How DR Congo conflict could ignite regional war(must read please) see how Tz is involved.

[RUCCI]

[h=2] Someni kenye red ndo msisitizo ulipo

How DR Congo conflict could ignite regional war [/h] Friday, 22 March 2013 07:30 By Andrew M. Mwenda

The likely implications of Ntaganda's flight On Monday March 18, former leader of the Congolese rebel movement CNDP, Gen. Bosco Ntaganda, appeared unexpectedly at the United States embassy in Kigali to hand himself over to the Americans. He was smarting from a military defeat at the hands his erstwhile ally and now rival, Sultan Makenga, who heads the M23 rebel movement in eastern DRC. After walking through Virunga National Park that covers the border areas of Congo, Rwanda and Uganda, he drove to Kigali most likely from Ruhengeri unnoticed by Rwanda’s security forces. Rwandan officials were taken by surprised when they heard from the Americans about Ntaganda’s appearance in their capital seeking extradition to The Hague where he is wanted for war crimes. The previous day, March 17, the ramp of Ntaganda’s defeated army had entered Rwanda seeking refugee alongside their political leader Jean Marie Runiga. Rwanda placed Runiga under house arrest as it prepared to hand over the 700 combatants with him over to the UN as refugees.

The recent flare-up in the fighting in Congo has taken the international community by surprise as well. For more than a year, the international community bought tall tales by the UN “panel of experts” that there was no rebellion in Congo but a Rwandan invasion of the country. The M23 was seen as a Rwanda proxy and American and European journalists wrote stories of how its troops were actually from the Rwandan army. Thus, when M23 broke into rival factions and began a ferocious internal fight, the international media went speechless. They could not reasonably claim that this was a fight among different battalions of the Rwandan army. Regional confusion


The internal fighting within M23 has also thrown the regional efforts to end that conflict in confusion. At the beginning of March, Presidents Joseph Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Eduardo Dos Santos of Angola and Jacob Zuma of South Africa had a meeting in Luanda, Angola. During the meeting, Zuma and Kabila argued that SADC should move its forces to fight the M23 rebels. Zuma, sources say, is convinced that M23 is the disguised hand of Rwanda. But Dos Santos objected saying that he knows the problem of DRC is more than Rwanda and M23. It has a lot to do with internal problems in Congo.


“Comrades,” Dos Santos reportedly told his colleagues, “even us [Angola] have many problems emanating from DRC. Many guns are being trafficked from DRC into our country. Criminals and potential terrorists are crossing as well. So it would be wrong to say that the M23 problem is caused by Rwanda. Kigali may have contributed to it but it is not the source of the problem. The root cause is the inability of Kinshasa to govern most of its territory.” Dos Santos advised that rather than send forces to fight rebels inside DRC, SADC should help Kinshasa find a negotiated settlement with them – “in order to achieve internal social integration.” He said Luanda has been deeply involved in the problems of Congo for nearly 40 years and most of this time as a victim. This time, he added, Angola will not contribute troops to fight Kinshasa’s wars – a solution he said cannot work. “But if you comrades feel strongly that we intervene militarily we must,” he added perhaps sensing unease on their faces, “then in the spirit of SADC Angola will contribute money but not troops to that effort. And I would advise that all of us help our young brother here find a political, not a military solution.” Sources close to Luanda say that Dos Santos held his position firmly even in the face of pressure from Zuma as Kabila watched in silent wonderment. Finally, and in spite of his advice, SADC went ahead to recommend deployment of troops inside DRC to fight “wrong elements” (read M23). The countries to contribute to this force are South Africa, Tanzania and Mozambique. This is a potentially explosive decision.
Presidents Zuma and Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania, informed sources say, do not see eye-to eye with President Paul Kagame of Rwanda on DRC. Kikwete’s vision is reportedly blurred by internal failures of his government. Under him, Tanzania has seen unprecedented corruption and failure to deliver basic services to the people. The situation is not helped when he is constantly reminded of Kagame’s success in the little neighbor, Rwanda.

Zuma and Kagame’s relations meanwhile are not good either. First, the South African president has been under the influence of Bill Masetera, a former intelligence chief under Thabo Mbeki and close friend and ally of Rwandan dissident generals Kayumba Nyamwasa and Patrick Karegyeya. To make matters worse, in a meeting of AU in Addis Ababa in 2011, Kagame is said to have directly interrupted Zuma’s speech in defense of then Libyan leader Muammar Gadaffi by saying he had seen “money bags been moving around” to pay off various heads of state to support Gadaffi. Zuma did not take this accusation lightly and it added insult to injury.


It is in this context that two of the three countries sending troops to DRC have an axe to grind with the country accused of sponsoring a rebellion. Regional military experts say that the South African army may be good in equipment and training but is weak in experience. This is even more pronounced when it comes to fighting a counter insurgency in a country that is densely forested, with a bad terrain, and speaking a language alien to the South Africans. The Tanzanian army, on the other hand, while well trained but not-so-well equipped has not seen action in 30 years. Secondly, the TPDF has never fought a counter insurgency.


“The South Africans and Tanzanians are preparing to deploy in DRC with a lot of enthusiasm and confidence of success against M23,” a well placed regional expert on regional security told The Independent on condition of anonymity, “But they are underestimating the capabilities of M23. These people have been fighting in the jungles of eastern DRC for over 18 years and know every nook and cranny of their area. They have also accumulated considerable experience. So, mark my words: They are not going to be a walkover as the South Africans and Tanzanians would like the think.”


Therefore, experts say that the likelihood that the Tanzanians and South Africans may get badly clobbered by M23 is very high. And if this happens: then what?
“It is very possible the Tanzanians and South Africans will not believe that they have been beaten by M23,” the expert told The Independent, “They are likely to suspect it is Rwanda fighting them. And if this is the case, and depending on the level of humiliation that may be inflicted on them, they, especially Tanzania, may decide to attack Rwanda in retaliation. Then you will have an international war – the unexpected outcome of an ill-thought out intervention in Congo.”


Internal M23 fight

Or may be not. For the last two weeks as the armies of Mozambique, South Africa and Tanzania trained and prepared to deploy in DRC, M23 began a ferocious internal war against itself. The forces of Makenga began pitched battles with the forces commanded by Ntaganda. In the murky jungles of rebel infested DRC, it should not surprise anyone that Ntaganda is resurfacing at this point. Informed sources say, Runiga, has in fact been an Ntaganda stooge all along. M23 has for long had factions. Although M23 officially claimed that they had nothing to do with Ntaganda, he left behind a wing, also known as the Kimbelembele that paid allegiance to him led General Baudouin Ngaruye. These were always in constant but invisible friction with the the pro-Nkunda wing, the Kifuafua led by Sultani Makenga.


Sources on the ground say the intra-M23 battles have been ferocious, brutal and bloody – worse in their sheer mercilessness compared to anything Congolese have seen in battles against Kinshasa – a family feud turned nasty. Last week, Ntaganda matched his forces from Runyoni and attacked Makenga’s camp at Cyanzu. He also attacked Makenga’s troops in Rumangabo where the main M23 armories are. This forced Makenga to call upon two of his forward battalions north of Goma in the area of Kirimanyoka to come and reinforce Rumangabo. He also called his forces based around Rucuru to come reinforce Cyanzu. This withdraw by these battalions from these towns led the FDLR, the forces of the former Rwandan army that committed genocide in 1994, to occupy all the areas near Rucuru and Rugari. The FDLR in the presence of MUNSCO later handed over Rucuru and Kiwanja to the Congolese army.


However, having repelled the Ntaganda attack, Makenga now moved his forces and encircled Rucuru until he forced them to withdraw before he could annihilate them. The Congolese obliged – showing that even when M23 is fighting itself, the Congolese army is unable to take advantage of the situation and make counter offensives that can stand. The new developments have thrown the international community, its activist arm led by human rights organizations, and its propaganda arm led by the international press, into disarray. For a long time, the international community refused to recognise M23 as a domestic Congolese problem with grievances against Kinshasa. Instead, they insisted M23 was actually the Rwandan army itself. Tall tales of large movements of troops crossing the border from Rwanda into DRC were relayed to the world. Added to this were allegations that large quantities of arms and ammunition were being transported from Kigali to Goma to support the operation.
Shock and shame

A report by a UN “panel of experts” that many informed people saw as little more than a shoddy and poorly written work of fiction was given Biblical status. The belief that M23 was the hidden work of Kigali was so widespread that obvious facts were ignored. Even when Kabila fired his chief of staff for selling arms to the rebels, the human rights community and its propaganda arm, the international press, refused to report the matter as it would have undermined the credibility of their claim that it was the Rwandan army fighting in DRC and supplying itself the weapons. So powerful was the desire to find Rwanda guilty that nearly every international donor began cutting aid to Rwanda. The fighting among the different factions of the M23 has taken the entire UN system, its human rights allies and the international press by shock and surprise. Without Rwanda to play the role of villain, the triumvirate is now confused. With tens of thousands getting displaced, thousands of refugees flocking into Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi, with hundreds dead anddying, there is only a murmur in the international press about the evolving humanitarian crisis in eastern DRC. The problem is that the international community has no one to blame this time. Informed sources say the current feud within the ranks of M23 is both unfortunate and sad given that Tutsi citizens of DRC face an existential threat from Kinshasa. The leaders of Congo have been openly calling upon different communities in the eastern region to exterminate all Tutsi in that region. Therefore, M23 emerged with strong and legitimate grievances, which the international community through the UN sought to suppress by shifting the blame from Kinshasa to Kigali.


However, from the beginning, this newspaper reported that Kigali was anxious and uncomfortable with M23. Although it shared their legitimate fears, strategists in Kigali felt that Congolese Tutsi are too undisciplined to work with. Sources close to Kagame have always said the president thinks the leadership of Kinshasa and the rebels are all ideologically bankrupt. He has also said this in an open address to the Rwandan parliament. Given his strong views on this matter, it was unlikely that Kagame was the man to throw in his lot with M23
.
Besides, Rwanda is aware that although it can influence M23, it does not have control over it. For example, one of the factors behind the current infighting in the rebel group is clan politics and rivalries. Ntaganda is from the Bagogwe clan alongside Baudouin Ngaruye. Meanwhile Makenga is also from the same Bagogwe clan but grew up in Rucuru among Banyejomba clan of former CNDP leader, Laurent Nkunda. Ntaganda has always seen himself as a rival to Nkunda and enjoys large support among the Bagogwe. This meant that Makenga could never rival him for support in the clan which made him court the Banyejomba. Ntaganda has since used his identity to wrestle control from Makenga.

Signs of that M23 would have a fight have always been there. Makenga and Ntaganda have never been friends. When Makenga began M23, he made it clear he had no intention to protect Ntaganda from the International Criminal Court in The Hague. In fact, at the time M23 was formed, Ntaganda who had moved through the Virunga Park was close to Makenga forces. They ignored him. Knowledgeable sources say that among Makenga’s troops were many officers and soldiers who had previously been under Ntaganda’s command and therefore loyal to him. Makenga needed time to consolidate his position.


However, the turning point in M23 came when Runiga became president of the movement. His first action was to negotiate an alliance with Ntaganda. Sources say that Runiga, who is not a Congolese Rwandese but a Mushi, saw that Ntaganda had a following among the M23 troops and had a lot of money and is backed by a strong clan. Makenga, on the other hand, had made Runiga president because as a Mushi and a bishop, he had the stature and following that would expand the political base and appeal of M23 among other Congolese communities. He is well spoken, educated and therefore presentable.


However, when M23 took Goma, the region asked him to leave. In fact Museveni invited Makenga to Kampala where he formally told him that if he needs help from the regional leaders to present his grievances, he needs to withdraw from Goma. Makenga agreed. However, Runiga did not want to leave Goma because he thought it was giving them great political leverage. He called a press conference and put forth a set of political conditions before they could withdraw. He had not consulted Makenga who interpreted it as the hidden voice of Ntaganda. This was the first and major disagreement between Runiga and Makenga. Runiga was now challenging Makenga claiming he was the supreme political leader. He also promoted Col. Baudoin Ngaruye (now in a refugee camp in Giseyi) to Brigadier General – the same rank as Makenga. Nyaruye is very close to Ntaganda. Makenga saw this as Ntaganda taking over M23.


When Makenga returned from Kampala, he wanted to arrest Runiga. However, after a lot of political negotiations he abandoned the idea. But the battle-lines had been drawn and it was only time before the two sides would flex muscles in eastern Congo. The specific point of departure between Runiga and Makenga emerged from the direction of negotiations in Kampala. Makenga, sources say, felt the negotiations should be narrowed down to focus on breaches of the 2009 agreement that led to the M23 rebellion. He focused on ethnic persecution and attracted other ethnic groups to his agenda. Runiga, as a politician wanted to broaden the demands to governance. He saw that the broader platform would attract more support among non-Rwandan Congolese who feel oppressed by Kinshasa. These inter and intra clan and factional rivalries meant that Rwanda could not actively support any of the groups in eastern Congo except at the price of being dragged into what was potential chaos. Courting Museveni

Therefore, from the beginning of this conflict, and if the international community was genuinely committed to solving the problems of DRC, it needed Rwanda’s aid. However, ignorance and prejudice combined with self-interest to push the international community into isolating Rwanda. Without Kigali to cajole and threaten M23, the Tutsi insurgents in DRC were a time bomb. Meanwhile Kinshasa was always only happy to find an international scapegoat for its own internal failures and Rwanda was a perfect one. However, Kinshasa knew all too well the domestic dynamics – and therefore Kabila kept direct personal contact with both Ntaganda and Makenga, calling each one of them by phone regularly. Sources say that through this interaction, Kabila was able to skillfully exploit historical animosities between the two men and their clans – trying to woo both by bad mouthing the other. Congolese intelligence may be corrupt and incompetent in almost everything under the sun but it is efficient in one thing – spreading rumours. Thus, sources say, Congolese intelligence led each side (Makenga and Ntaganda) to believe that the other was working with Kinshasa to clinch a deal behind the other’s back. This increased internal suspicions, which fed into historical clan rivalries. However, what Congo lacks in military and political capacity it may achieve in diplomacy. Since 2011, when relations between Uganda and Rwanda significantly improved significantly, President Museveni and Kagame have been viewed as natural allies. Museveni is the lead mediator on the conflict in Congo. As new alliances are forged, it appears Rwanda’s enemies might want isolate Kagame even from Museveni.
There is a risk if some parties play on their previous animosities to draw the two leaders apart by taking positions that may favour Kampala but hurt Kigali.


When Museveni lost his father, Kagame was expected to fly to Uganda for the funeral. He did not and sent condolences sparking speculation.
Meanwhile, Kikwete flew directly from Addis Ababa to Rwakitura to attend the funeral. Later Kabila flew from Addis Ababa as well to Kinshasa before flying to Rwakitura to lay a wreath on Mzee Amos’ Kaguta’s grave, apparently, sources claim, on the instigation of Kikwete. In the end, observers say, the big security picture in the region could be decided by small matters such as these.
Also you can follow the link below:
How DR Congo conflict could ignite regional war

 

[Nara]

Hivi Kikwete anapeleka majeshi Congo kwa interest gani na ya nani?

Sometimes huwa nadhani rais wetu atakuja kuolewa na kina Kaizari sababu ya ujinga.

 

[Omuregi Wasu]

Mwandishi wa habari hizi ni mjinga asiye na elimu. Jeshi la Tanzania limekomboa Comoro juzi juzi hapa yeye anadai hatujaingia kwenye action for more than 30 years. Tanzania imejihusisha na amani ya Sudan, Somalia, Lebanon nk na kote huko Jeshi letu limeingia kwenye action na kufanya vizuri.... Asubiri aone. Habari hii ni ya uzushi tu!!

 

[Yombayomba]

Haiwezekani afunge safari yote hiyo kuja Kigali, na Kagame asijue. Sitashangaa kama yeye ndo kamruhusu ili Dunia ijue ukweli juu ya vita vya DRC

 

[FJM]

Mwandishi wa habari hizi ni mjinga asiye na elimu. Jeshi la Tanzania limekomboa Comoro juzi juzi hapa yeye anadai hatujaingia kwenye action for more than 30 years. Tanzania imejihusisha na amani ya Sudan, Somalia, Lebanon nk na kote huko Jeshi letu limeingia kwenye action na kufanya vizuri.... Asubiri aone. Habari hii ni ya uzushi tu!!

I see your point, but,

1. Comoro - ule ulikuwa utani! Hakukua na resistance zaidi ya maneno ya wale rebels! And it too how long kwa yule kiongozi wa rebel kujisalimisha kwa wafaransa?

2. Sudam, Somalia, Lebanon - sio combat mission, ni 'peace-keeping' mission. Hivi ni vitu viwili tofauti kabisa.

 

[PhD]

Mwandishi wa habari hizi ni mjinga asiye na elimu. Jeshi la Tanzania limekomboa Comoro juzi juzi hapa yeye anadai hatujaingia kwenye action for more than 30 years. Tanzania imejihusisha na amani ya Sudan, Somalia, Lebanon nk na kote huko Jeshi letu limeingia kwenye action na kufanya vizuri.... Asubiri aone. Habari hii ni ya uzushi tu!!

we unaongea vichekesho, hivi ile ya comoro utaita ilikuwa vita? watu wameshinda bila reistance na canary bakary akavaa hijabu yake na kukimbia wewe unaona pale kulikuwa na vita? hali ya congo ni tete lazima tahadhari zichukuliwe vinginevyo watanzania watapoteza baba, kaka, wajomba na ndugu zao huko kwenye vita. Ni wazi kuwa Tanzania haijashiriki mapigano kwa miongo mitatu sasa, Congo itakuwa ni changamoto.

 

[kukomya]

The writer of this article is an idiot who doesn't understand the military capabilities of the Tanzanian Army and the content of his wording indicate he is working for the Rwandan Intelligence Service.

 

[EMT]

Mwandishi wa habari hizi ni mjinga asiye na elimu. Jeshi la Tanzania limekomboa Comoro juzi juzi hapa yeye anadai hatujaingia kwenye action for more than 30 years. Tanzania imejihusisha na amani ya Sudan, Somalia, Lebanon nk na kote huko Jeshi letu limeingia kwenye action na kufanya vizuri.... Asubiri aone. Habari hii ni ya uzushi tu!!

Kwa hiyo huko koooooote ulikokutaja TPDF walikuwa wanapambana na counter insurgency?

Unajua maana ya counter insurgency au na wewe ni "mjinga usiye na elimu" kama ulivyodai kwa huyo mwandishi?

Kama wewe unajiona una elimu basi tuambie tofauti kati ya counter insurgency na military peacekeeping?

Can you counter insurgency if you have only be allowed to "shoot at dogs" huko ulikokutaja?

Article ina discrepancies nyingi tuu lakini na wewe usijifanye "mjinga asiye na elimu" kama unavyomshutumu huyo mwandishi.

 

[EMT]

The writer of this article is an idiot who doesn't understand the military capabilities of the Tanzanian Army and the content of his wording indicate he is working for the Rwandan Intelligence Service.

Unless you aren't an idiot as well tell us how you understand the military capabilities of the Tanzanian Army.

This is the only way we will know immediately if you are also an idiot or not.

Otherwise, I will be an idiot as well if say that you're also working for the Tanzania intelligence service.

 

[TIMING]

Hivi Kikwete anapeleka majeshi Congo kwa interest gani na ya nani?

Sometimes huwa nadhani rais wetu atakuja kuolewa na kina Kaizari sababu ya ujinga.

ana washauri wake wa usalama ndio wanaomshauri

 

[Omuregi Wasu]

Sawa kaka elimu yangu ni ndogo sana kwa masuala ya kijeshi. Sijawahi piat JKT wala Mgambo ila nina Doctorate degree in Civil Engineering specialized in landslide and slope stability. Nipo Denver nafanyakazi kama mtaalam mshauri wa terracon. Nakiri sielewi kiingereza vizuri kama wewe maana nimezaliwa Tanzania ila nimesomea Marekani na Uingereza.
Kiingereza siyo lugha ya mama kwangu na watoto wangu wote wananizidi kiingereza kwa kuwa wao ni lugha ya mama.
Ebu elewa mission ya jeshi[TPDF] kwenye nchi kama Somalia then njoo na hoja.

Nakutakia baraka za Mungu sana ila kumbuka hujatoa hoja.

Kwa hiyo huko koooooote ulikokutaja TPDF walikuwa wanapambana na counter insurgency?

Unajua maana ya counter insurgency au na wewe ni "mjinga usiye na elimu" kama ulivyodai kwa huyo mwandishi?

Kama wewe unajiona una elimu basi tuambie tofauti kati ya counter insurgency na military peacekeeping?

Can you counter insurgency if you have have only be allowed to "shoot at dogs" huko ulikokutaja?

Article ina discrepancies nyingi tuu lakini na wewe usijifanye "mjinga asiye na elimu" kama unavyomshutumu huyo mwandishi.

 

[chamakh]

I have tried to read it carefully,though there is a lot of salt in it!! The scriber,I believe is supporting Kagame

There are a lot of statements which are not true,eg TPDF's inexperience that is not true, it has been to Liberia, Sierra leone, Lebanon, Darfur, Comoro and without forgetting liberation of several African countries.

Also,a claim that problems of M23 are not from Rwanda rather from failure of Kinshasa, that is a joke, we allknow how Rwanda for several years has caused chaos n northern and eastern Congo DR

I ended laughing when I read the last paragraph that the burial of mzee Kaguta could have any significant effect and will end up drawing Kagame and museveni apart-yaani ukisoma utajua huyu mwandishi ni Mnyarwanda au ana masilahi na Rwanda

 

[ni katika kazi]

the writer of this article is an idiot who doesn't understand the military capabilities of the tanzanian army and the content of his wording indicate he is working for the rwandan intelligence service.

How do you call the writer of this article an idiot? Am sure you aren't able to compose a well written article like this. Typical tanzanian behaviors of not thinking well before you put your thoughts down.
What military capabilities are you talking about? These people have been fighting in them jungles for years. No way tpdf is going to succeed in this. We should avoid sending our military at all cost to drc. Its so pathetic how leaders just get into war not caring the lives of the people we gonna loose.

NB: Ask yourself why usa is still in afghanistan now, with all there military capabilities...

 

[chamakh]

I see your point, but,

1. Comoro - ule ulikuwa utani! Hakukua na resistance zaidi ya maneno ya wale rebels! And it too how long kwa yule kiongozi wa rebel kujisalimisha kwa wafaransa?

2. Sudam, Somalia, Lebanon - sio combat mission, ni 'peace-keeping' mission. Hivi ni vitu viwili tofauti kabisa.

acha kudharau jeshi letu wewe, your hatred against Kikwete isikutie kiwi usione kuwa hatujafanya kazi yoyote, otherwise you are sick from denial problems, goand see a psychiatrist immediately!!

 

[Sikonge]

Nafikiri ukweli upo katikati.

Tanzania tusiwadharau hao waasi wa M-23 wakishirikiana na Kagame.

Pia Kagame na M-23 wasitudharau sisi kwa sababu tu hatujapigana vita miaka 30.

Peace Keeping ya Somalia na Sudan ni VITA wakuu na siyo kama ilivyokuwa Comorro.

Kumbuka pia kuwa UMATONYA wa Vasco, umepelekea USA kuwa na sisi kwa karibu KIJESHI.

On March 20, Ambassador Alfonso E. Lenhardt (center) presented keys to four utility trucks to General Davis Mwamunyange (left), Chief of Defense of the Tanzanian People's Defense Force (TPDF). The ceremony was held at the Ministry of Defense and was also attended by Lieutenant General Samuel Ndomba (right), Chief of Staff of the TPDF, and Major General Farrah Mohamed, Chief of Operations and Training of the TPDF. The vehicles were donated as part of a Department of State program, the Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA). The Ambassador said: " The Tanzanian People's Defense Forces has clearly demonstrated that they can successfully muster, train and deploy peacekeeping forces into international conflict areas like Darfur. This gift symbolizes the American people's support and appreciation of Tanzania's continued commitment to participate in peacekeeping missions."

 

[Kidatu]

Aliyeleta mada hii ni mpumbavu aliyezidi kipimo cha upumbavu. Ninawachukia watu wanaoichukia nchi yao na kusifia nchi nyingine, huo si uzalendo.

Ni bora tubishane CCM na CDM ndani ya nchi yetu kuliko huu upumbavu. Na mwisho ningependa kumwambia mleta mada kwamba Jeshi la Tanzania linashika namba sita kwa ubora katika majeshi yote ya Africa. Sasa hizi habari za kukandia jeshi letu ukome kabisa na ningekuwa na uwezo wa kujua ulipo ningekufuata na kukukata makofi. Shetani mkubwa wewe.

 

[FJM]

acha kudharau jeshi letu wewe, your hatred against Kikwete isikutie kiwi usione kuwa hatujafanya kazi yoyote, otherwise you are sick from denial problems, goand see a psychiatrist immediately!!

Ni wapi kwenye post yangu nimedharau jeshi 'letu'? Na kwa nini usijibu post yangu kwa hoja badala ya 'personal attack? Now, labda utusaidie sisi tunaogua 'denial problems' - ni lini jeshi letu lilikuwa kwenye combat mission (not peace-keeping mission)?

Yes, jeshi 'letu' ni zuri sana, but also ni vema ukajua situation ya DRC is a complex one. Jaribu kupitia dodoso za last meeting ya AU na uone jinsi walikuwa wamegawanyika. Then rudi kwenye ground and do the maths!

 

[kalou]

i couldn't read all of the article,but 1 thing i know is that,Financialy Tanzania can't get involved into any war ,against any country...unless that war will help to make the ruling polital party stay there for more than 6 years..i mean it

 

[EMT]

Sawa kaka elimu yangu ni ndogo sana kwa masuala ya kijeshi. Sijawahi piat JKT wala Mgambo ila nina Doctorate degree in Civil Engineering specialized in landslide and slope stability. Nipo Denver nafanyakazi kama mtaalam mshauri wa terracon. Nakiri sielewi kiingereza vizuri kama wewe maana nimezaliwa Tanzania ila nimesomea Marekani na Uingereza.
Kiingereza siyo lugha ya mama kwangu na watoto wangu wote wananizidi kiingereza kwa kuwa wao ni lugha ya mama.
Ebu elewa mission ya jeshi[TPDF] kwenye nchi kama Somalia then njoo na hoja.

Nakutakia baraka za Mungu sana ila kumbuka hujatoa hoja.

Wapi nimesema naelewa Kiingereza zaidi ya wewe? Wapi nimesema nimetoa hoja?

Unataka kunilisha maeneno ambayo sijayasema? Anyway, nimekupata.

Umesema una doctorate degree in Civil Engineering specialised in landslide and slope stability.

Upo Denver unafanya kazi kama mtaalamu mshauri wa terracon.

Huelewi Kiingereza vizuri japokuwa umesoma Marekani na Uingereza.

Kuwa elimu yako ni ndogo sana kwa masuala ya kijeshi.

Lakini unanitaka nielewe mission ya TPDF kwenye nchi kama Somalia halafu nije na hoja.

Utaweza kweli kuijibu hiyo hoja kama elimu yako ni ndogo sana kwa masuala ya kijeshi?

Kama huelewi Kiingereza vizuri imekuwaje ukarukia thread ya Kiingereza na kuanza kumkandia mwandishi kuwa ni mjinga asiye na elimu?

Hivi kwenye thesis yako ya Ph.D ulikuwa unawa-criticise other writers kuwa ni wajinga wasiokuwa na elimu?

 

[chamakh]

Someni kenye red ndo msisitizo ulipo

Finally, and in spite of his advice, SADC went ahead to recommend deployment of troops inside DRC to fight "wrong elements" (read M23). The countries to contribute to this force are South Africa, Tanzania and Mozambique. This is a potentially explosive decision.

MIMI NAJIULIZA HUYU MWANDISHI Kwa nini aseme fighting against M23 is fighting against wrong elements? yeye anawafahamu watu halisi behind M23? Anawajua wengineo apart from M23? and why according to him this decision will be potentially explosive one? Mbona kama anaji defend?