CCM na Hatima Ya Bunge La Katiba

CCM na Hatima Ya Bunge La Katiba

Mkuu Mchambuzi,

Nini kilichokufanya upige about turn na sasa unakuja na hii historia ambayo sasa imekuwa wimbo wa taifa kwa wananchi wa Zanzibar.

Mbali ya nia yako njema ya kuleta huu mnakasha bado nakuona huutendei haki huu mnakasha wala hutendei haki wananchi wa pande zote mbili za Muungano kwa kumpa credit Mwalimu aka Baba Yenu wa Taifa.

Mwalimu hakuwa na niq hata ya saa limoja kuwapa wananchi nafasi ya kuubadili katiba kwa mawazo yao wenyewe wala kuujaadili Muungano. Hilo kwake ilikuwa ni Uhaini na kama alikuwa na vision basi asingali mlazimisha Mzee A.Jumbe kujiuzulu, wala asingali wapinga G55, wala asingalipuuzia mabali mapendekezo yoyote aliyopewa na taasisi yoyote.
Nakutanabahisha pia sio kweli kama hili suala la kero za Muungano zilianza kuibuka na sakata la Jumbe. Tumemsikia Mzee H.N.Moyo mara zaidi ya mbili kuwa katika 1970 walienda kwa Mwalimu kutaka baadhi ya mambo yale kumi na moja ya Muungano yapunguzwe na Mwalimu alikataa na.mwisho aliyachukuwa hata yale makbrasha.waliyokwenda nayo ili kuzima huo mwamko wa Serikali ya Zanzibar.

Umeleta mada nzuri lakini nakupa pole, watu kama kina Pasco na Parameter ambao wameishi ki kasuku kasuku wanauharibu huu mnakasha sababu wameshazoea itabidi uvumilie

Ahsante

Mkuu, hakuna turn around niliyofanya sehemu yoyote. Throughout nimekuwa natetea madai ya zanzibar juu ya identity yao na autonomy yao, tembelea nyuzi zangu utaliona hilo kwa jicho jepesi tu.

Suala la mwalimu na muungano, nalo nimelijadili sana, tembelea uzi wangu wenye jina: "tundu lissu na kiini macho cha muungano"; katika hilo, nimejadili sana jinsi gani mkataba wa muungano ulivyochakachuliwa na TANU lakini pia jinsi gani Tanganyika ilizikwa rasmi na serikali ya TANU kimya kimya kupitia sheria namba 22 mwaka 1967. Pamoja na hayo, bado haina maana kwamba nyerere hakuwa visionary na suala la panafricanism, tatizo lake ilikuwa the means towards that end. Again, his vision inspired many, but practice taught a lot others.

Mwisho kuhusu mzee wangu nassoro moyo, hiyo ni taarifa muhimu kwangu kwani inanisaidia kujenga hoja yangu kwamba hisia kali dhidi ya mfumo mbovu wa muungano hazijaanza na G55 kama peter Kisumo anavyotaka kutueleza bali it was way before that, na kama haya ya mzee wangu nassoro moyo ni ya kweli, nashukuru kwa kuongezea nguvu hoja yangu.



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Hili ni angalizo muhimu kulingatia.
Pasco.

Angalizo muhimu my foot!

Nyie mnapo tuandikia utumbo hapa mnadhani hakuna wa kuwasoma na kuwajibu?

Tulia dawa iingie. Muanzisha chuki. Msukuma ulie asi nyumbani kwenu!

Wasukuma kwa mujibu wa statistics mpya mko zaidi ya milion 10!
Lln cha kushangaza ni kuwa wageni wanakuja huko kwenu wakajichotea rasilimali yote ya usukumani.
Hali ya kuwa wanaotakiwa kulifanya hilo ni watu kama wewe ambao. Badala ya kupigania maendeleo ya kwao!
Wanawashwa na masuala ya Wazanzibar.! Na WAISLAMU!

Wapi umeshawahi kuona mtu anawacha kinacho muhusu anarukia yale ya wale ASIO WAPENDA!

Manake WEWE Pasco WAISLAMU HUWAPENDI! Na wao pia HAWAKUPENDI! Sasa nyosodo za nini!? We toka bariadi au magu. Au maswa mpaka Unguja ni ma alfu mangapi ya miles??

Sasa wacha watu wamwagike kwa raha zao! Hio angalizo mpeleke yule muhehe yerico bin nyenyere!

Msahau asili!
Halafu kila nikisoma hawa mabango yenu najifunza kitu kipya kuhusu tabia zenu!
And very soon mtakuja adhirika!

Usijaribu kunizuia nikita kuandika chochote.
 
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Mkuu Mchambuzi nashukuru sana kwa bandiko lako ambalo lina uchambuzi yakinifu. Kwanza kabisa naomba ku declare interest hapa ya kwamba mimi ni mfuasi wa unitary state.

Kwa hali iliyopo sasa mimi siamini kwamba muundo wa serikali tatu ni jawabu la matatizo yaliyopo. Kama ulivyosema Zanzibar kwa sasa ni kama wana serikali yao ambapo bado kuna vitu vichache tu iwe sovereign state. Katiba yao ya sasa ni kama imeitoa Zanzibar kwenye Muungano wa Serikali Mbili.


Muundo wa federal uliopendekezwa na Tume ya Katiba kwa hakika hauwezi kufanya kazi katika Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar bali ni stepping stone ya kuua Muungano kabisa na kila nchi mshirika wa muungano ku claim sovereignty yake kwa mujibu wa Montevideo convention.

Wanzibar wanataka utaifa wao ambao kwa hakika hauwezi kupatikana ndani ya Federal State kama inavyotambulika (Rejea federation ya USA - Majimbo hayana utaifa). Naamini kabisa utaifa wanaoutaka ni sovereign state na suala kubwa ni kuhusu uhusiano wa nje yaani Article 1 (d) ya Montevideo Convention.

Katiba mpya ikipita, Wazanzibar watadhani wamepewa sovereignty na hivyo kuwa na uhuru wa kujiunga na vyombo vya kimataifa kama OIC, kumbe siyo: Sovereignty itabaki kwenye Union Government. Wakishalijua hili wataleta sokomoko tena wakidai utaifa wao.

Tungejikita kujua Wazanzibar wanataka utaifa gani na tuwape utaifa huo badala ya kujificha kwenye kichaka cha federal state.

Mimi kwa mawazo yangu naona kwa muundo wa sasa Zanzibar wana uhuru wa kufanya mambo yao kuliko wakiingia kwenye Federation.

Pia kuhusu kwamba watu wengi wametaka serikali tatu kwa mujibu wa Tume ya Maoni ya Katiba, mimi nashindwa kuafiki. Hili ni jambo zito la kuhusu nchi, likichezewa tutajikuta tunaachana vibaya. Badala ya kukimbilia kuweka mambo ya federation kwenye Katiba tungerudi na kuwauliza wananchi wa Tanganyika na Zainzibar wanataka Muungano wa aina gani. Hili lingefanyika kwa njia ya referendum ili kupata wide participation ya wananchi wa nchi zetu. Lakini hili la Tume mimi naona bado lina ukakasi.

Hapa kuna mambo mawili: Ni kuwa na serikali moja ama kuwa na serikali moja moja badala ya hizi cosmetics za federation ya serikali tatu ama serikali mbili.
 
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Katika siku za hivi karibuni, kuna matukio makuu manne yaliyojitokeza:

*Kwanza ni mwendelezo wa kauli za viongozi wa serikali na ccm kitaifa juu ya msimamo wao kuhusu hatima ya mfumo wa muungano kufuatia hatima ya bunge la katiba; kwa maana nyingine, kauli zao zina maanisha kwamba - tayari ccm inajua mfumo upi wa muungano utapitishwa na kurudhiwa na bunge la katiba; pili, kauli za viongozi husika zinaashiria kwamba kuna uwezekano mkubwa kwa taifa kurudi kwenye katiba ya 1977 iwapo bunge la katiba halitaridhia yaliyomo kwenye rasimu ya pili ya katiba, hivyo kutokuwa na haja kwa taifa kuingia kwenye hatua ya mwisho ya mchakato ambayo ni kura ya maoni;

Tukio kubwa la pili ni lile la uteuzi wa wajumbe wa bunge la katiba ambapo miongoni mwao wapo wale ambao wamekuwa wakipingana waziwazi na maoni ya wananchi waliofikiwa na tume ya jaji warioba. Muhimu pia ni kwamba baadhi ya makundi ya kijamii kutoka pande zote za muungano yameshangazwa na majina yaliyotanganzwa kwenye uteuzi wa wajumbe wa bunge la katiba huku wengine wakienda mbali zaidi na kusema kwamba yapo majina ambayo wao hawayatambui kama ni watu miongoni mwa wanachama wenzao;

*Tukio la tatu ni baadhi ya wana ccm kuanza kujenga hoja kama vile linapokuja suala la katiba mpya, chombo kilicho supreme katika maamuzi juu ya katiba mpya ni bunge la JMT na sio bunge la Katiba. Ikumbukwe kwamba bunge la JMT ni predominantly CCM;

*Na tukio la nne ni mwendelezo wa baadhi ya wana ccm na viongozi wao kumshambulia jaji warioba na tume yake kama vile wao ndio waliobuni hoja ya serikali tatu;

Kufuatia muktadha wa hapo juu, nadhani ni muhimu tukajadili maswali yafuatayo:

1. Bunge la katiba maana yake ni nini?
2. Kazi kubwa ya bunge la katiba ni ipi?
3.Nini ni tofauti kubwa baina ya shughuli za bunge la JMT na zile za bunge la katiba?
4. Je kikatiba, tumetoka wapi kama taifa na tunaelekea wapi?
5. And linapokuja suala la muungano, why it is always - WHAT CONSITUTES PEOPLES HOPES CONSISTITUTES CCM's fears?
6. Mwisho, je are Nyerere's fears juu ya serikali tatu similar to fears za viongozi wa leo wa ccm?

Nitarejea kutoa maoni yangu, lakini hasa yakilenga katika suala zima la mfumo wa muungano kwani ni dhahiri kwamba suala hili litahodhi sehemu kubwa sana ya mijadala katika bunge la katiba;dalili hizi tumeshaziona kupitia rasimu ya katiba ambapo zaidi ya nusu ya wananchi walijikita katika kujadili suala la muungano pekee yake; tukumbuke kwamba hapo awali serikali ilizuia suala la muungano lisiwe sehemu ya mjadala katika mchakato wa katiba mpya;ni shinikizo la wazanzibari ndio lililogeuza msimamo wa ccm
Juu ya suala hili;

Cc happyfeet, Nguruvi3, JokaKuu, Jasusi, Kimbunga, Kichuguu, Mag3, MTAZAMO Pasco, candiscope, Zinedine, Bongolander EMT, Kimweri Nape Nnauye, zumbemkuu, JingalaFalsafa, Zakumi, gfsonwin, na wengine wote mnakaribishwa;




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@Mchambuzi wakati tunasubiri uendelee kumalizia ngwe kama ulivyoahidi naomba niweke senti sumuni.
1. Suala la muungano, why it is always - WHAT CONSITUTES PEOPLES HOPES CONSISTITUTES CCM's fears?
Jibu ni kuwa mazingira ya sasa yanaihakikishia CCM kutawala, kufisadi, kudhihaki na kila unalofikiri.
Ujio wa katiba mpya ni tishio kwa usalama wao.

2.Na tukio la nne ni mwendelezo wa baadhi ya wana ccm na viongozi wao kumshambulia jaji warioba na tume yake kama vile wao ndio waliobuni hoja ya serikali tatu;
Kwa vile hakuna hoja za kusimama kueleza msimamo wa CCM kuhusu serikali 2 kwa mantiki, hasa tukizingatia miaka 50 ya kushindwa, njia rahisi ni kutafuta mtu na kumfanya subject. Warioba hashambuliwi kwasababu wanamchuki, la hasha, wanafanya hivyo ili kumvumbua adui(invent enemy) ambaye hayupo. Ndio maana tunajadili zaidi kuhusu Warioba bila kujadili ni vipi msimamo wa CCM wa miaka 50 utabadilika mwaka kesho.

3.Tukio la tatu ni baadhi ya wana ccm kuanza kujenga hoja kama vile linapokuja suala la katiba mpya, chombo kilicho supreme katika maamuzi juu ya katiba mpya ni bunge la JMT na sio bunge la Katiba. Ikumbukwe kwamba bunge la JMT ni predominantly CCM;
WanaCCM hao ni wale walioshindwa kuelewa kuwa suala la katiba lilipoteza supremacy kwa CCM kwasababu kuu mbili
a) Haikuwa sera ya chama chao ab initio
b) Mchakato haukupitia kwenye chama, wao kama wananchi wengine walipakiwa njiani kuelekea kusikojulikana. Leo wanapata wapi supremacy juu ya katiba ambayo hawakuwahi kuijadili.
CCM ina hatamu moja katika hili, badala ya kumshambulia Warioba, wamwite Kikwete kama alivyoitwa Mbeki wamhoji chanzo cha kuanzisha mchakato nje ya chama. Warioba abafanya kazi ya JK

4.Tukio kubwa la pili ni lile la uteuzi wa wajumbe wa bunge la katiba
Hili likuwa wazi kabisa, tuliliona tukaonya lakini Watanzania hawakusikia. Hivi kwanini chama cha wafanyakazi kichekeche majina 200 na kupata 20 ya kumpelekea JK ili achgaue 10 na isiwe kuwa chama kifikishe majina 10 ya mwisho.Ni mbinu tu


 
Dah..tunahitaji mchango wako kwa kiasi kikubwa katika kuelekea Tanzania tunayoitaka

Nashukuru kwa mtazamo wako; mimi ni muumini wa imani kwamba mtu kuchangia katika ujenzi au maendeleo ya taifa lake hakuhitaji kwanza awe kiongozi;as a matter of fact, wengi ambao huwa wanaonyesha uwezo mkubwa wa kabla ya kupata uongozi hukoma kuwa na manufaa kwa taifa lao mara tu wanapopata nafasi za uongozi;

That said and done, nation building is a multifaceted phenomenon, inaweza kutokea kupitia siasa, civil society, private sector involvement, volunteering sector n.k; isitoshe, katika ulimwengu huu wa utandawazi, nguvu ya social media ni kubwa mno, na wapo watu ninao wafahamu kutokasekta nilizotaja hapo juu ambao wanatumia sana jamiiforums kupata mawazo kwa nia ya kutekeleza majukumu mbalimbali ya ujenzi wa taifa, kwahiyo sio mimi tu, hata wewe ni muhiu utambue kwamba fursa ya kuchangia ujenzi na maendeleo ya taifa lako ni kubwa mno hata kama hauna nafasi ya uongozi wa kisiasa. Pamoja tujenga taifa letu kwani hata bila ya uongozi, bado fursa hiyo tunayo;





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Katika bandiko #105 niliuliza maswali kadhaa na kuahidi kurudi na mchango wangu. Ningependa nianze na maswali yafuatayo:

*Linapokuja suala la muungano, why it is always - WHAT CONSTITUTES PEOPLE'S HOPES CONSTITUTES CCM's fears?

*Were/Are Nyerere's fears juu ya serikali tatu similar to fears za viongozi wa leo wa ccm?

Nadhani tunaweza pata mwanga kwa maswali haya iwapo pia tutachambua maswali yafuatayo:
*Ni nini serikali ya ccm inapendelea na ni nini serikali ya ccm inachojaribu kuepuka?

Kwanza na awali ya yote, serikali ya CCM inataka chama kibakie intact na inajaribu kila liwezekanalo to keep the party intact; swali linalofuata ni je; ukweli ni upi kati ya haya:

*Ujio wa Tanganyika utapelekea kuvunjika kwa muungano au ujio wa Tanyanyika utapelekea kuvunjika kwa ccm?

Tukirudi nyuma kwenye sakata la G55, serikali ilishabariki ujio wa Tanganyika na kilichokuja zuia ilikuwa ni mwalimu nyerere; kwa maana nyingine, serikali ilishafanya maamuzi kinyume na matakwa ya mwalimu; maswali yanayofuatia ni je, lilipokuja suala la Tanganyika:

*CCM ilikubali hoja ya Tanganyika kwa nia ya kulinda ccm isivunjike au kuzuia muungano usivunjike?

Na kwa upande wa Mwalimu, ipi ilikuwa ni hofu kubwa zaidi kwake kupelekea kuzuia hoja ya Tanganyika isiendelee - je:

*Hofu ya mwalimu ilikuwa zaidi kwamba Tanganyika ingevunja ccm au ingevunja muungano

Kwa mtazamo wangu pengine finyu, hofu kubwa ya mwalimu ilikuwa zaidi juu ya kuvunjika kwa muungano kuliko kuvunjika kwa ccm kwani sio mara moja alijadili juu ya haja ya ccm kuvunjika vipande viwili, hasa kwanini itakuwa na tija zaidi kwa taifa.

Kwa upande wa serikali ya ccm, hofu yao ilikuwa kubwa zaidi (in my humble view) juu ya kuvunjika kwa ccm kuliko muungano; kwa maana nyingine, viongozi wa ccm walithubutu to act contrary to Nyerere's wish (kurudisha Tanganyika) kwa sababu walikuwa wanalinda suala zito zaidi - kulinda chama (ccm) kisivunjike;

Je leo hii, linapokuja suala la Tanganyika, viongozi wa ccm wanaopinga Tanganyika wanafanya hivyo kwa lengo lipi kubwa zaidi kati ya haya mawili: unity of ccm or unity of the nation (muungano)?

Kwa mtazamo wangu finyu again, hata leo they are acting for a weightier cause - kulinda ccm isivunjike; lakini ni dhahiri viongozi husika wa ccm hawawezi kukubali hoja hii moja kwa moja, badala yake pengine watajenga hoja (kwa kuazima kauli za mwalimu) kwamba ccm ikiyumba, nchi itayumba, hivyo kuvunjika kwa ccm kutapelekea instability ya nchi na kutishia kutoweka kwa amani, umoja na utulivu nchini; kwa mantiki hii, watajaribu kushawishi umma kwamba matendo na nia yao sio partisan (ya kuangalia maslahi ya chama zaidi) bali ni kwa maslahi ya taifa zaidi;

Ebu tujadili hili la mwisho zaidi - ccm acting on nation's interest kuliko party's interest; ila tuangalie swali kwamba je:

*Kuvunjika kwa ccm na pia ujio wa Tanganyika kutakuwa na madhara gani kwa taifa?

In my humble view, pamoja na mapungufu mengi sana ya ccm, kuna grain of truth kwamba ccm kuvunjika na ujio wa Tanganyika kutapelekea nchi kuyumba; lakini hii sio kwasababu ccm ni chama bora bali kwasababu upinzani bado haujaja na any viable alternative kwa watanzania ambayo itajaza the vacuum (ombwe) litakalotokana na kuvunjika kwa ccm na pia ujio wa Tanganyika; bado vyama vya upinzani havijaja na any viable alternative in terms of vision, leadership, programmes au organization (institutionalization), haya tumeyajadili sana na Nguruvi3 kule kwenye duru; kwa misingi hii, katika nyakati hizi ambazo upinzani bado unalega lega, umoja wa ccm is a factor for stability ya nchi;

Pamoja na ukweli huu, badala ya ccm kujisahihisha, chama kimekuwa bize kiki undermine its own stabilizing role kwa kuto manage vizuri kiu ya mabadiliko kutoka kwa umma; linapokuja suala la Tanganyika maana yake ni fursa ya wananchi kwa mara ya kwanza kujiamulia taifa wanalotaka, kwa njia ya kidemokrasia ambayo imekuwa ikibanwa na kuendeshwa on a top down fashion na ccm kwa miaka 50 sasa; given all these factors, kwa uchaguzi 2015, kwa kweli it is for the opposition to loose;



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Kufuatia muktadha wa hapo juu, nadhani ni muhimu tukajadili maswali yafuatayo:

1. Bunge la katiba maana yake ni nini?
2. Kazi kubwa ya bunge la katiba ni ipi?
3.Nini ni tofauti kubwa baina ya shughuli za bunge la JMT na zile za bunge la katiba?
4. Je kikatiba, tumetoka wapi kama taifa na tunaelekea wapi?
5. And linapokuja suala la muungano, why it is always - WHAT CONSITUTES PEOPLES HOPES CONSISTITUTES CCM's fears?
6. Mwisho, je are Nyerere's fears juu ya serikali tatu similar to fears za viongozi wa leo wa ccm?
Mchambuzi,

Unfortunately, some of us saw this coming long time ago. Ndiyo maana wachache tuliushtukia mchakato mzima mapema kabisa na kusema ni mbovu. Kwa maana nyingine, personally sioni umuhimu wa kutafuta majibu ya hayo maswali kwa sababu mchakato mzima ulikuwa based on the wrong premises. I still stand with my preliminary objections and I don't see the need to discuss on any substantive issues. Sana sana nita-copy na ku-paste hapa nilichoandika enzi hizo kwenye ile thread ya Mwanakijiji ya Kwa nini napinga mchakato wa Katiba Mpya ulivyo sasa na kwanini wewe pia yakupasa uupinge. Tuliyoongea wakati huo ndiyo yanaanza kujionyesha taratibu.

===========

When the President announced his Presidential Constitutional Review Commission that will preside over the process of writing a new Constitution, I said I will reserve my comments until I read the first draft of the new Constitution. As most people were supporting the Commission, I thought my be "nimerukwa na akili". However, [Mwanakijiji's] article has prompted me to comment on even before the Commission starts embarking on its task.]

Our current Constitution was made by a group of people that was not inclusive. Large numbers of people were excluded from the political process and the whole system of government. It is unquestionable that constitutions made by commissions, such as the one appointed by the President, without participation of the people's representatives cannot make the government system inclusive.

The need for Constituent Assembly

Unlike other forms of constitution-making in which a constitution is unilaterally imposed by a sovereign lawmaker, the Constituent Assembly, also known as a Constitutional Convention or Constitutional Assembly, creates a constitution through "internally imposed" actions. This means members of the Constituent Assembly are themselves citizens, but not necessarily the rulers, of the country for which they are creating the constitution. Constituent Assembly also restructures the State's institutions and policies.

In the past, state's institutions were made to suit the interests of elites. Therefore, for transformation and making Tanzania a prosperous country, Constituent Assembly is a matter of necessity for the new Constitution. Constituent Assembly is the most important instrument of making constitution by all and addresses the problem of exclusion by inclusive democracy.

In inclusive democracy, no institution, including the President, can have special powers. Whether or not we want to have an institution with special powers, this should be decided by the Constituent Assembly. Since it is the highest body of people, Constituent Assembly can decide on this matter. Constituency Assembly is, therefore, necessary for building the structure of inclusive democracy and root out the possibility of conflict in future.

Purposes/objective of Constituency Assembly

The new constitution should be made by the Constituent Assembly for the following purposes/objectives. Firstly, Constituent Assembly adopts diversity as a core value. Constitution is a fundamental law of our country, so it should make the system of government inclusive of all. All people must participate in it, so that every individual will own it irrespective of their religion, ethnicity, race, sex, age and geography.

Tanzania's unity is dependent upon the recognition of Tanzania as a country of all people equally. Thus, language, culture and identity of all groups must be recognized as national assets. Only this way, we can preserve the unity of the people. Constitution, therefore, by recognizing diversity must promote unity. Effectively, constitution making process must give chance to every individual to debate and express their opinions.

Secondly, as you pointed out, Constituent Assembly makes the people sovereign. The power of the State rests on people, which is known as sovereignty, not on the President. By making constitution through their representatives, people exercise the power of sovereignty. Through Constituent Assembly, the people are defining structure of democracy and structure of government in which political parties must work. Constituent Assembly in this sense will devolve sovereignty from the President and political parties to the people [so far kinachotokea sasa ni sovereignty kumilikiwa na Rais na chama tawala].

Thirdly, Constituent Assembly lets the people decide on the structure of the State. Recognition and protection of fundamental human rights is one of the most important steps of controlling government from being tyrant. So, people will decide what kind of rights they want to make fundamental rights in the new Constitution. People must be able to directly rule them. The self-governance is most basic foundation of democracy. So, by making constitution through Constituent Assembly, people will be able to decide what kind of local governance should be recognized by the State.

The Process

The Constituent Assembly should be elected by direct votes of the people. Members of the Constituent Assembly should be elected according to the proportional election system.

Tenure of Constituent Assembly should be two years from the date of the first assembly. But it can be extended for another six months if emergency situation in the country occurs.

Every member in the Constituent Assembly can propose a bill and let the discussion take place. in this way, every individual through his/her representative can put forward proposal for bills of the new Constitution.

People can participate in the discussion through submitting proposals, and inviting members for discussion. People can create pressure groups to make their issues recognized. Participation of everybody is crucial in making of the new constitution to be owned by all people and not by some few elites.

Now, we, the people of the United Republic of Tanzania, have two options in the making of a new Constitution. The first option (which is already in the pipeline) is that at the non-democratic extreme of the spectrum, we may have a sovereign lawgiver or intermediaries laying down the new constitution for all future generations. The second option (which many Tanzanians have never thought about it) is that at the democratic extreme, we may have a Constituent Assembly elected by universal suffrage for the sole task of writing the new constitution. Since we have chosen the non-democratic route, then we must stop complaining and prepare for undemocratic outcomes of the new constitution making process.
 
Kufuatia muktadha wa hapo juu, nadhani ni muhimu tukajadili maswali yafuatayo:

1. Bunge la katiba maana yake ni nini?
2. Kazi kubwa ya bunge la katiba ni ipi?
3.Nini ni tofauti kubwa baina ya shughuli za bunge la JMT na zile za bunge la katiba?
4. Je kikatiba, tumetoka wapi kama taifa na tunaelekea wapi?
5. And linapokuja suala la muungano, why it is always - WHAT CONSITUTES PEOPLES HOPES CONSISTITUTES CCM's fears?
6. Mwisho, je are Nyerere's fears juu ya serikali tatu similar to fears za viongozi wa leo wa ccm?

Nitarejea kutoa maoni yangu, lakini hasa yakilenga katika suala zima la mfumo wa muungano kwani ni dhahiri kwamba suala hili litahodhi sehemu kubwa sana ya mijadala katika bunge la katiba;dalili hizi tumeshaziona kupitia rasimu ya katiba ambapo zaidi ya nusu ya wananchi walijikita katika kujadili suala la muungano pekee yake; tukumbuke kwamba hapo awali serikali ilizuia suala la muungano lisiwe sehemu ya mjadala katika mchakato wa katiba mpya;ni shinikizo la wazanzibari ndio lililogeuza msimamo wa ccm
Juu ya suala hili;

Mchambuzi kimsingi tukiangalia suala la katiba kwa ujumla unaweza kuona ni kama verdict ya watanzania kwa CCM. Kitaaluma au kitaalam kuna flaws kiasi kwenye mchakato mzima kabla ya kufikia hapa tulipo. Despite the hostile political environment, still they managed to come up with something which shows that the did something,tusiwabeze. Mchakato wa white paper na blue paper kwa ujumla haukuwa wazi sana na haukuhusisha wote waliotakiwa kuhusika. Ninachoweza kusema ni kuwa bunge la katiba maana yake ni chombo kinachowakilisha watanzania wote katika kaundaa katiba inayowakilisha nia ya wananchi kuhusu utawala wa nchi, na kazi yake kupitia yale waliyoamua WANANCHI kwa mujibu wa white paper na kuanganlia namna ya kuyaweka kwenye lugha ya kisheria, na kama yanaendana na hali halisi na matakwa ya nchi.

Kimsingi jukumu lake ni moja tu kuandaa katiba na linaishi kwa muda mfupi tu na kuvunjwa baada ya kukamilisha jukumu lake, majukumu yake ni tofauti kabisa na ya bunge la JMT ambalo linatakiwa kukutana mara kwa mara.

Tatizo lililopo kwa sasa kuhusu bunge hili la katika ni kuwa it is not representative enough, it looks like it is CCM dominated kwa hiyo iti is more like that the will of CCM will prevail. Lakini sio CCM peke yake, kwa ujumla naweza kusema it is dominated by politicians, so it is the will of politicians which will be prevail. Kwa maoni yangu kuliktakiwa kuwa na elimu ya kutosha kuwafanya watu wengine wasio wajue kuwa hii ni furs aya kuweka mwongozo kwa wanasiasa kuhusu jinsi wanavyotaka waongozwe. Lakini naona tyuitakachopata ni will ya wanasiasa kutaka watu wasikulize nini wanasiasa wanataka watu wafuate. Ukiangalia mchanganuo wenyewe kwanza unaweza kuona kuwa hata wale wanaoitwa wawaskilishi wa interest gruops kama wakulima, walemavu, wafanyakazi, wavuvi, ukiangalia kwa undani unaweza kuona ni kama wamevaa kofia tu, ni CCM or politicians in disguise.

Unajua kimisngi kwa sasa CCM ya 2014 haifanani kabisa na ile ya 1977. Kama bunge la katiba lingekuwa linatuletea will ya CCM ya mwaka 1977 kusingekuwa na malalamiko, lakini CCM ya sasa kimisngi ni mgogoro. Na ukiangalia mapendekezo mengi yaliyomo kwenye rasimu ya katiba ni malalamiko dhidi ya CCM. So kimsingi fear ya CCM ni kuwa haopa ndio inapoweza kuumizwa.

Suala la muungano ni moja ya maswala muhimu, lakini sio suala pekee kjuna mambo mengi sana ya muhimu kuhusu Tanzania na uongozi wa nchi, mikoa, wilaya, vyama na mengine mengi. Sidhani kama ni busara kuangalia suala la Muungano peke yake.

CC Nguruvi3, Nape Nnauye, Jokakuu, Kimweri, Kichuguu, Mag3, Pasco,
 
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