Jaji Mkuu Misri ataapishwa leo kuwa Rais

[THE BIG SHOW]

mkuu watu wanavunja amani mnataka wachekewe tu hayo hayawezekani wakuu,mi natamani wakukamate na wewe wakubinye kweli ili uongee vizuri

You Are Dumb As your Name...

Go n Clean your AS**..

 

[Sideeq]

Rasisi Morsi alidhani sasa ni zamu ya muslim brotherhood kufurahia vikao vya ikulu akasahau kuunda serikali shirikishi itakayojibu mahitaji ya wamisri.

Unafikiri mwaka mmoja aliokaa madarakani ungemtosha kuunda serikali itakayojibu mahitaji ya Wamisri waliokuwa chini ya Udikteta wa Mubaraka kwa zaidi ya miaka ishirini?

...ni lazima kuna sababu nyingine ambayo wananchi wa Misri (waandamaji) hawaambiwi! ni propaganda ya hali ya juu iliyotumika kuwafanya wananchi waandamane na jeshi kuingilia kati.

 

[124 Ali]

Ingekua vyema ukatamka Sifongo ile Wayahudi waliompa Yesu maana spirit ukinywa unalewa tu kama unapokunywa ze Konya.

Mwenzio kamaanisha "mzuka " sio ulabu !

 

[Godlisten Masawe]

Unafikiri mwaka mmoja aliokaa madarakani ungemtosha kuunda serikali itakayojibu mahitaji ya Wamisri waliokuwa chini ya Udikteta wa Mubaraka kwa zaidi ya miaka ishirini?

...ni lazima kuna sababu nyingine ambayo wananchi wa Misri (waandamaji) hawaambiwi! ni propaganda ya hali ya juu iliyotumika kuwafanya wananchi waandamane na jeshi kuingilia kati.

Mkuu Sideeq upo sahihi

 

[Al Zagawi]

TBC Radio imetangaza,kiongozi wa jeshi la Misri aliyemuondoa madarakani Hosni Mubarak,leo ametangaza kwamba amemuondoa madarakani Mohamed Morsy.
Jaji Mkuu wa Misri ataapishwa leo kuongoza Serikali ya mpito. Morsy yupo kizuizini.

thanks kwa taarifa!!!

 

[Hayajamani]

Morsy kachemsha...ni somo zuri pia:


Editor's note: Khaled Fahmy is the chairman of the history department at the American University in Cairo. Follow@khaledfahmy11 on Twitter.
(CNN) -- Two days before Hosni Mubarak was ousted as president of Egypt, I wrote an article for CNN calling for the Muslim Brotherhood to have a place in the post-Mubarak Egypt.
Back then, I wrote: "As a secularist, I am not in favor of the Muslim Brotherhood coming to power in Egypt, and I remain deeply skeptical of its political program, believing that much of it is vague and impractical. But as an Egyptian hoping for freedom and justice for my country, I am deeply convinced that the Muslim Brotherhood has a place within a free and democratic Egypt."
A year and half later, and after participating with my fellow Egyptians in an inspiring peaceful revolution, I went to cast my vote in the first free presidential elections Egypt had ever witnessed. I was not happy with either candidate: Ahmed Shafik, a hawkish representative of the former regime, and Mohamed Morsy, the candidate of the Muslim Brotherhood. I invalidated my vote.

Khaled Fahmy


Still, given that these were free and fair elections, I recognized the winner, Morsy, as the legitimate president of Egypt. Even though I never believed that he or his organization, the Muslim Brotherhood, had a solution to my country's woes, I accepted the result of the vote, and prepared myself for the hard work that needed to be done over the coming four years, his term in office, so that we could have a chance to topple him in the next presidential elections.
Read more: Egyptian military, president clash
All of this changed six weeks ago. At midnight on May 18, 2013, I went down to Tahrir Square to sign the "Tamarod" (rebel) campaign petition calling on Morsy to step down immediately. And on June 30, I marched with millions of other Egyptians in the largest demonstrations our country has ever witnessed reiterating the same demand: Morsy has to step down.
What changed?
What happened in Morsy's first year in office that forced me to change my mind and decide to rebel against him? Are the millions of people who marched in the streets demanding his immediate resignation, including myself, bad losers who simply could not accept the result of the first free and fair elections Egypt has ever witnessed? Or are we revolutionaries who have seen some of the main demands of our revolution go unfulfilled?

'Will sacrifice our blood'

Egyptian ministers resign amid unrest

Historical perspective of Egypt ruling

Opposing views on ruling in Egypt
Even though I had invalidated my vote, I had a sigh of relief that Shafik did not win the elections. He had pledged to adopt a policy of blood and iron to "cleanse Tahrir" of the revolutionaries. Had he won the elections, I thought, I would have had to join my fellow compatriots to hold on to our newly-won territory and to make sure that the demands of our revolution were fulfilled. Morsy's win, I thought, meant I could catch my breath and continue our struggle for a free and democratic Egypt, while keeping a watchful eye on the new president.
However, Morsy undertook a series of disastrous steps that made me question my briefly held guarded optimism. Morsy had won with a mere 51.7% of the vote. I expected him to understand the implications of this figure: he did have a mandate, but Egypt was divided and his prime duty would be to close its rifts. Morsy should have worked hard to include the opposition in the key decisions facing his troubled country. He should have tried to win the trust of the half of the nation that had not voted for his presidency.
Instead, Morsy adopted a hard line, exclusive approach and trusted no one but the most extreme of his group, the Muslim Brotherhood. The cabinet he chose and the governors he selected were either Muslim Brotherhood members or sympathizers of the iron-clad, clandestine organization. In a revealing speech, Morsy addressed members of the organization as "my family and folk," raising doubts among many Egyptians as to his true sympathies: with the country at large or with his secretive organization. And instead of reaching out to the center, he courted the fundamentalist salafis on the extreme right. Crucially, this resulted in a constituent assembly which was dominated by Islamists and which ended up drafting a deeply flawed constitution.
Still, I considered Morsy to be my president.
Read more: Salafis call for Islamic law in Egypt protest
Throughout the fall of 2012, Morsy and his Muslim Brotherhood launched an all-out war against Egypt's judiciary. As a student of this institution, I recognize the Egyptian judiciary's venerable history but also realize that, like many of Egypt's institutions under Mubarak's long reign, it has suffered from nepotism, corruption and ineptitude. But the president and his group were convinced that the judiciary was out to get them, so they launched a coordinated attack aiming to bring it into line.
They dismissed the Prosecutor General (akin to the U.S. Attorney General), ordered their followers to lay siege to the Constitutional Court and drafted a law sending to retirement more than 3,000 judges whose sympathies were suspected of lying with the former regime. The culmination of this pogrom against the judiciary was a constitutional coup in November 2012 in which Morsy declared himself to be above the law and his orders to be immune from any judicial oversight. With no sitting parliament and with the judiciary under a ferocious attack, we had a dictatorship in the making.
Still, I considered Morsy to be my president.
Read more: Egypt's Morsy says courts can't overturn him
Putting an end to police torture and curbing the power of the military are not easy matters. But neither is risking one's life in a revolution.
Khaled Fahmy



Throughout the first year in his term of office, Morsy showed little respect for or tolerance of the opposition, repeatedly accusing it of being in the pay of the feloul, a derogatory term in Egypt which literally means remnants of a defeated army, but which has come to refer to members of the former regime. Instead of accepting that the job of the opposition is to oppose, and that of the government to govern, he blamed his own shortcomings on what he believed was a conspiracy by the opposition to thwart his efforts and to bring about his downfall. Increasingly, he and his Muslim Brotherhood became more and more intolerant of all dissenting voices. Thus, they allowed their followers to lay siege on the "Media City", a congregation of studios of independent TV stations at the outskirts of Cairo. They drafted a draconian law which would have curbed the work of NGOs and which is much worse than anything that Mubarak had ever passed. A freedom of information draft law, in which I personally had participated in drafting, was rejected by the Ministry of Justice by proposing an alternative text that makes a farce of freedom of information.
Still, I considered Morsy to be my president.
For many months now, Morsy and his Muslim Brotherhood have been performing a slow and sinister "Brotherhoodization" policy, whereby senior, and not so senior, officials in Egypt's bureaucracy are being replaced by Brotherhood members. I do understand that in the wake of any elections the winning side is expected to make some changes to the administration so that the new regime can execute their policies. But these changes are typically limited to key positions within the administration, usually the first and second tiers, leaving the third and fourth ones intact to ensure stability and continuity of the civil administration.
Morsy has few friends as deadline looms
'Brotherhoodization policy'
The Brotherhoodization policy has gone way beyond what is normally expected in any healthy transitional process. In addition to the provincial governors -- who are gradually being replaced by Brotherhood members -- the Police Academy is reportedly being infiltrated by members of the clandestine organization. Within the Ministry of Education, replacements have reached the level of school principals. And the new Minister of Culture has replaced the head of the Cairo Opera House, dismissed the head of the Cairo Ballet Company, the head of the Egyptian Book Authority (the largest government publishing house) , and the director of the National Library and the National Archives. The new appointees have no credentials except being members or sympathizers of the Muslim Brotherhood.
Still, I considered Morsy to be my president.
What prompted me to rebel against Morsy and forced me to decide that he was no longer a legitimate president -- no longer my president -- is not anything he did, but two things he did not do, namely, bring the army under civilian control and undertake a serious process of security sector reform.
I am a historian of modern Egypt, and for the past 25 years, I have been working on the history of these two specific institutions: the military and the police. I have come to realize the enormous cost paid by the Egyptian people in founding what are two crucial pillars of any modern state. I have also come to the conclusion that -- without subjecting the military to civilian rule and without undertaking a serious effort to reform the Egyptian police -- our bid for freedom, dignity and social justice will always be thwarted.

Egyptian ministers resign amid unrest

Egyptians returning power to military?

What comes next for Egypt's economy?

American killed in Egyptian violence
When our revolution broke out on January 25, 2011, millions participated for different reasons. There were those who rebelled against endemic corruption, and there were others who aimed for a more equitable distribution of wealth. My personal cri de guerre was curbing the power of the army and subjecting it to civilian rule, and reforming the Egyptian police. Along with millions of my compatriots, I marched in the streets of Cairo and risked my life in Tahrir to achieve these two goals: subject the army and its secretive budget to parliamentary scrutiny and ending the endemic torture within Egyptian police stations.
Morsy and his Muslim Brotherhood have miserably failed to tackle either of these two lofty goals. Most crucially, the constitution which was written by the president's organization and their other Islamist allies failed to subject the military budget to parliamentary oversight, stipulate that the minister of defense be civilian, or end the flawed process whereby civilians are tired in front of military tribunals.
Similarly, Morsy has taken no measures whatsoever to reform the security sector. He failed to understand the significance of the revolution being launched on January 25, which is Police Day, the date having been carefully chosen by the youth organizers to send a clear message that we demand to live in a country with no torture. All proposals to reform the sector were forcefully snubbed by Morsy's government. Not a single police officer accused of torture under Mubarak's long reign has been brought to justice. The culture of impunity within the Ministry of Interior has not been rectified. And torture continues to be practiced in Egyptian prisons, jails and other places of detention.
Personally, the turning point came on April 24, 2013. On that day my driver's cousin, Wael Hamdi Rushi, was killed in the Heliopolis Police Station. He had had a fight with a shop keeper who summoned the police. The police came and arrested Wael with his brother. In police custody, he objected to the way they were treating his 14-year old epileptic brother. So they smashed his head against the wall until he died, hanged his body from a rope in his prison cell and called his mother to watch him dangling from the ceiling. Wael was 19.
Values of the revolution
Putting an end to police torture and curbing the power of the military are not easy matters. But neither is risking one's life in a revolution. We launched this revolution not only to have free elections, but to have a new Egypt in which we can live in dignity and freedom. Regrettably, our first democratically elected president in Egypt, one who owes his position to a revolution that he did not launch nor did his organization believe in -- except in the eleventh hour -- clearly does not believe in the values of this revolution.
Winning with the slimmest margins, he found himself confronted by a stern judiciary, a hostile press, a powerful army and a corrupt police force. An unenviable situation, it is true, but he had the revolution behind him. Had he turned to us, we would have helped him tackle the army and the police, not overnight it is true, but we were willing to fight on. Instead, he chose to direct his wrath against the judiciary and the press, while letting the army and the police off the hook.
We did not launch this revolution nor risk our lives only to change the players. We wanted to change the rules of the game. That was the mandate we gave to Morsy. He has failed in this crucial task, so we no longer recognize him as a legitimate leader. He has broken the terms of the mandate. And our revolution continues.

 

[lucky sabasaba]

Unafikiri mwaka mmoja aliokaa madarakani ungemtosha kuunda serikali itakayojibu mahitaji ya Wamisri waliokuwa chini ya Udikteta wa Mubaraka kwa zaidi ya miaka ishirini?

...ni lazima kuna sababu nyingine ambayo wananchi wa Misri (waandamaji) hawaambiwi! ni propaganda ya hali ya juu iliyotumika kuwafanya wananchi waandamane na jeshi kuingilia kati.

Hiyo ni kweli kabisa,mataifa mengi duniani ata ya Arabuni(G.C.C) hawakupenda muslim Brotherhood kuchukua madaraka,haiwezekani ata kidogo kufanya mabadiliko ndani ya mwaka mmoja kwa nchi iliyonyonywa kwa zaidi ya miaka 30.Morsi ndiye raisi pekee aliyechaguliwa kwa njia ya kidemokrasia Misri na baada ya kuchaguliwa tu misaada ikakatwa na nchi kama U.A.E walikataa ata kutoa visa za ajira kwa Egypt.
Egypt ina wakazi zaidi ya 90 milioni na wengi wao wanafanyakazi kwenye nchi za G.C.C sasa baada ya kupinduliwa kwa Mubarak hizi nchi ziliogopa sana maana walijua Muslim Brotherhood ingeweza sambaa kwenye nchi zao pia.Ilifikia hatua umeme,maji na ata madawa hospitalini vilikatwa makusudi ili kuongeza chuki kwa serikali ya MORSI lakini ata wakichagua mwingine itakuwa ngumu sana kudumu au kumaliza kipindi chake,Mubarak alidumu maana alikuwa na sapoti kubwa sana ya jeshi na ndiye alijenga sana,jeshi la Misri ni kubwa sana na wana maisha mazuri kuliko fani nyingi ikiwemo siasa.Uchumi wao unategemea sana utalii lakini baada ya revolution ya kumng'oa Mubarak nchi ikawa sio sehemu nzuri ya watalii na uchumi ukazidi kuanguka

 

[Andrew Nyerere]

Mkuu Andrew Nyerere kiongozi wa kijeshi (CDF) enzi za utawala wa Hosni Mubarak alikuwa Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi ambaye alikaimu urais baada ya Hosni Mubarak kuondolewa madarakani.Aliyemuondoa madarakani Mohammed Morsi ni General Abdel Fattah al Sisi huyu aliteuliwa na Morsi mwenyewe kama mkuu wa majeshi (CDF).

Asante kwa kunifahamisha. Hilo ndilo jambo lilokuwa linanitatiza. Kwa sababu kiongozi anaweza tu kuwa dikteta kama Mkuu wa Jeshi amechaguliwa na yeye;Mkuu wa Polisi amechaguliwa na yeye,na Mkuu wa Usalama amechaguliwa na yeye.
Huyu Morsy alikuwa interviewed na BBC reporter zamani sana. Akaulizwa,is it true,if you Muslim Brotherhood come to power,you will cut off the hands of thieves?
What did he answer. Morsy was speaking in fluent english. Akasema,kukata wezi mikono,hiyo itategemea hali halisi. If there is no favourable political opinion for it,we will not do it. Yaani,he will try his best to cut off people's hands. Lakini if the public does not want it,he will not do it.
For me this was very surprising. I asked myself,''Huyu mtu anaishi dunia gani?''[Anawezaje kuzungumza maneno kama haya,siyo fasheni duniani kuzungumza ukatili kama huu]

 

[Malila]

Unafikiri mwaka mmoja aliokaa madarakani ungemtosha kuunda serikali itakayojibu mahitaji ya Wamisri waliokuwa chini ya Udikteta wa Mubaraka kwa zaidi ya miaka ishirini?

...ni lazima kuna sababu nyingine ambayo wananchi wa Misri (waandamaji) hawaambiwi! ni propaganda ya hali ya juu iliyotumika kuwafanya wananchi waandamane na jeshi kuingilia kati.

Zamani tulikuwa tunasema uzayuni,

Huwezi kuibomoa Syria halafu ukaruhusu Misri ikajijenga( Brotherhood),mazayuni wanaona zaidi ya sisi tuonavyo. Mazayuni siku zote yako mbele ya wakati. Wenye akili na wafikiri zaidi. Kama shemeji wa Uk yupo hapa Bongo, shemeji na pori wako hapa Bongo na jaluo na mkewe walikuwa hapa,hatujiulizi nini kinafuata?

Brotherhood halikuwa chaguo la mazayuni, lazima wang`oke. Angalieni kinachoendelea Iran kwa makini.

 

[lucky sabasaba]

Zamani tulikuwa tunasema uzayuni,

Huwezi kuibomoa Syria halafu ukaruhusu Misri ikajijenga( Brotherhood),mazayuni wanaona zaidi ya sisi tuonavyo. Mazayuni siku zote yako mbele ya wakati. Wenye akili na wafikiri zaidi. Kama shemeji wa Uk yupo hapa Bongo, shemeji na pori wako hapa Bongo na jaluo na mkewe walikuwa hapa,hatujiulizi nini kinafuata?

Brotherhood halikuwa chaguo la mazayuni, lazima wang`oke. Angalieni kinachoendelea Iran kwa makini.

Sababu kubwa ni hii tu kama nilivyoeleza hapo juu,fear ya nchi kutawaliwa na Muslim Brotherhood...ata kesho uitishwe uchaguzi wale jamaa watashinda,hofu na woga ndio maana viongozi wao wakuu wamewekwa kizuizini,lakini ata achaguliwe nani ile nchi haiwezikubadilika kwa mwaka mmoja...MORSI alichaguliwa kwa kula nyingi sana akawapiga chini pro-western wote.Waitishe uchaguzi huru ata kesho brotherhood watashinda,lakini kushinda kwa brotherhood hakutapokelewa na west pamoja na nchi za kiarabu hasa G.C.C

 

[lucky sabasaba]

Asante kwa kunifahamisha. Hilo ndilo jambo lilokuwa linanitatiza. Kwa sababu kiongozi anaweza tu kuwa dikteta kama Mkuu wa Jeshi amechaguliwa na yeye;Mkuu wa Polisi amechaguliwa na yeye,na Mkuu wa Usalama amechaguliwa na yeye.
Huyu Morsy alikuwa interviewed na BBC reporter zamani sana. Akaulizwa,is it true,if you Muslim Brotherhood come to power,you will cut off the hands of thieves?
What did he answer. Morsy was speaking in fluent english. Akasema,kukata wezi mikono,hiyo itategemea hali halisi. If there is no favourable political opinion for it,we will not do it. Yaani,he will try his best to cut off people's hands. Lakini if the public does not want it,he will not do it.
For me this was very surprising. I asked myself,''Huyu mtu anaishi dunia gani?''[Anawezaje kuzungumza maneno kama haya,siyo fasheni duniani kuzungumza ukatili kama huu]

Mbona TZ hao wote wanateuliwa na Raisi,Saudi Arabia mbona wanakata mikono wezi ??Morsi hakuonyesha u dictator wowote..West na G.C.C countries hawakupenda brotherhood(soma pale juu)ndio maana mpaka sasa hakuna nchi iliyolalamika kupinduliwa kwa Morsi(aliyechaguliwa ki demokrasia)lakini dunia nzima ilichukia alipopinduliwa raisi wa Mali

 

[Malila]

Sababu kubwa ni hii tu kama nilivyoeleza hapo juu,fear ya nchi kutawaliwa na Muslim Brotherhood...ata kesho uitishwe uchaguzi wale jamaa watashinda,hofu na woga ndio maana viongozi wao wakuu wamewekwa kizuizini,lakini ata achaguliwe nani ile nchi haiwezikubadilika kwa mwaka mmoja...MORSI alichaguliwa kwa kula nyingi sana akawapiga chini pro-western wote.Waitishe uchaguzi huru ata kesho brotherhood watashinda,lakini kushinda kwa brotherhood hakutapokelewa na west pamoja na nchi za kiarabu hasa G.C.C

Kuwapiga chini pro western maana yake aliwagusa mazayuni, na mazayuni si wazungu tu, hata vibaraka wao ni mazayuni. Kama Saudia wanakandamiza haki za raia wao bila kuathiri shughuli za mazayuni hakuwezi tokea vurugu. Kwa ufupi ni kama ulivyotoa maoni kuwa, tatizo ni Brotherhood kutoungwa mkono na wenye dunia yao. Hata sisi tunaelekea huko huko.

 

[Andrew Nyerere]

Mimi binafsi ningependa kuona Morsy anarudishwa madarakani. Ilikuwa haiwezekani kwa Morsy kuwa dictator. Lile Jeshi amelikuta,very powerful,limejikita sana katika biashara,kama jeshi la Pakistan,kama KGB[FSB],kama CIA walivyojikita katika biashara. Lakini Morsy kapinduliwa,na everyone seems to be indifferent. Hawa Muslim Brotherhood wanaonewa tu. Kama alikuwa ana makosa,better to reinstate him,and to dust him,badala ya kubadili uongozi.