colonial authority with facts and figures illustrating injustices in the colonial system which were contrary to the United Nations Charter.'' Jiwe... hata wewe ungetafiti historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika na ukapewe Nyaraza za Sykes kusoma linakuja swali la Tanganyika nchi chini ya Udhamini, ungeacha kuandika haya niliyoandika? Au hutaki yaandikwe kwa kuwa aliyefanya haya ni Abdul Sykes? Waliomkwepa Abdul Sykes na kuanza historia ya TANU na Julius Nyerere ndiye waliokuponza wewe leo unasoma historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika upya. Huyo hapo chini ni mimi na baba yake Dully marehemu Ebbie.

View attachment 2497683
View attachment 2497809
Earle Seaton na Julius Nyerere baada ya uhuru wa Tanganyika​

---

[1]For a detailed discussion on the subject see Cranford Pratt, The Critical Phase in Tanzania 1945-1968, Cambridge University Press, London, 1976, pp. 29-31.
[2]Ibid p. 30.
[3]The author was for the first time informed of the existence of this document by one of Mwapachu's children, Juma Volter Mwapachu.

He was informed that Mwapachu took great pride in having participated in the drafting of this document.

In her book Listowel mentioned this document and its historical significance to the political history of Tanganyika.

But it was Pratt who analysed the document in detail.

The document was first consulted by Pratt in 1959 in a file of the Committee on ‘Constitutional Development Report/and Despatches to the Secretary of State’ no. 1146-6, Dar es Salaam Secretariat Library.

Although this file is available at the Tanzania National Archives, the document is missing.

The author was informed that a microfilm of the document was available but that too could not be traced.

For more information on loss of historical documents see M. Said, ‘In Praise of Ancestors Revisited’ in Africa Events, London March, 1989, pp. 50-51.
[4] Annual Report of the secretary of TAA, ibid.

(The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 - 1968) The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika,'' London 1998).

Ndugu zangu,
Wakati mwingine ukiweka kitu kwa Kiingereza watu huwa hawachangii.
Nimeweka kwa Kiingereza kwa kutaka rejea zisomwe ambazo katika nakala niliyonayo kwa Kiswahili rejea hizi hazipo.

Naweka tafsiri ya Kiswahili ili sote tufaidike:

Jiwe...
Dully Sykes kwangu ni mwanangu.

Baba yake Ebbie mimi na yeye ni marafiki toka udogo wetu na tulipishana siku moja kuzaliwa katangulia Ebbie.

Siwezi kumtaja Dully Sykes kwa kuwa hakuwako katika kuunda TANU na kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika wala siwezi kumtaja baba yake.

Mimi nawataja babu zake Dully, Bwana Abdul na Ally Sykes na nawataja kwa yale waliyofanya wakati wa kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Ikiwa wewe historia hii inakuchoma moyo ungependa kama vile isingekuwapo hii ni bahati mbaya kwako.

Swali limekuja kuhusu Mandate Territories 1950 na nimeombwa kutoa jibu.

Wewe hutaki Sykes watajwe katiks historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Hii itawezekabaje?

Sasa msome Abdul Sykes na wenzake hapo chini vipi walilishughulikia suala hili:

''A major issue facing Abdul Sykes and the TAA Political Subcommittee was the status of Tanganyika as a mandate territory. Abdulwahid engaged Earle Seaton, a lawyer from Bermuda based in Moshi, and attached him to the committee to advise them on constitutional law and decolonisation of mandate territories under foreign rule. The United Nations Trusteeship Council had already sent its first visiting mission to Tanganyika in 1948; but not much was gained from this mission. The TAA headquarters in Dar es Salaam under Dr Kyaruzi and Abdulwahid with the backing of the political committee was now rising from its deep slumber. What was now required were serious issues to stimulate the minds of the young intellectuals. The TAA leadership did not have to look far. These issues came in the form of the Constitutional Development Committee set up by Governor Edward Twining and the Meru land evictions.

Tanganyika as a Mandate Territory​

Britain was administering Tanganyika under articles 76 and 77 of the Charter of the United Nations. As the administering authority, Britain was expected to establish and promote political, economic and social advancement of Tanganyika until such time as its people were ready for self-rule. In spite of this international commitment, the British were more interested in safeguarding their own colonial interests and those of other minorities but-not those of the indigenous African majority. [1] In order to pre-empt African reaction to this injustice, in 1949 Governor Twining invited proposals from prominent individuals, welfare societies and from Native Authorities,[2] as to how Tanganyika should be governed. The TAA political committee submitted a memorandum to the Constitutional Development Committee which was signed by the entire executive: Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdulwahid Sykes, Vedasto Kyaruzi, Hamza Mwapachu, John Rupia, Stephen Mhando and Said Chaurembo. [3] In his annual report for 1950, Abdulwahid was to write:

For the welfare of the Africans and to safeguard the interests of this Association and those of the African community as a whole, this Association has marranged for an advocate to stand by and to advise the Association on the technical side of the law. This advocate is Mr. E.E. Seaton of Moshi. He has from time to time written to the Association on various political subjects, and helped a great deal with his advices when this Association was compiling its memorandum on constitutional development. [4]

Abdulwahid realised that many of the problems in respect of the rights of Africans in the territory were legal issues which required the advice of legal experts. For the first time, with the help of Seaton, TAA was able to confront the colonial authority with facts and figures illustrating injustices in the colonial system which were contrary to the United Nations Charter.'' Jiwe... hata wewe ungetafiti historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika na ukapewe Nyaraza za Sykes kusoma linakuja swali la Tanganyika nchi chini ya Udhamini, ungeacha kuandika haya niliyoandika? Au hutaki yaandikwe kwa kuwa aliyefanya haya ni Abdul Sykes? Waliomkwepa Abdul Sykes na kuanza historia ya TANU na Julius Nyerere ndiye waliokuponza wewe leo unasoma historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika upya. Huyo hapo chini ni mimi na baba yake Dully marehemu Ebbie.

View attachment 2497683
View attachment 2497809
Earle Seaton na Julius Nyerere baada ya uhuru wa Tanganyika​

---

[1]For a detailed discussion on the subject see Cranford Pratt, The Critical Phase in Tanzania 1945-1968, Cambridge University Press, London, 1976, pp. 29-31.
[2]Ibid p. 30.
[3]The author was for the first time informed of the existence of this document by one of Mwapachu's children, Juma Volter Mwapachu.

He was informed that Mwapachu took great pride in having participated in the drafting of this document.

In her book Listowel mentioned this document and its historical significance to the political history of Tanganyika.

But it was Pratt who analysed the document in detail.

The document was first consulted by Pratt in 1959 in a file of the Committee on ‘Constitutional Development Report/and Despatches to the Secretary of State’ no. 1146-6, Dar es Salaam Secretariat Library.

Although this file is available at the Tanzania National Archives, the document is missing.

The author was informed that a microfilm of the document was available but that too could not be traced.

For more information on loss of historical documents see M. Said, ‘In Praise of Ancestors Revisited’ in Africa Events, London March, 1989, pp. 50-51.
[4] Annual Report of the secretary of TAA, ibid.

(The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 - 1968) The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika,'' London 1998).

Ndugu zangu na Bwana Jiwe,
Kwa kawaida watu huwa hawachangii makala ikiwekwa kwa Kiingereza.

Naweka hapa tafsiri kwa ujumla wake wa muktadha ili sote tufaidike:

''Jambo kubwa lililomkabili Abdulwahid na ile kamati ya siasa ilikuwa ni hadhi ya Tanganyika kama nchi ya udhamini chini ya Umoja wa Mataifa.

Abdulwahid alimuingiza katika TAA Political Subcommittee (Kamati TA Siasa YA TAA) Earle Seaton, mwanasheria kutoka Bermuda aliyekuwa akikaa Moshi ili aishauri kamati kuhusu mambo ya Sheria ya Katiba:

Tanganyika Kama Nchi Chini ya Udhamini wa Umoja wa Mataifa

Uingereza ilikuwa ikitawala Tanganyika chini ya kifungu 76 na 77 cha Mkataba wa Umoja wa Mataifa.

Kama mamlaka tawala Uingereza ilitarajiwa kuanzisha na kuendeleza maendeleo ya siasa, uchumi na ya kijamii ya Tanganyika hadi kufikia wakati ambao watu wake wangekuwa tayari kujitawala.

Lakini Waingereza walifanya khiyana na hawakutimiza ahadi hiyo. Walijihusisha na kulinda maslahi yao wenyewe ya kikoloni na yale ya watu weupe wachache na wakaendelea kuwapuuza Waafrika waliokuwa wengi na wenye nchi.

Labda kwa kuanua ngoma juani, Gavana Twining alikaribisha mapendekezo kutoka kwa watu mashuhuri, vyama vya ustawi wa jamii na Native Authorities,kutaka mapendekezo ya jinsi Tanganyika itakavyotawaliwa.

Kamati ya siasa ya TAA ilipeleka mapendekezo yake ambayo yalitiwa sahihi na wajumbe wote wa kamati ya siasa: Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdulwahid Sykes, Vedasto Kyaruzi, Hamza Mwapachu, John Rupia, Stephen Mhando na Said Chaurembo.Katika taarifa yake ya mwaka ya 1950 Abdulwahid aliandika:

''Kwa ajili ya maslahi ya Waafrika na kulinda maslahi ya chama hiki na yale ya jumuiya ya Waafrika kwa ujumla, chama kimeweka wakili atakayeshauri juu ya mambo ya sheria.

Wakili huyo ni Bwana E. E. Seaton wa Moshi. Mara kwa mara amekiandikia chama hiki juu ya masuala mbali mbali ya siasa, na kwa kiasi kikubwa ushauri wake umesaidia wakati chama hiki kilipokuwa kikitayarisha mapendekezo juu ya katiba.

Abdulwahid alitambua kuwa matatizo mengi kuhusu haki za Waafrika yalikuwa masuala ya kisheria ambayo yalihitaji ushauri wa wanasheria.

Kwa mara ya kwanza kwa msaada wa Seaton, TAA kilitoa hoja zake zilozotiwa nguvu na ukweli hoja na kwa tarakimu zilizoonyesha udhalimu ndani ya mfumo wa kikoloni ambao ulikuwa kinyume na Mkataba wa Umoja wa Mataifa.

Memorandum ya TAA kwa Constitutional Development Committee ambayo Pratt amesema iliandikwa kwa utaalamu wa hali ya juu na uongozi wa makao makuu ya Tanganyika African Association ilipendekeza kuwa ndani ya Baraza la Kutunga sheria. Waafrika watashika nusu ya viti kwa miaka kumi na mbili na baada ya hapo ipigwe kura kuwachagua wajumbe.

Gavana Twining iliyapuuza mapendekezo ya kamati ya TAA. Serikali iliendelea na mipango yake ya muda mrefu ya kuwaimarisha Wazungu na Waasia waliokuwa wachache na kuwasukuma kando Waafrika kinyume kabisa na Mkataba wa Umoja wa Mataifa kuhusu nchi zilizokuwa chini ya udhamini.

Waafrika wengi wenye elimu walionelea kuwa mapendekezo ya TAA ndiyo yangekuwa msingi wa katiba ya baadaye ya Tanganyika kama jamii ya watu wa rangi zote.

Lakini moyo wa mapendekezo yale ya TAA haukufa.

Mapendekezo yale yaliletwa tena katika mkutano wa kuanzishwa kwa TANU tarehe 7 Julai, 1954.

Mapendekezo hayo ndiyo baadaye yalitiwa katika hotuba ya Julius Nyerere aliyoisoma mbele ya Baraza la Udhamini la Umoja wa Mataifa, New York, mwezi wa Machi, 1955.

Baada ya mapendekezo ya TAA kukataliwa, uongozi wa TAA Makao Makuu ulielekeza nguvu zake zote katika kuimarisha matawi katika majimbo na kutafuta mawasiliano zaidi na Umoja wa Mataifa la kutaka kutambulikana.

Juhudi hizi zilizaa matunda kwa sababu Umoja wa Mataifa ulianza kuletea TAA taarifa na majarida kuhusu mambo mengi ya kamati zake tofauti.

Kwa bahati mbaya taarifa na majarida hayakuweza kuhifadhiwa makao makuu ili wanachama wasome kwa ajili ya ufinyu wa nafasi.

Baadhi ya vyumba vya makao makuu vilikuwa vimepangishwa kwa dobi mmoja Muasia. Wakati ule makao makuu ya TAA kulikuwa hakuna hata umeme.

Hizi zilikuwa nyakati ngumu kwa TAA.

Chama kilikuwa hakijimudu na kilikuwa kikiendesha shughuli zake kwa msaada wa fedha zilizotolewa na Rupia, akina Sykes, Dossa Aziz na wahisani wengine wachache.

Kufuatia mwamko huu wa chama, serikali ilishtuka na ikaanza kuingia hofu, ikaamua kumpa uhamisho Dr Kyaruzi, rais wa TAA, kutoka Dar es Salaam kwenda Hospitali ya Gereza la Kingolwira karibu na Morogoro.

Serikali ya kikoloni iliamini kwa kufanya hivyo itaweza kupunguza kasi ya TAA katika uwanja wa siasa.

Serikali ilidhani kwa kumtoa Dr Kyaruzi Dar es Salaam, jambo hilo lingedhoofisha uongozi wa TAA pale makao makuu. Lakini Dr Kyaruzi hakuzuiliwa na huo uhamisho.

Kila mwisho wa juma alisafiri Dar es Salaam kushauriana na Abdulwahid. Serikali ilipotambua kuwa uhamisho huo haukuathiri chochote katika mchango wa Dr Kyaruzi kwenye uongozi wa TAA, alihamishwa tena kutoka Kingolwira hadi Nzega mbali kabisa na Dar es Salaam.

Hapo ikawa Dr Kyaruzi amepatikana.

Mnamo tarehe 7 Januari, 1951 mkutano muhimu sana ulifanyika katika Ukumbi wa Arnatouglo Dar es Salaam.

Baada ya mwaka mmoja ofisini kama katibu, Abdulwahid aliwasilisha taarifa yake kwa mkutano mkuu.

Hii ilikuwa tofauti ukilinganisha na uongozi uliopita wa wazee.

Akiangalia nyuma mwaka wa 1950, Abdulwahid aliwataarifu wanachama kuwa mwaka huo ulikuwa mgumu kwa TAA vile vile.

Wanachama walijulishwa kuhusu mwanasheria kutoka Bermuda, Earle Seaton kama mshauri wa TAA wa sheria na mchango wake katika kutayarisha mapendekezo iliyowasilishwa kwa Gavana Twining.

Wanachama walijulishwa kuhusu kufufuliwa kwa matawi ya TAA, mawasiliano yake na Baraza la Udhamini la Umoja wa Mataifa na uhusiano ulioanzishwa na TAA na wajumbe Waafrika katika Baraza la Kutunga Sheria.

Abdulwahid aliwaeleza wanachama juu ya ziara yake ya Nairobi aliyofanya mwezi Oktoba, 1950, na kukutana kwake na Balozi wa India katika Afrika ya Mashariki.

Vilevile aliwaeleza kuhusu mshikamano ulioanzishwa kati ya TAA na KAU; na kutolewa nafasi za kusoma katika vyuo vikuu vya India na serikali ya nchi hiyo kwa Waafrika wa Tanganyika kwenda kusoma katika vyuo vikuu vya India.

Abdulwahid alieleza kwa ufupi juu ya kuundwa kwa African Parents Association kwa msaada wa Dr Raymond na European Parents Association.''

Haya ndiyo yaliyokuwapo mwaka wa 1950 wakikimbilia kuunda TANU 1954.
Haya hutoweza kuyapata kokote ila katika Nyaraza za Sykes.