JF Search: Where is Godfrey Mwakikagile?

Tunapendekeza kuwa labda uje na kuandika kitabu cha current Tanzania social problems za katika politics zetu na jinsi gani ya kuboresha mifumo yetu ya uongozi

Josh Michael,

Nimelifikiria jambo hilo kwa muda mrefu. Na bado liko mawazoni mwangu ingawa sijawahi kuandika kitabu hata kimoja. Pia tuwahimize ndugu zetu wengine Watanzania kuandika vitabu kuhusu siasa na matatizo ya nchi yetu.

Na nikiendelea kulifwatilia jambo hilo, ningependekeza kwa moderators kwamba labda mada hii ihamishwe na ipelekwe kwenye jukwaa la siasa kwa sababu ingawa ilianzishwa kuhusu Godfrey Mwakikagile kama mwandishi wa vitabu, tumejadili mambo mengi yanayohusu taifa letu kuliko yale yanayomhusu Mwakikagile binafsi.

Hata swali ulilouliza mwanzoni ulipoanzisha mada hii lilihusu vitabu vyake ambavyo vinahusu siasa na matatizo ya nchi yetu, na bara letu, na siyo maisha yake binafsi. Kwahiyo natumaini kwamba hata wewe, uliyeanzisha mada hii, utasaidia kufanya hivyo na kuwasiliana na moderators ili mada hii ihamishwe na iwekwe kwenye jukwaa la siasa.

Kwa sababu Godfrey Mwakikagile anaishi nje ya nchi yetu kama Watanzania wengi wengine, ambao jumla yao labda ni milioni mbili sasa, tukaanza kuzungumzia tatizo au suala la "brain drain." Pia tumejadili hapa, katika mada hii, maswala mengine yanayolihusu taifa letu ambayo yeye pia ameyajadili katika vitabu vyake; kwa mfano haja ya katiba mpya, matatizo ya muungano kati ya Tanganyika na Zanzibar; vyama vya upinzani na udhaifu wao na kwa nini ni lazima viungane na kuunda chama kimoja ikiwa viongozi wa vyama hivyo wanataka kusaidia kuleta mabadiliko nchini; pia tumezungumzia ufisadi, ukabila, ubaguzi wa rangi, serikali na sera zake, mazingira ya kisiasa na uchumi nchini, na mambo mengine. Mwakikagile pia ameandika kuhusu hayo yote katika vitabu vyake. Lakini siyo matatizo yake binafsi. Ni yetu sote. Ndiyo maana nimesema mada hii ihamishwe na ipelekwe kwenye jukwaa la siasa.

Mada hii inastahili kuwa kwenye jukwaa la siasa kwa sababu nyingine badala ya kuwa hapa kwenye celebrities forum.

Godfrey Mwakikagile siyo celebrity nchini Tanzania au kama wasanii wetu walio hapa nchini au kama viongozi wetu wa taifa. Hata yeye hajioni kama ni mtu maarufu, kama alivyosema katika maandishi yake na katika majibu yake alipohojiwa kuhusu vitabu vyake (angalia profile yake katika online encyclopaedia Wikipedia kuhusu interview hiyo). Pia nakumbuka katika kitabu chake, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," amesema he's just a simple African and wants to live a simple and quiet life as he always has.

Kwahiyo sidhani ni celebrity. Na hajioni kama ni celebrity ingawa labda kuna watu wanaomwona hivyo. Lakini hata kama kuna watu kama hao, ukweli ni kwamba ni watu wachache tu nchini Tanzania wanaomfahamu au waliomsikia Godfrey Mwakikagile kuwa ni mwandishi wa vitabu. Anajulikana au anafahamika kwa wanafunzi na ma professor na watu wengine katika nchi za nje kuliko hapa Tanzania. Mwandishi wa vitabu ambaye ni celebrity hapa nchini Tanzania ni Shaaban Robert. Kuna wengine, lakini Godfrey Mwakikagile siyo mmoja wao. Kwa mfano, jiulize swali hili: Anafahamika nchini Tanzania kama Faraji Katalambula au waandishi wengine wa Kitanzania?

Ni kweli ameandika vitabu, na ameandika vitabu vingi sana labda kuliko Watanzania wengine ambao pia wameandika vitabu.

Not only has Godfrey Mwakikagile written more books than any other Tanzanian; he also has more books in public and university libraries around the world than any other Tanzanian - and more than many professors, if not more than most professors, in the world have. Not all professors who write books have all their books accepted by university and public libraries the way Godfrey Mwakikagile's books have been accepted around the world. Every book Godfrey Mwakikagile has written is found in university libraries around the world. And not all professors have written as many books as Godfrey Mwakikagile has. So, in that sense, yes, he's a celebrity, of sorts, especially to some of those who have been able to find out what he has achieved as a writer of scholarly books and other titles of general interest to members of the general public.

Lakini siyo celebrity hapa nchini Tanzania kama Chinua Achebe au Wole Soyinka walivyo nchini kwao kule Nigeria na nchi za nje, au hata kama jirani yetu Ngugi wa Thiong'o alivyo nchini kwake Kenya na katika nchi zingine katika bara letu na nje ya bara hili.

Ni kwa sababu hizo ninapendekeza mada hii ihamishwe na labda iendelee kujadiliwa kwenye jukwaa la siasa. Na simaanishi tuendelee kumjadili Godfrey Mwakikagile bali maswala aliyoyajadili katika vitabu vyake na ambayo sisi pia tumeyajadili katika mada hii na ambayo yanalihusu taifa letu na matatizo yake ya siasa, uongozi, maendeleo na mambo mengine.

Pia napenda kuwajulisha wana Jamii Forum kwamba kuna update nyingine katika article ya Wikipedia online encyclopaedia iliyoandikwa kuhusu Godfrey Mwakikagile ambamo Professor Ali Mazrui amesema mengine kuhusu Mwalimu Nyerere. Pia katika Bibliography ya article hiyo, kuna vitabu vingine, nadhani viwili au vitatu, ambavyo Mwakikagile ameandika na ambavyo vimechapishwa mwaka huu wa 2009. Kutokana na Bibliography hiyo, vitabu vyake vya mwisho, kabla ya hivi vipya, vilishapishwa 2008.
 
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Asante sana ndugu yangu, Hakika umeonyesha moyo wa Uzalendo sana, Nimejaribu sana kuona suala ambalo umesema kuwa labda moderators wajaribu kuipeleka kule ili ipate support nyingi sana, Ndio maana nilikuja na maada ya yule Dada baada ya kuona kuwa siyo watu wengi wanaofatilia mambo muhimu sana katika Taifa, Then Taofa letu linakabiliwa sana na hali ya watu kutosoma vitabu na hali hii pia inakuwa inayeyusha akili zetu
 
Katika kitabu chake, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," Godfrey Mwakikagile ameandika mengi kuhusu maisha ya Mwalimu Nyerere tangu alipokuwa kijana mdogo katika shule ya msingi Mwisenge. Lakini aliyoandika siyo biography kamilifu ya Mwalimu kwa sababu kitabu hicho hakihusu maisha ya Mwalimu tu. Ameandika kuhusu mambo mengi ya bara lote, pamoja na Tanzania; kwa mfano, vita vya ukombozi katika nchi za Afrika kusini, matatizo ya Congo tangu enzi ya Lumumba, Biafra, mapinduzi ya Zanzibar, vita kati ya Tanzania na Uganda, uhusiano kati ya Nyerere na Nkrumah, na kadhalika.

Pia katika kitabu hicho amewataja watu watatu ambao amesema walikuwa wanaandika, au walikusudia kuandika, kitabu kuhusu maisha ya Mwalimu Nyerere. Watu hao ni marehemu Professor Haroub Othman, Professor Ahmed Mohiddin, na Ambassador Ferdinand Ruhinda.

Maswali yangu ni haya: Walimaliza kuandika kitabu hicho? Na kama bado hawajaandika, hao walio hai, baada ya Haroub Othman kutuondoka, wanakusudia kuandika biography ya Mwalimu Nyerere? Ahmed Mohiddin na Ferdinand Ruhinda wanasemaje kuhusu kitabu hicho ambacho bado hatujakiona?

Mnao weza kuwasiliana nao, waulizeni.
 
Marehemu Haroub Othman, Ahmed Mohiddin na Ferdinand Ruhinda hawakupata nafasi ya kukaa chini na Mwalimu Nyerere kuanza kuandika kitabu hicho.

Pia inaonekana Mwalimu hakuwa tayari au hakutaka kitabu kiandikwe wakati ule. Na inawezekana hakuwa na hamu ya kuona kitabu hicho kimeandikwa. Nasema hivyo kwa sababu Haroub Othman aliwahi kuzungumzia na kuandika kuhusu suala hilo.

Alisema kwamba alijaribu kwa muda mrefu kumshawishi Mwalimu Nyerere aandike autobigraphy lakini hakufanikiwa. Pia nadhani alieleza kwa nini Mwalimu hakutaka au kwa nini hakuwa tayari kuandika kitabu cha aina hiyo.

Lakini katika miaka yake ya mwisho maishani, bila shaka alikubali biography yake iandkiwe. Ndiyo maana kulikwa na mpango wa akina Haroub Othman, Ahmed Mohiddin na Ferdinad Ruhinda kuanza kuandika kitabu hicho. Lakini Mwalimu aliaga dunia kabla ya hapo.

Katika kitabu chake, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," Godfrey Mwakikagile ameandika kuhusu project hiyo.

Mwakikagile's book is not really a comprehensive biography of Mwalimu Nyerere. And it was never intended to be one as the author himself explains in his book. But it is a comprehensive work on Nyerere's political initiatives and achievements in a Pan-African context, although there are some people who see it as a comprehensive biography as well. As one Tanzanian, Geoffrey Ijumba, who reviewed Godfrey Mwakikagile's book, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," stated in his review of the first edition of this work on amazon.com on 8 October 2003:

''Mwalimu, the African Teacher':

Though JK never got to write his own biography this book surprisingly manages to capture that real person behind the mesmerising persona that mwalimu had.

Reading this book you get to know why exactly mwalimu identified himself with the marginalised poor, why mwalimu never had a bank account in Geneva! Why mwalimu supported the liberation movement, why mwalimu had to kick Iddi Amin out of Uganda!

It is due to mwalimu that Tanzania was regarded as a diplomatic heavy weight just thik of it---against which GDP?against which millitary might?'They even accused mwalimu of 'punching above the weight'!.Still the towering figure of mwalimu gracefully remained intact!

Mwalimu was the architect of people centred development a fact which got him into a war footing against the World Bank the IMF(they owe him an apology albeit a posthumous one!. The beauty of it all is that he won the intellectual agrument!

Mwalimu was a rare breed of an African leader, righteous, ethical and principled. This book is not only the story of his life but also a treatise on the science of leadership."

Another reviewer, Professor George Shire, Open University, UK/Zimbabwe, BBC commentator and Zimbabwe war veteran, also on amazon.com, described Godfrey Mwakikagile's book about Nyerere as - "Timely. I will certainly talk about it."

And Fumbuka Ng'wanakilala, staff writer, "Daily News", Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, had this to say about Godfrey Mwakikagile's book about Mwalimu Nyerere: "For a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the interior narrative of Mwalimu Nyerere, one needs not look elsewhere."

There are many other reviews of this book on the Internet. And they span the ideological spectrum. Even conservative reviewers see it as as a definitive work on Nyerere - his successes and failures - which the author did not write as a partisan. He wrote it as an objective appraisal of Nyerere, and not as Nyerere's Ted Sorensen, as someone claimed here on Jamii Forums, saying expecting a balanced account from Godfrey Mwakikagile about Nyerere would be the same as expecting Ted Sorensen to write a balanced account about the Kennedy Administration; and that the Mwakikagiles and Paul Sozigwas of this world can never be critical of Nyerere.

Well, read Mwakikagile's book about Nyerere yourself, and judge the work on its own merits and not on the basis of some preconceived notions about the author's political and ideological inclinations.

As a political biography, it's a highly commendable work. But it falls short of being a personal biography about Nyerere in terms of personal details, which was never Mwakikagile's intention, in the first place, to write such a book, as he clearly states in his work.

He also wrote the book when he was outside Tanzania and therefore he could not have written Nyerere's biography which included personal details because he never got the chance to sit down with Nyerere and ask him questions when he wrote the book; although he was in touch with a number of people in Tanzania, including some who were close to Nyerere, when he was writing the book.

It's now more than 10 years since Nyerere died. We have yet to see a biography about Nyerere written by Ferdinand Ruhinda and Ahmed Mohiddin (now that their colleague on the project, Haroub Othman, passed away) as it was originally conceived. As Godfrey Mwakikagile states in his book, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era" Fourth Edition, published in 2008:

"Equally important to the execution of this project is my publisher, without whom this book may not have been published when it was. But, like the rest of my works, it will have to be judged on its own merit by those who read it. They include members of the general public for whom it is also intended besides those in the academic community.

Although this work is partly biographical, that is not the main focus of my study. My emphasis is on Nyerere's policies in a Pan-African context and on his leadership in Tanzania and Africa as a whole. That is why I chose the title, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era", the first and in fact the only one I came up with. I was satisfied with it right away and thought that it was comprehensive enough to convey the scope of my work and cover every subject I have addressed in the book.

But the publisher of the first edition of this book in 2002 felt that it would also be appropriate to highlight the biographical aspect of my work - in fact an entire chapter is devoted to that - and added the subtitle, "Biography of Julius Kambarage Nyerere (1922 - 1999) President of Tanzania". I have deleted that subtitle from this edition.

And even if I wanted to, I would not have been able to handle the immense task of writing Nyerere's biography in a comprehensive way. That is a project which was supposed to be handled by a team of three renowned and highly capable Tanzanians who had access to all the vital sources of information, including President Nyerere himself, needed to write such a book.

They were former ambassador Ferdinand Ruhinda, editor of the "Daily News" in the seventies after I left the paper, and campaign manager for President Benjamin Mkapa, my former editor at the "Daily News" who helped me to go to school in the United States; Professor Haroub Othman; and Professor Ahmed Mohiddin. As Premy Kibanga stated in "Death Puts Nyerere Biography in Limbo" in "The East African", 26 October 1999:

'Tanzania's founder president and Father of the Nation, the late Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, died before his autobiography could begin.

Prof Ahmed Mohiddin, a former academician, told "The East African" that three people – himself, Prof Haroub Othman, now in Liberia, and former ambassador Ferdinand Ruhinda, one of Mwalimu's confidants – had earlier on approached the late Mwalimu to seek his consent.

'He had initially agreed, on that, and Prof Othman was to meet him on August 12, 1999 so that we could work out a strategy on how we were going to do it. I think he knew that his disease was fatal.'

Prof Mohiddin, who describes Mwalimu as 'the last revolutionary,' said 'it is sad that he has departed without it.'

Ambassador Ruhinda said in Dar: 'We were going to sit with him whenever he had time, and write his own words, and then he would go through the manuscript and correct it because we wanted it to be his own work. It is just bad that he has departed before the project could take off.'

He added: 'Actually, we were just going to assist him to write, but not for us to write for him; there are so many books that have been written about him that we wanted one by himself.'

The three writers, who had worked on a framework for the Nyerere autobiography, now have a daunting task ahead.

'We will have to reorganise ourselves and the work. But it will never be the same again,' Prof Mohiddin said.

This will now keep Tanzanians anxious to know whether there were any last words of wisdom from Nyerere. These will now be only attainable from his family, who were by his side during his sickness, especially his wife Mama Maria.'" - (Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era", Fourth Edition, 2008, pp. 11 - 12).

There are many people who knew Nyerere well, and some who were very close to him, who can write a comprehensive biography about him, far more detailed than what Godfrey Mwakikagile has written in his magnum opus, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era."

They include Joseph Butiku; Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim who has been described as one of Nyerere's political children and his heir apparent; Al Noor Kassum; Walter Bgoya, who worked closely with Nyerere and who will always be remembered for writing the Mogadishu Declaration, among other things, and for admiring Nyerere but also for acknowledging that Nyerere's regime was authoritarian; Joseph Warioba, Issa Shivji, Jenerali Ulimwengu, and others equally known for their incisive analysis as the ones I have named here.

I don't expect them to sing in unison, praising, glorifying or idolising Nyerere when such accolades are unwarranted. That would impeach their credibility and intellectual integrity. But there will be those who will, even if none of the above do. Hence the need for several - and even for many - biographies about Nyerere, and not just one.

Inawezekana, lakini baada ya miaka kumi tangu Mwalimu atuondoke, sitegemei Ferdinand Ruhinda na Ahmed Mohiddin wataandika kitabu walichokusudia kuandika pamoja na Haroub Othman kuhusu maisha ya Nyerere.

Anything is possible. I just don't think so. And I hope I'm wrong about that kwa sababu nina imani kitabu hicho kingeandikwa, kingekuwa ni muhimu sana. Lakini ikiwa hakitaandikwa na Ferdinand Ruhinda na Ahmed Mohiddin, wengine waandike vitabu vya aina hiyo kuhusu uongozi wa Baba wa Taifa na maisha yake.

Also, time may be running out for some who knew him so well. We just lost Simba wa Vita Mzee Kawawa. Wangapi wamebaki?
 
Shwari,
You are so right. I hear Ambassador Ruhinda is seriously sick and can hardly see or walk.
So the only one remaining among the three is Mohiddin. And without Mwalimu's words it would not be a complete work. But he still could try, with the help of Butiku, Salim, Bgoya and maybe Mwalimu's family. Yes, it is true Mwalimu never wanted to write his own biography. He thought of it as self glorification. He once told me he would leave that to the historians. But all in all I believe all the works out there on Mwalimu, we have a grasp of the essence of the man. What may be missing are the anecdotes and maybe the context and the mood behind some of the decisions he made and taking us through events as through Mwalimu's own eyes.
 
Wengine wanaoweza kuandika kitabu cha aina hiyo ni watoto wa Mwalimu Nyerere. Kuna watu ambao hawatakuwa na imani na kitabu hicho kwa sababu kitakuwa kimeandikwa na watoto wake kuhusu mzazi wao. But it's worth a try. Na watoto wa Mwalimu wanajua kitabu chao kitachambuliwa. Kwahiyo nina imani wataandika ukweli hata wangetaka kuficha au kupotosha ukweli kuhusu mambo mbali mbali.
 
Jasusi,

What has befallen Ruhinda is such a horrendous tragedy. I wish him quick recovery.

Mwalimu did, indeed, see autobiographical writing as self-glorification. And given his humble demeanour, and humble heart, it's understandable why he did not write or even start to write one. The most he could do was let others write about him even if they were to quote him verbatim as Ruhinda implied that's what they would do when he said they wanted the book to be in Mwalimu's own words.

You also have mentioned some of the people I have who could write such a book about Mwalimu Nyerere. I believe, as you do, that they can if they want to. I also believe it would be a comprehensive work, after completion, if they undertook the project.

You have also, like Bondeni, suggested Mwalimu's children participating in the project. I equally believe they would be an asset. They could even handle it themselves should they decide to do so because of the unfettered access they had to their father.

I also believe they can write very well. I have, many times, read Madaraka's columns in the "Daily News." He articulates his position very clearly. He has a flair for writing. He's a gifted writer like their father. And I believe he can easily write a biography about Mwalimu Nyerere if he wants to do so. So can his siblings. In fact, Godfrey Mwakikagile, who ruled himself out as Mwalimu's biographer although he's acknowledged as one by many people, has suggested or implied just as much in his book "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," about the role Mwalimu's children could play in such an undertaking, stating:

"Andrew Nyerere also told me that his sister Anna was compiling some information about their father; the kind of material I would never have been able to gather, the way Anna may end up doing, had I decided to write a biography of President Nyerere. She knew him both as a father and as a leader and is more qualified than I am to write such a book.

Although the first publisher added the sub-title, I have had full control over the entire content of my work including the main title itself. Therefore I am fully responsible for everything found in this humble analysis.

But, while I accept full responsibility for the mistakes which may be found in my work in terms of facts and analysis, I must also acknowledge that writing this kind of book is a collective enterprise, not a singular effort by the author alone. We are mere mortals, with frailties, and are able to see far only because we stand on the shoulders of others. And the more we scan the horizon, the more we realize how little we know." - (Godfrey Mwakikagile, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," Fourth Edition, 2008, p. 13).
 
Lakini watu wengine ambao wangeweza kusaidia ni wale personal assistants wake, state house housekeepers, body guards na other people from his office during that time. Ingawa kama ni kuandikwa inabidi ifanywe haraka sana maana wengi wao ni wagonjwa, ni masikini sana, ni wazee sana, na wamefuliaaaa big time, ifanywe haraka kabla hawajafa.

Watoto wake wanaweza kusaidia kwa kiwango kidogo sanaaaa, kwani during the time the kids were small growing, not interested in politics, na mwalimu was very busy na uhuru wa nchi kuliko familiya yake. Infact mama Maria Nyerere can help to a great deal. Ana pia watoto wa ndugu zake kama vile Subira Nyerere Wandiba she was a grown up that time na alikuwa na akili sana kuliko hata hao watoto wa mwalimu wa kuzaa.
Kwa hiyo kama nikuandikwa muandikaji aandike haraka.
 
Lakini watu wengine ambao wangeweza kusaidia ni wale personal assistants wake, state house housekeepers, body guards na other people from his office during that time. Ingawa kama ni kuandikwa inabidi ifanywe haraka sana maana wengi wao ni wagonjwa, ni masikini sana, ni wazee sana, na wamefuliaaaa big time, ifanywe haraka kabla hawajafa.

Watoto wake wanaweza kusaidia kwa kiwango kidogo sanaaaa, kwani during the time the kids were small growing, not interested in politics, na mwalimu was very busy na uhuru wa nchi kuliko familiya yake. Infact mama Maria Nyerere can help to a great deal. Ana pia watoto wa ndugu zake kama vile Subira Nyerere Wandiba she was a grown up that time na alikuwa na akili sana kuliko hata hao watoto wa mwalimu wa kuzaa.
Kwa hiyo kama nikuandikwa muandikaji aandike haraka.

Irizar,

Unaweza kuwasiliana na Subira Nyerere Wandiba, au unamfahamu mtu yeyote anayeweza kuzungumza naye ili aone kama anaweza kuwaambia watu waliokuwa karibu sana na Mwalimu Nyerere kwamba ni jambo la muhimu kuanza kushirikiana sasa kuandika kitabu hicho?

Kama ulivyosema, ni wazee sana siku hizi. Kwahiyo itakuwa ni muhimu kitabu hicho kiandikwe upesi. Ni kweli watoto wa Mwalimu walikuwa ni wadogo sana miaka ile ya nyuma. Kwa sababu ya umri wao, hawakujua mambo mengi ya siasa na uongozi wa baba yao. Ndiyo maana tunawahitaji watu uliowataja washirikiane kuandika kitabu kuhusu Mwalimu Nyerere.

Lakini watoto wa Mwalimu wanaweza kusaidia kuhusu maisha ya baba yao walivyokuja kumfahamu kama vijana wakubwa kuanzia miaka ya 1970s, na ambao walikuwa karibu ni watu wazima miaka ya 1980s hadi alipofariki. Kwa mfano, Andrew Nyerere na dada yake Anna ambao walizaliwa miaka ya mwanzoni ya 1950s, nadhani kati ya 1953 na 1954 ikiwa nakumbuka vizuri kama nilivyosoma kuhusu umri wao.

Wazee wetu wengi watazikwa na historia ya nchi yetu ikiwa hawataandika vitabu sasa. Wengi wao watatutangulia karibuni kwenda huko ambako sote tutakwenda. Hatuishi milele katika maisha haya. Kwahiyo ni muhimu kuandika vitabu hivyo sasa bila kuchelewa.

Vitabu vya waandishi kama Godfrey Mwakikagile vinasaidia kueleza na kufafanua mambo mengi ya siasa na ungozi wa taifa letu, na bara letu. Lakini kama ulivyosema, tunahitaji personal assistants, na watu wengine waliokuwa ofisini na Mwalimu na viongozi wengine karibu kila siku, kuandika vitabu vinavyoweza kutueleza kwa undani nini kilifanyika na nini kilitokea, na kwa sababu gani, walipokuwa wanafanya kazi na viongozi hao.
 
It is clear that Nyerere did not want to write his autobiography.

Another treasure trove and one of Nyerere's political children, Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, has also refused to write a book about his life and work.

In an interview with Dr. Kwame Nkrumah's eldest son, Gamal Nkrumah, who is one of the editors of "Al Ahram," Egypt's leading newspaper, Dr. Salim said he was not interested in writing such a book. When he was asked if it was time to write his memoirs, he said: "Far from it. I do want to write, but not my memoirs."

Here's an excerpt from the article in "Al Ahram" about the interview: is it time for him to jot down his memoirs? 'Far from it,' he dismisses the idea outright. 'I do want to write, but not my memoirs. The problem with memoirs is that people talk to me in confidence about sensitive issues, including what are deemed top state secrets. I cannot betray their trust,' he explained. 'Moreover, I will inevitably annoy, even anger, many people if I do so. Prickly events are still fresh in people's minds, others ongoing. Many distinguished personalities in Africa and abroad might feel embarrassed if I write freely and honestly about my experiences working with them or about the roles they played in the often turbulent and controversial developments that swept the continent in the past decade. Too many feathers will be ruffled at this particular historical juncture,' the outgoing OAU secretary-general chuckled."

There are many people here in Tanzania who would like to see Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim write such a book as much as they would have liked to see Nyerere write one. But he has ruled that out. He said it won't happen.

And that's when unauthorised biographers should come into the picture. If they have enough material, verified, to write about the political careers of prominent personalities like Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim who is a leader of international stature, they should do so.

I don't consider Godfrey Mwakikagile's book, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," to be an unauthorised biography of Nyerere since that's not the main thrust of his study. It's also highly documented from readily available sources about Nyerere and has not relied on primary sources to get inside knowledge about Nyerere as biographers, authorised and unauthorised, normally do.

But there is still an imperative need for biographers, whether authorised or not, to write books about prominent national leaders because if nobody does that, we will be deprived of a very important part of our history.

The prominence of Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim as a leader of continental and international stature, let alone as a prominent national leader in the Tanzanian context, and about whom a biography should be written, is clearly demonstrated by what Gamal Nkrumah wrote in "Al Ahram." The full text is reprinted here:

Ambassador at 22; OAU secretary-general for an unprecedented three four-year terms; there is hardly a post, save president, that he has not held in his native Tanzania. He served as minister of defence, foreign minister and prime minister, included. In an exclusive interview Salim Ahmed Salim shares some of the highlights of his astounding career with Gamal Nkrumah.

Nothing succeeds like success. And by African continental standards his illustrious career has been one of constructive achievement, soaring to dizzying heights. "I feel very privileged. I've had an exceptionally full and fulfilling life," says Salim Ahmed Salim, the outgoing secretary-general of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). He owes it all to his mentor, the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, whom Salim holds in high esteem. Indeed, Salim was hand-picked by Nyerere who spotted his exceptional leadership talents when the teenage Salim was a secondary school student.

Currently, Salim is the chairman of the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Foundation, a non-profit charitable organisation established by Nyerere himself. The early contact with Nyerere, one of the most internationally acclaimed and influential of the OAU founding fathers, was a defining moment in Salim's life. Salim sees himself as a disciple of Nyerere, and would like to carry on with the work of the late Tanzanian statesman. Salim hopes to devote more time to the fund-raising activities of the Foundation to help facilitate the realisation of its many projects in Tanzania and across Africa. He steps down as OAU secretary- general in September, and would consecrate the next couple of years at least to the Foundation.

An enthusiast for African development, Salim sees his leaving office as a chance to work at different levels and in a less official capacity for the social, political and economic development of Africa. "I would like to keep abreast of developments in Africa. I would like to remain in the service of Africa," he explains. Like Nyerere, Salim is a socialist at heart. "I am all for market liberalisation. But when income differentials are very great, crisis ensues. State intervention is crucial to ensure the welfare of the most vulnerable segments of society."

Will his spellbinding career wind down after he leaves office. "This is a time to reflect, to recollect," Salim says. The Nyerere Foundation is the perfect means for reaching out to non- governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society at large without breaking his old ties with Africa's political establishment. One difficulty Salim encountered as OAU secretary-general was working more closely at grassroot level. The Pan- African body was too much of a presidents' club. Salim worked at constructive non-partisan relations with African leaders of different political and ideological hues. He cleverly used his diplomatic skills and contacts to build a consensus at the OAU.

Africa has come a long way, Salim insists. Barely a decade ago, South Africa was still in the throes of the apartheid system. Most African states at the time were ruled by military juntas or quasi-military dictatorships. "We have seen the total eradication of colonialism as well as institutionalised racism," Salim pointed out. "The signing and coming into force of the Abuja Treaty establishing the African Economic Community was a manifestation of a determination to advance our collective destiny, and a reaffirmation of a strong faith in each other. It marked a resolute effort aimed at fostering closer co-operation and integration among the peoples of our continent," Salim extrapolated.

The outgoing OAU secretary-general is especially proud of what he terms "our [Pan- African] determined effort and success in maintaining the relevance of our organisation internationally." Salim insists that it took considerable courage and dogged persistence to achieve. "This [success] was not by coincidence or happenstance," he explained. "Our credibility and legitimacy have come as a result of the seriousness with which we have approached the affairs of our continental organisation. Increasingly our member states in particular, and the people of our continent in general, are according great importance and extending profound goodwill to our collective undertakings."

In 1964, and at the remarkably youthful age of 22, Salim was appointed his country's ambassador to what was then the United Arab Republic. In Cairo he worked closely with the numerous representatives of the African liberation movements and he has fond memories of the African Society, 5 Ahmed Hishmat, Zamalek, where offices of the various African liberation movements were housed. This was Salim's first introduction to a coterie of African revolutionary characters who were to become the presidents and ministers he worked closely with two decades later. "Cairo has always been home to me," he says.

His tenure as ambassador to Egypt was short-lived. In 1965 he was appointed ambassador to India. His sojourn in Egypt was jam- packed with fruitful endeavours.

From Egypt, he was transferred to India where he spent four of the most rewarding years of his life. In India he met yet another set of African diplomats and dignitaries and he found time to complete his graduate studies as well. China was next. At this point, his diplomatic career looked like it was soaring from one height to the next, always spiralling upwards. After a stint at the United Nations in New York, Salim was appointed minister of foreign affairs. A number of senior cabinet posts followed, including minister of defense and prime minister.

However, the most significant day of his life, one which dramatically altered the course of his career, was when on 27 July 1989 Salim was elected secretary-general of the OAU. "I was elected at the 1989 OAU summit under the chairmanship of President Hosni Mubarak. Salim was re-elected as secretary-general of the OAU in 1993, "interestingly enough once again under the chairmanship of President Mubarak, who I consider as one of the strong pillars of the OAU."

The phone rings incessantly, interrupting our conversation. He frowns in irritation, but is always gracious and convivial when speaking on the phone. It was well past midnight and he had a plane to catch back to Addis Ababa in two hours. Frequent flying is one of the more exhausting aspects of the job. Travelling around Africa, even in presidential jets, business and first-class luxury was never easy.

"I have kept a travel log, and I have made over 1,000 air trips, mainly travelling in Africa. It has been a tremendous educational and humbling experience as I witness the vastness and rich diversity of Africa. But it has been an exhausting experience as well. I have visited every single country on the continent save two -- Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tome.

Salim moves deftly for a man of his vast bulk. In sharp contrast, his beautiful wife Amne, a compatriot of his, has kept a delightfully trim figure. They have three children whom Salim is very proud of. He says that his kids have not been adversely affected by his being constantly on the move. He son Ali is a successful surgeon; his daughter Maryam, a law graduate with a masters in public administration from Johns Hopkins University, is a World Bank employee. Their younger sibling Ahmed is still at secondary school.

Salim's educational experience was entirely different from his children's. He was educated in India, where, as a young ambassador, he did his undergraduate studies at the University of Delhi (1965-6 and the United States. He holds a masters degree in international relations from Columbia University, New York, which he received in 1974. Moreover, Salim proudly holds six honorary doctorates from the University of the Philippines (1980), the University of Maiduguri, Nigeria (1983), the University of Mauritius (1991), the University of Bologna, Italy, (1996) and most recently from the University of Cape Town, South Africa (199.

Salim came to national Tanzanian, regional and international attention when he was in his twenties. He was director of the Africa and Middle East Division at the Tanzanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs before being posted in 1969 as ambassador to the People's Republic of China. In 1970 Salim was appointed Tanzania's permanent representative to the United Nations in New York. During his time at the UN Salim was concurrently accredited to Cuba and a number of smaller Caribbean islands including Jamaica.

When only in his mid thirties, Salim was elected president of the UN Security Council in January 1976 and proceeded to serve as president of the 34th Session of the UN General Assembly in September 1979. Salim was president of the International Conference Against Apartheid in 1984. Between 1971 and 1979 he chaired the UN Special Committee on Decolonisation, a period which coincided with the attainment by numerous colonies in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific regions of full sovereignty and independence.

Salim was deeply involved in national Tanzania politics before his appointment as OAU secretary-general. He held several key positions in the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), Tanzania's ruling party, serving as central committee member and member of the CCM National Executive Committee from 1982 to 1989 while simultaneously serving as the party's secretary for foreign affairs. From 1984 to 1987 as secretary of the CCM National Defense and Security Commission.

So is it time for him to jot down his memoirs? "Far from it," he dismisses the idea outright. "I do want to write, but not my memoirs. The problem with memoirs is that people talk to me in confidence about sensitive issues, including what are deemed top state secrets. I cannot betray their trust," he explained. "Moreover, I will inevitably annoy, even anger, many people if I do so. Prickly events are still fresh in people's minds, others ongoing. Many distinguished personalities in Africa and abroad might feel embarrassed if I write freely and honestly about my experiences working with them or about the roles they played in the often turbulent and controversial developments that swept the continent in the past decade. Too many feathers will be ruffled at this particular historical juncture," the outgoing OAU secretary-general chuckled.

Now the burning question. Was Salim denied a fourth term in office against his will? Is there truth in the rumours flying about Lusaka that some African leaders conspired to push Salim away from the helm? Salim dismissed any such suggestions. "These rumours have no basis whatsoever. I made my decision early last year to step down.

In Lusaka, some African leaders wanted Salim to stay on for another year, the transitional period, until the OAU officially becomes the AU. But Salim politely declined the kind offer. "What can I do in one year, that I could not have done in 12," he explained. "Also one must always know when to leave."

"All the talk about my being pushed out is nonsense. If I was interested in seeking another term for re-election I would have done so. Many African leaders urged me to do just that. But, I believe it is time to infuse fresh blood into the organisation. Only under one condition would I have changed my mind, that is if there was total agreement and consensus among the continent's leaders that I had to stay." We left it at that.

So is Salim angling for a political position back home? But as an afterthought, I wondered where home would be for the outgoing secretary-general. "Before I was elected OAU secretary-general, I was Tanzanian first. Today I would say I am African first. I see no contradiction between my triple identities -- African, Tanzanian and Zanzibari."

Salim was born and bred in the Indian Ocean island of Zanzibar, off the East African coast, at a time when it still had close links to the Sultanate of Oman. At the time of his birth in 1942, the official residence of the Sultan of Oman was located in Zanzibar. It was a time of great social upheaval, and the seeds of revolution were sown. An extremely violent revolution did erupt in the fifties. Those of the Arab ruling elite whose lives were spared fled the island. The African majority, many of whom were enslaved for centuries, rose up to usurp power. They were supported, at least morally if not materially and militarily, by the mainland Africans. In due course, Zanzibar merged with mainland Tanganyika to form the United Republic of Tanzania. These turbulent events provided the dramatic backdrop against which Salim was raised, and they shaped his character and the political opinions of his formative years. They left an indelible mark on his psyche, and an insatiable appetite for politics and history.

"As a student of history I recall that not many had given the OAU much of a chance of surviving the turbulence that went with the efforts to consolidate the gains of the post-independence era of African politics. It was a period during which our aspiration for greater unity and cohesion in Africa was repeatedly threatened, in spite of the strong vision of a united continent that many founding fathers of the OAU advocated and defended jealously. They refused to be intimidated by the daunting nature of the challenges that confronted them."

There were some harrowing moments for Salim as OAU secretary-general. The worst, he recalls was when inspecting the mass graves of victims of the Rwandan massacres. Another terrible incident was when on a visit to Sierra Leone he was introduced to a little girl, Maimouna, who had her ears, hands and legs chopped off when still a suckling infant. He cannot understand what motivates some people to commit such atrocities. The world watched in paralysed horror at the senseless and sanguinary violence that engulfed broad swathes of the African continent.

The most exhilarating moment of his years in office is when former South African President Nelson Mandela was released from prison and when he was elected president of a democratic, non-racially segregated South Africa, in a landslide victory. Another inspiring moment was when the African Union was proclaimed in Sirte, Libya earlier this year and again in Lusaka.

"Today I appeal to you, the successor generation of leaders and champions of our new Pan- African quest, to once again find that innermost strength to move our continent to a new level of unity, which irrespective of country, race, creed, ethnicity and religion, can galvanize our people for action," Salim said at the opening session of the 37th OAU summit in Lusaka.

It was his last address at an OAU summit as the Pan-African body's secretary-general. And he delivered a powerful speech, certainly the most poignant of his long and distinguished career.

"The Constituent Act [of AU] provides the political and institutional underpinnings of our desired union in terms of the basic framework. Now that we are embarking on establishing the structures of the African Union, it is imperative that further guidelines be developed with a view to identifying the modalities. This is to ensure that the enhanced unity we have committed ourselves to forge is fully and effectively embedded into the organs and institutions which we are about to establish," he told the assembled African leaders in Lusaka.

More easily said than done? No, he is optimistic by nature. In spite of the many raging conflicts in Africa he sees a silver lining lacing the darkening clouds gathering over the continent's trouble spots. Democracy is taking root in many African countries and there is a heightened awareness of the sanctity of human rights, a greater role played by civil society and the proliferation of non-governmental organisations even as economic conditions worsen in many parts of the continent.

"This is a time of tremendous opportunity for Africa. We must make great capital of this sense of hope and possibility, as a foundation upon which we can secure and construct the future of our continent. There is, I believe, a coincidence of great opportunity and propitious time, we need to seize both the moment and the opportunity." - (Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim interviewed by Gamal Nkrumah, "Al Ahram Weekly," Special/High flyer, Issue No. 543, Cairo, Egypt, 19 - 25 July 2001).
 
It is clear that Nyerere did not want to write his autobiography.

Another treasure trove and one of Nyerere's political children, Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, has also refused to write a book about his life and work.

In an interview with Dr. Kwame Nkrumah's eldest son, Gamal Nkrumah, who is one of the editors of "Al Ahram," Egypt's leading newspaper, Dr. Salim said he was not interested in writing such a book. When he was asked if it was time to write his memoirs, he said: "Far from it. I do want to write, but not my memoirs."

Here's an excerpt from the article in "Al Ahram" about the interview: is it time for him to jot down his memoirs? 'Far from it,' he dismisses the idea outright. 'I do want to write, but not my memoirs. The problem with memoirs is that people talk to me in confidence about sensitive issues, including what are deemed top state secrets. I cannot betray their trust,' he explained. 'Moreover, I will inevitably annoy, even anger, many people if I do so. Prickly events are still fresh in people's minds, others ongoing. Many distinguished personalities in Africa and abroad might feel embarrassed if I write freely and honestly about my experiences working with them or about the roles they played in the often turbulent and controversial developments that swept the continent in the past decade. Too many feathers will be ruffled at this particular historical juncture,' the outgoing OAU secretary-general chuckled."

There are many people here in Tanzania who would like to see Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim write such a book as much as they would have liked to see Nyerere write one. But he has ruled that out. He said it won't happen.

And that's when unauthorised biographers should come into the picture. If they have enough material, verified, to write about the political careers of prominent personalities like Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim who is a leader of international stature, they should do so.

I don't consider Godfrey Mwakikagile's book, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," to be an unauthorised biography of Nyerere since that's not the main thrust of his study. It's also highly documented from readily available sources about Nyerere and has not relied on primary sources to get inside knowledge about Nyerere as biographers, authorised and unauthorised, normally do.

But there is still an imperative need for biographers, whether authorised or not, to write books about prominent national leaders because if nobody does that, we will be deprived of a very important part of our history.

The prominence of Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim as a leader of continental and international stature, let alone as a prominent national leader in the Tanzanian context, and about whom a biography should be written, is clearly demonstrated by what Gamal Nkrumah wrote in "Al Ahram." The full text is reprinted here:

Ambassador at 22; OAU secretary-general for an unprecedented three four-year terms; there is hardly a post, save president, that he has not held in his native Tanzania. He served as minister of defence, foreign minister and prime minister, included. In an exclusive interview Salim Ahmed Salim shares some of the highlights of his astounding career with Gamal Nkrumah.

Nothing succeeds like success. And by African continental standards his illustrious career has been one of constructive achievement, soaring to dizzying heights. "I feel very privileged. I've had an exceptionally full and fulfilling life," says Salim Ahmed Salim, the outgoing secretary-general of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). He owes it all to his mentor, the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, whom Salim holds in high esteem. Indeed, Salim was hand-picked by Nyerere who spotted his exceptional leadership talents when the teenage Salim was a secondary school student.

Currently, Salim is the chairman of the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Foundation, a non-profit charitable organisation established by Nyerere himself. The early contact with Nyerere, one of the most internationally acclaimed and influential of the OAU founding fathers, was a defining moment in Salim's life. Salim sees himself as a disciple of Nyerere, and would like to carry on with the work of the late Tanzanian statesman. Salim hopes to devote more time to the fund-raising activities of the Foundation to help facilitate the realisation of its many projects in Tanzania and across Africa. He steps down as OAU secretary- general in September, and would consecrate the next couple of years at least to the Foundation.

An enthusiast for African development, Salim sees his leaving office as a chance to work at different levels and in a less official capacity for the social, political and economic development of Africa. "I would like to keep abreast of developments in Africa. I would like to remain in the service of Africa," he explains. Like Nyerere, Salim is a socialist at heart. "I am all for market liberalisation. But when income differentials are very great, crisis ensues. State intervention is crucial to ensure the welfare of the most vulnerable segments of society."

Will his spellbinding career wind down after he leaves office. "This is a time to reflect, to recollect," Salim says. The Nyerere Foundation is the perfect means for reaching out to non- governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society at large without breaking his old ties with Africa's political establishment. One difficulty Salim encountered as OAU secretary-general was working more closely at grassroot level. The Pan- African body was too much of a presidents' club. Salim worked at constructive non-partisan relations with African leaders of different political and ideological hues. He cleverly used his diplomatic skills and contacts to build a consensus at the OAU.

Africa has come a long way, Salim insists. Barely a decade ago, South Africa was still in the throes of the apartheid system. Most African states at the time were ruled by military juntas or quasi-military dictatorships. "We have seen the total eradication of colonialism as well as institutionalised racism," Salim pointed out. "The signing and coming into force of the Abuja Treaty establishing the African Economic Community was a manifestation of a determination to advance our collective destiny, and a reaffirmation of a strong faith in each other. It marked a resolute effort aimed at fostering closer co-operation and integration among the peoples of our continent," Salim extrapolated.

The outgoing OAU secretary-general is especially proud of what he terms "our [Pan- African] determined effort and success in maintaining the relevance of our organisation internationally." Salim insists that it took considerable courage and dogged persistence to achieve. "This [success] was not by coincidence or happenstance," he explained. "Our credibility and legitimacy have come as a result of the seriousness with which we have approached the affairs of our continental organisation. Increasingly our member states in particular, and the people of our continent in general, are according great importance and extending profound goodwill to our collective undertakings."

In 1964, and at the remarkably youthful age of 22, Salim was appointed his country's ambassador to what was then the United Arab Republic. In Cairo he worked closely with the numerous representatives of the African liberation movements and he has fond memories of the African Society, 5 Ahmed Hishmat, Zamalek, where offices of the various African liberation movements were housed. This was Salim's first introduction to a coterie of African revolutionary characters who were to become the presidents and ministers he worked closely with two decades later. "Cairo has always been home to me," he says.

His tenure as ambassador to Egypt was short-lived. In 1965 he was appointed ambassador to India. His sojourn in Egypt was jam- packed with fruitful endeavours.

From Egypt, he was transferred to India where he spent four of the most rewarding years of his life. In India he met yet another set of African diplomats and dignitaries and he found time to complete his graduate studies as well. China was next. At this point, his diplomatic career looked like it was soaring from one height to the next, always spiralling upwards. After a stint at the United Nations in New York, Salim was appointed minister of foreign affairs. A number of senior cabinet posts followed, including minister of defense and prime minister.

However, the most significant day of his life, one which dramatically altered the course of his career, was when on 27 July 1989 Salim was elected secretary-general of the OAU. "I was elected at the 1989 OAU summit under the chairmanship of President Hosni Mubarak. Salim was re-elected as secretary-general of the OAU in 1993, "interestingly enough once again under the chairmanship of President Mubarak, who I consider as one of the strong pillars of the OAU."

The phone rings incessantly, interrupting our conversation. He frowns in irritation, but is always gracious and convivial when speaking on the phone. It was well past midnight and he had a plane to catch back to Addis Ababa in two hours. Frequent flying is one of the more exhausting aspects of the job. Travelling around Africa, even in presidential jets, business and first-class luxury was never easy.

"I have kept a travel log, and I have made over 1,000 air trips, mainly travelling in Africa. It has been a tremendous educational and humbling experience as I witness the vastness and rich diversity of Africa. But it has been an exhausting experience as well. I have visited every single country on the continent save two -- Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tome.

Salim moves deftly for a man of his vast bulk. In sharp contrast, his beautiful wife Amne, a compatriot of his, has kept a delightfully trim figure. They have three children whom Salim is very proud of. He says that his kids have not been adversely affected by his being constantly on the move. He son Ali is a successful surgeon; his daughter Maryam, a law graduate with a masters in public administration from Johns Hopkins University, is a World Bank employee. Their younger sibling Ahmed is still at secondary school.

Salim's educational experience was entirely different from his children's. He was educated in India, where, as a young ambassador, he did his undergraduate studies at the University of Delhi (1965-6 and the United States. He holds a masters degree in international relations from Columbia University, New York, which he received in 1974. Moreover, Salim proudly holds six honorary doctorates from the University of the Philippines (1980), the University of Maiduguri, Nigeria (1983), the University of Mauritius (1991), the University of Bologna, Italy, (1996) and most recently from the University of Cape Town, South Africa (199.

Salim came to national Tanzanian, regional and international attention when he was in his twenties. He was director of the Africa and Middle East Division at the Tanzanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs before being posted in 1969 as ambassador to the People's Republic of China. In 1970 Salim was appointed Tanzania's permanent representative to the United Nations in New York. During his time at the UN Salim was concurrently accredited to Cuba and a number of smaller Caribbean islands including Jamaica.

When only in his mid thirties, Salim was elected president of the UN Security Council in January 1976 and proceeded to serve as president of the 34th Session of the UN General Assembly in September 1979. Salim was president of the International Conference Against Apartheid in 1984. Between 1971 and 1979 he chaired the UN Special Committee on Decolonisation, a period which coincided with the attainment by numerous colonies in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific regions of full sovereignty and independence.

Salim was deeply involved in national Tanzania politics before his appointment as OAU secretary-general. He held several key positions in the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), Tanzania's ruling party, serving as central committee member and member of the CCM National Executive Committee from 1982 to 1989 while simultaneously serving as the party's secretary for foreign affairs. From 1984 to 1987 as secretary of the CCM National Defense and Security Commission.

So is it time for him to jot down his memoirs? "Far from it," he dismisses the idea outright. "I do want to write, but not my memoirs. The problem with memoirs is that people talk to me in confidence about sensitive issues, including what are deemed top state secrets. I cannot betray their trust," he explained. "Moreover, I will inevitably annoy, even anger, many people if I do so. Prickly events are still fresh in people's minds, others ongoing. Many distinguished personalities in Africa and abroad might feel embarrassed if I write freely and honestly about my experiences working with them or about the roles they played in the often turbulent and controversial developments that swept the continent in the past decade. Too many feathers will be ruffled at this particular historical juncture," the outgoing OAU secretary-general chuckled.

Now the burning question. Was Salim denied a fourth term in office against his will? Is there truth in the rumours flying about Lusaka that some African leaders conspired to push Salim away from the helm? Salim dismissed any such suggestions. "These rumours have no basis whatsoever. I made my decision early last year to step down.

In Lusaka, some African leaders wanted Salim to stay on for another year, the transitional period, until the OAU officially becomes the AU. But Salim politely declined the kind offer. "What can I do in one year, that I could not have done in 12," he explained. "Also one must always know when to leave."

"All the talk about my being pushed out is nonsense. If I was interested in seeking another term for re-election I would have done so. Many African leaders urged me to do just that. But, I believe it is time to infuse fresh blood into the organisation. Only under one condition would I have changed my mind, that is if there was total agreement and consensus among the continent's leaders that I had to stay." We left it at that.

So is Salim angling for a political position back home? But as an afterthought, I wondered where home would be for the outgoing secretary-general. "Before I was elected OAU secretary-general, I was Tanzanian first. Today I would say I am African first. I see no contradiction between my triple identities -- African, Tanzanian and Zanzibari."

Salim was born and bred in the Indian Ocean island of Zanzibar, off the East African coast, at a time when it still had close links to the Sultanate of Oman. At the time of his birth in 1942, the official residence of the Sultan of Oman was located in Zanzibar. It was a time of great social upheaval, and the seeds of revolution were sown. An extremely violent revolution did erupt in the fifties. Those of the Arab ruling elite whose lives were spared fled the island. The African majority, many of whom were enslaved for centuries, rose up to usurp power. They were supported, at least morally if not materially and militarily, by the mainland Africans. In due course, Zanzibar merged with mainland Tanganyika to form the United Republic of Tanzania. These turbulent events provided the dramatic backdrop against which Salim was raised, and they shaped his character and the political opinions of his formative years. They left an indelible mark on his psyche, and an insatiable appetite for politics and history.

"As a student of history I recall that not many had given the OAU much of a chance of surviving the turbulence that went with the efforts to consolidate the gains of the post-independence era of African politics. It was a period during which our aspiration for greater unity and cohesion in Africa was repeatedly threatened, in spite of the strong vision of a united continent that many founding fathers of the OAU advocated and defended jealously. They refused to be intimidated by the daunting nature of the challenges that confronted them."

There were some harrowing moments for Salim as OAU secretary-general. The worst, he recalls was when inspecting the mass graves of victims of the Rwandan massacres. Another terrible incident was when on a visit to Sierra Leone he was introduced to a little girl, Maimouna, who had her ears, hands and legs chopped off when still a suckling infant. He cannot understand what motivates some people to commit such atrocities. The world watched in paralysed horror at the senseless and sanguinary violence that engulfed broad swathes of the African continent.

The most exhilarating moment of his years in office is when former South African President Nelson Mandela was released from prison and when he was elected president of a democratic, non-racially segregated South Africa, in a landslide victory. Another inspiring moment was when the African Union was proclaimed in Sirte, Libya earlier this year and again in Lusaka.

"Today I appeal to you, the successor generation of leaders and champions of our new Pan- African quest, to once again find that innermost strength to move our continent to a new level of unity, which irrespective of country, race, creed, ethnicity and religion, can galvanize our people for action," Salim said at the opening session of the 37th OAU summit in Lusaka.

It was his last address at an OAU summit as the Pan-African body's secretary-general. And he delivered a powerful speech, certainly the most poignant of his long and distinguished career.

"The Constituent Act [of AU] provides the political and institutional underpinnings of our desired union in terms of the basic framework. Now that we are embarking on establishing the structures of the African Union, it is imperative that further guidelines be developed with a view to identifying the modalities. This is to ensure that the enhanced unity we have committed ourselves to forge is fully and effectively embedded into the organs and institutions which we are about to establish," he told the assembled African leaders in Lusaka.

More easily said than done? No, he is optimistic by nature. In spite of the many raging conflicts in Africa he sees a silver lining lacing the darkening clouds gathering over the continent's trouble spots. Democracy is taking root in many African countries and there is a heightened awareness of the sanctity of human rights, a greater role played by civil society and the proliferation of non-governmental organisations even as economic conditions worsen in many parts of the continent.

"This is a time of tremendous opportunity for Africa. We must make great capital of this sense of hope and possibility, as a foundation upon which we can secure and construct the future of our continent. There is, I believe, a coincidence of great opportunity and propitious time, we need to seize both the moment and the opportunity." - (Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim interviewed by Gamal Nkrumah, "Al Ahram Weekly," Special/High flyer, Issue No. 543, Cairo, Egypt, 19 - 25 July 2001).
Indeed it would be exciting to read Salim's autobiography. From the days of mapinduzi in Zanzibar, his stint in Cuba, the youngest ambassador in Cairo, India, the UN and the OAU. Shwari, I have been led to understand that there are so many materials out there on Mwalimu including his coresspondences with Kwame Nkrumah. Anna has a compilation of Mwalimu's Swahili poetry. Actualy at one time Mwalimu alluded to his correspondence with Nkrumah saying he is leaving them for the historians to sort them out and comment. Mama Maria, when she is in the right mood, comments on Mwalimu's last days at St. Thomas and his prediction on Tanzania if we continue on this road of privatization and wawekezaji. So the materials are there. All that is needes is a sleuth who can put them together.
 
Haya huyu si ndo anakua accused of PLAGIARISM hapa... Kumbe kiazi tu.lol..


Read Godfrey Mwakikagile's book. He has cited the source at least FIVE TIMES in the chapter notes on Mozambique in his book. If he wanted to plagiarize, he would NOT have named the source.

He did NOT name the author because the pdf file he used does NOT have the authors's name on it. It does not even mention the author. The file is 31 pages - without a title and without the author's name.

Anybody who could have used that pdf file as a source could only have cited the file as the source - if the person wanted to acknowledge the source as Mwakikagile did.

He named the source. Dr. Martin Luther King was accused of plagiarizing somebody else's work for his PhD. I don't know if he named the source.

Godfrey Mwakikagile named his source:

www.palgrave.com/pdfs/0333920015.pdf

Go and look at it. It has no name of the author and no title. All you can do is cite the file as the source as Mwakikagile has done. That's not stealing somebody else's work when you mention where you got the information from.
 
Nlikuwa sijawahi skia jina la mtu huyu..
Hivi kumbe tuna vichwa vya adabu tumeviacha wavitumie wengine..
Tusimlaumu Mungu kwa umaskini na ujinga wetu..
What if Einstein wasingemjali...
wacha nitafute chapisho hata moja nijijuze
 
Huyu jamaa moja ya watu makini sana katika uandishi wa vitabu labda amefanya makosa katika uandishi wake kutofanya citation au nini Mimi nitajaribu kufanya uchunguzi na kuona kama kweli amefanya kosa kama hilo
 
Josh Michael,

Nimelifikiria jambo hilo kwa muda mrefu. Na bado liko mawazoni mwangu ingawa sijawahi kuandika kitabu hata kimoja. Pia tuwahimize ndugu zetu wengine Watanzania kuandika vitabu kuhusu siasa na matatizo ya nchi yetu.

Na nikiendelea kulifwatilia jambo hilo, ningependekeza kwa moderators kwamba labda mada hii ihamishwe na ipelekwe kwenye jukwaa la siasa kwa sababu ingawa ilianzishwa kuhusu Godfrey Mwakikagile kama mwandishi wa vitabu, tumejadili mambo mengi yanayohusu taifa letu kuliko yale yanayomhusu Mwakikagile binafsi.

Hata swali ulilouliza mwanzoni ulipoanzisha mada hii lilihusu vitabu vyake ambavyo vinahusu siasa na matatizo ya nchi yetu, na bara letu, na siyo maisha yake binafsi. Kwahiyo natumaini kwamba hata wewe, uliyeanzisha mada hii, utasaidia kufanya hivyo na kuwasiliana na moderators ili mada hii ihamishwe na iwekwe kwenye jukwaa la siasa.

Kwa sababu Godfrey Mwakikagile anaishi nje ya nchi yetu kama Watanzania wengi wengine, ambao jumla yao labda ni milioni mbili sasa, tukaanza kuzungumzia tatizo au suala la "brain drain." Pia tumejadili hapa, katika mada hii, maswala mengine yanayolihusu taifa letu ambayo yeye pia ameyajadili katika vitabu vyake; kwa mfano haja ya katiba mpya, matatizo ya muungano kati ya Tanganyika na Zanzibar; vyama vya upinzani na udhaifu wao na kwa nini ni lazima viungane na kuunda chama kimoja ikiwa viongozi wa vyama hivyo wanataka kusaidia kuleta mabadiliko nchini; pia tumezungumzia ufisadi, ukabila, ubaguzi wa rangi, serikali na sera zake, mazingira ya kisiasa na uchumi nchini, na mambo mengine. Mwakikagile pia ameandika kuhusu hayo yote katika vitabu vyake. Lakini siyo matatizo yake binafsi. Ni yetu sote. Ndiyo maana nimesema mada hii ihamishwe na ipelekwe kwenye jukwaa la siasa.

Mada hii inastahili kuwa kwenye jukwaa la siasa kwa sababu nyingine badala ya kuwa hapa kwenye celebrities forum.

Godfrey Mwakikagile siyo celebrity nchini Tanzania au kama wasanii wetu walio hapa nchini au kama viongozi wetu wa taifa. Hata yeye hajioni kama ni mtu maarufu, kama alivyosema katika maandishi yake na katika majibu yake alipohojiwa kuhusu vitabu vyake (angalia profile yake katika online encyclopaedia Wikipedia kuhusu interview hiyo). Pia nakumbuka katika kitabu chake, "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era," amesema he's just a simple African and wants to live a simple and quiet life as he always has.

Kwahiyo sidhani ni celebrity. Na hajioni kama ni celebrity ingawa labda kuna watu wanaomwona hivyo. Lakini hata kama kuna watu kama hao, ukweli ni kwamba ni watu wachache tu nchini Tanzania wanaomfahamu au waliomsikia Godfrey Mwakikagile kuwa ni mwandishi wa vitabu. Anajulikana au anafahamika kwa wanafunzi na ma professor na watu wengine katika nchi za nje kuliko hapa Tanzania. Mwandishi wa vitabu ambaye ni celebrity hapa nchini Tanzania ni Shaaban Robert. Kuna wengine, lakini Godfrey Mwakikagile siyo mmoja wao. Kwa mfano, jiulize swali hili: Anafahamika nchini Tanzania kama Faraji Katalambula au waandishi wengine wa Kitanzania?

Ni kweli ameandika vitabu, na ameandika vitabu vingi sana labda kuliko Watanzania wengine ambao pia wameandika vitabu.

Not only has Godfrey Mwakikagile written more books than any other Tanzanian; he also has more books in public and university libraries around the world than any other Tanzanian - and more than many professors, if not more than most professors, in the world have. Not all professors who write books have all their books accepted by university and public libraries the way Godfrey Mwakikagile's books have been accepted around the world. Every book Godfrey Mwakikagile has written is found in university libraries around the world. And not all professors have written as many books as Godfrey Mwakikagile has. So, in that sense, yes, he's a celebrity, of sorts, especially to some of those who have been able to find out what he has achieved as a writer of scholarly books and other titles of general interest to members of the general public.

Lakini siyo celebrity hapa nchini Tanzania kama Chinua Achebe au Wole Soyinka walivyo nchini kwao kule Nigeria na nchi za nje, au hata kama jirani yetu Ngugi wa Thiong'o alivyo nchini kwake Kenya na katika nchi zingine katika bara letu na nje ya bara hili.

Ni kwa sababu hizo ninapendekeza mada hii ihamishwe na labda iendelee kujadiliwa kwenye jukwaa la siasa. Na simaanishi tuendelee kumjadili Godfrey Mwakikagile bali maswala aliyoyajadili katika vitabu vyake na ambayo sisi pia tumeyajadili katika mada hii na ambayo yanalihusu taifa letu na matatizo yake ya siasa, uongozi, maendeleo na mambo mengine.

Pia napenda kuwajulisha wana Jamii Forum kwamba kuna update nyingine katika article ya Wikipedia online encyclopaedia iliyoandikwa kuhusu Godfrey Mwakikagile ambamo Professor Ali Mazrui amesema mengine kuhusu Mwalimu Nyerere. Pia katika Bibliography ya article hiyo, kuna vitabu vingine, nadhani viwili au vitatu, ambavyo Mwakikagile ameandika na ambavyo vimechapishwa mwaka huu wa 2009. Kutokana na Bibliography hiyo, vitabu vyake vya mwisho, kabla ya hivi vipya, vilishapishwa 2008.
Sasa haya mambo anayoyasema Ndugu yangu na Babu yangu Mzee Mwanakijiji sijui kama ndio hivi vitabu ambavyo huyu jamaa amechapicha nitajaribu kufatilia kwa makini sana
 
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