Tutashukuru sana mh Kafara!..weka leta mambo!kuna barua ambayo inadaiwa imeandikwa na mdc
ambayo kwa kiasi kikubwa inaonyesha jamaa wa mdc
walivyotayari kuyatosa maslahi ya nchi yao.
nasikia mzee jongwe baada ya kuinyaka hiyo barua
amesema hana suluhu na mdc. nikiipata nitaiweka
humu.
kuna barua ambayo inadaiwa imeandikwa na mdc
ambayo kwa kiasi kikubwa inaonyesha jamaa wa mdc
walivyotayari kuyatosa maslahi ya nchi yao.
nasikia mzee jongwe baada ya kuinyaka hiyo barua
amesema hana suluhu na mdc. nikiipata nitaiweka
humu.
Zim Daily said:
Saturday, April 26 2008 @ 03:27 AM BST
Contributed by: Editor
HARARE - The State-controlled Herald newspaper, fearing that it could be sued into poverty, has agreed to issue an embarrassing apology to the MDC and to the British government admitting it cooked up fake documents.
The Herald has given assurances that it will apologize, probably in tomorrows issue, for its shameful lies that the MDC was planning to give back land to whites, recruit generals from Australia, give control of the RBZ to Germans, and that Morgan Tsvangirai was discussing military invasion of Zimbabwe with
help from Britain.
MDC secretary general Tendai Biti, alleged to have authored the document, mounted legal action against the Herald, threatening to sue the fledgling State publication into poverty. The British embassy in Harare, which also rubbished the alleged
correspondence between Gordon Brown and Tsvangirai, has also addressed a letter to Herald editor Pikirayi Deketeke, complaining about gutter reporting at the newspaper.
The Herald has now confessed that it cooked up the stories and documents and has pleaded for an out of court settlement.
According to a letter from Bitis lawyers, Mbidzo, Muchadehama & Makoni, the MDC secretary general said: The fact that the (Biti) document did not emanate from Tendai Biti or the MDC was brought to your attention. This notwithstanding, you went ahead and published stories or articles purporting that the document was authored by Tendai Biti and MDC.
The lawyers also stated that the forgery was so sloppy that it was difficult for any reasonable person to assume they had emanated from Biti. They (MDC) say that the document was so poorly drafted, concocted and so unintelligible (that it could not) have possibly emanated from them or their offices, the lawyers said.
Fearing litigation that could bankrupt the State publication, currently teetering on the verge of collapse owing to a record low print run, the newspaper pleaded for an out of court settlement. The newspaper is now set to issue a front page apology to Biti and to Brown to avert litigation.
Its an embarrassing episode for us, said a senior staffer at the Herald. But then you cant blame PD (Pikirayi Deketeke), because its one of those documents he is given by George Charamba) to unquestioningly publish without challenge.
GRAHAM BOWLEY - New York Times said:
Published: April 27, 2008
ZIMBABWES political crisis lurched on last week as President Robert Mugabe, the strongman who has ruled the California-size country in southern Africa for the past 28 years, refused to release the results of the March 29 elections. In old-fashioned autocratic style, the governments police began to round up opposition supporters.
The world is losing patience, but Mr. Mugabe is only the latest example of dictators in Africa and elsewhere some more bloodthirsty than others who
have overstayed their welcome, and whom the West have tried to winkle out of power. What lessons can be learned from past attempts to oust seemingly immovable oppressors? Do the lessons apply in the case of Zimbabwe? What are the options for dealing with Mr. Mugabe?
PAY OFF AND EXILE
This strategy has worked, sort of, before. In 1997, President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, now Congo, the very model of an African dictator dirty with corruption as his country collapsed around him, was promised safe passage by his former ally, the United States, and flew to Morocco. (He died of prostate cancer in exile soon after.)
In July 2003, leaders of the African Union bribed Charles Taylor a murderous warlord with folllowers who would hack off the hands or feet of civilians to leave Liberia for an early retirement in Nigeria. In similar fashion, the United States got Ferdinand Marcos to quit the Philippines by allowing him refuge in a Hawaiian villa.
Gov. Bill Richardson of New Mexico, who as ambassador to the United Nations under President Bill Clinton helped ease Mr. Mobuto from Zaire, said he believed the same strategy could be used with Mr. Mugabe.
Maybe if he is offered safe passage we will rid ourselves of this despot, he said. Yet Congo and Liberia are hardly good examples. Congo has tipped further
into chaos since Mr. Mobuto left. And, despite promises, Nigeria returned Mr. Taylor to Liberia, which handed him over to an international tribunal to face charges of war crimes in Sierra Leone. That sequence of events may make autocrats like Mr. Mugabe think twice before they head for the airport.
SANCTIONS AND ISOLATION
A popular response to noxious regimes (think Castro or early Saddam). But they only work if the sanctions hurt. The greater the ties to the West, the greater the degree to which the elite
is educated in the West and has career prospects in the West, then the greater the likelihood the coalition behind a regime will crack, said Steven Levitsky, professor of government at Harvard University, who has studied conditions under which autocracies crumble. (Another condition is a weak internal security apparatus with little stomach for a long fight against its people hardly a description of Mr. Mugabes battle-hardened forces, which came of age in a guerrilla liberation war.)
Unfortunately, its not clear what extra pain sanctions could exact on Zimbabwe, where 8 out of 10 people are unemployed and the annual inflation rate is more than 100,000 percent.
MILITARY INTERVENTION
In 1979, armies from Tanzania invaded Uganda and chased out Mr. Amin, a tyrant said to have sanctioned the murder of close to 300,000. Yet regime change is perilous, as the United States discovered following its toppling of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. In Uganda, the man who replaced Idi Amin Milton Obote was arguably worse. Mr. Obote may have murdered more Ugandans even than his predecessor.
Intervention is always very difficult in Africa, said Michael Holman, former Africa editor of The Financial Times. If you dont have a well-drilled army and decent civil service to fill the gap that threw up the problem in the first place then you are going to have a disaster on your hands.
POPULAR UPRISING
In 1998, President Suharto of Indonesia was forced to end his brutal and corrupt tenure after an economic meltdown, nationwide rioting and the withdrawal of government and military support. (He went into internal exile in a modest house in Jakarta, the capital, until his death earlier this year.)
One hope among Zimbabwe watchers is that the moderates in Mr. Mugabes ZANU-PF party turn against him, dissent breaks out in the military, or ordinary Zimbabweans finally take to the street.
Earlier this year, in the election crisis in Kenya, opposition supporters streamed from Nairobis slums to challenge President Mwai Kibakis declaration of victory in a flawed vote, until he was finally persuaded to share power with the opposition leader Raila Odinga. But that may be too much to expect from embattled Zimbabweans. In Zimbabwe, extreme poverty has bred utter lethargy, said Michela Wrong, author of In the Footsteps of Mr. Kurtz, about Congo, and who is writing a book about the Kenyan crisis.
Indeed, a nationwide strike called by Zimbabwes chief opposition party earlier this month fizzled quickly as people went about their normal routines, and the partys leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, isnt even in the country, suggesting he may not be prepared to fight or be imprisoned again.
TALK TO HIM
Wary of intervening in a continent where some Africans still perceive Mr. Mugabe as a liberation hero in the struggle against colonialism, the United States and the West have largely left the job of negotiating with him to South Africa, Zimbabwes big neighbor and regional power. Some critics think South Africa has not been sufficiently muscular with Mr. Mugabe but President Thabo Mbeki says that his quiet diplomacy has won results: the elections went ahead in the first place, and the government
agreed to post the outcome of each count on the outside of local ballot stations, though the government has withheld the overall results.
Mark Ashurst, director of the Africa Research Institute in London, said that South Africa also subtly promoted an alternative candidate, Simba Makoni, a breakaway member of Mr. Mugabes party, but that this effort failed after Mr. Makoni won too few votes. Gugulethu Moyo, a Zimbabwean lawyer who works for the International Bar Association in London, said it was time for the outside world to go beyond hand-wringing and critical statements. Instead, she said, the United Nations should be sent to scrutinize the actions of the security forces and monitor any future elections.
One idea is for Kofi Annan, the former secretary general of the United Nations, to be dispatched to broker an agreement just as he negotiated the Kenyan deal. Maybe he could persuade Mr. Mugabe to stay for now but to agree to step down in two years and hold new elections a sort of government of national
unity trial balloon that was floated by Zimbabwes state-run newspaper, The Herald, this week.
But will Mr. Mugabe take Mr. Annans call? Some think not. Heidi Holland, author of Dinner With Mugabe: The Untold Story of a Freedom Fighter Who Became a Tyrant, argues that the only power he will speak to now is Britain, Zimbabwes former colonial master under whose rule he spent half his life.
Ms. Holland, who first met Mr. Mugabe in 1975 and interviewed him again last year, said he was a remote, emotionally immature, dogged, bookish man who is obsessed with Britain as a kind of parental figure. She said he felt humiliated because, in his view, Britain reneged on financial commitments he believed were made at the time of independence in 1980. For her, the way out of this mess may be more psychological. Revenge is a key word for Mugabe, she says. He says, I dont have a quarrel with the United States, or the United Nations. He wants Britain to come to him and say: O.K. We will now talk. All he wants is recognition.
Tutaamini vipi kwamba imeandikwa na MDC? Usalama wa Taifa wa Zimbabwe wengi wao wanamtetea Mugabe, wanafanya kazi ya kihuni sasa hivi, wamefoji hata barua na kusaini kwa jina la PM wa Uingereza. Ni vigumu kuamini kwamba MDC ndiyo walioandika barua hiyo.
Tsavangirai amekuwa mtetezi wa wazimbabwe tangu akiwa kiongozi wa wafanyakazi. Angekuwa haitakii mema Zimbabwe angekwisha anzisha vita kwani support anayo ya kutosha ndani na nje ya nchi.
Hakuna sababu hata moja ya kumtetea fisadi, mlevi wa madaraka na dikteta Mugabe.
mdogo wangu ukipata muda wasiliana na vladimir putin then muulize alitumia muda gani akiwa KGB kuhakikisha anaondoa utawala wa maamluki na mapandikizi ndani ya urusi. kisha muulize maamluki hao waliandaliwa kwa muda gani na waliweza kutawala urusi kwa muda gani, kisha utapata jibu la swali je kwa nini uingereza washindwe kumuandaa kibaraka wao tshivangirai tokea akiwa kwenye chama cha wafanyakazi?
naomba nisionekane adui kwa kusema "hongera mugabe, kaza uzi mpaka mwisho".
africasia said:
JOHANNESBURG, May 4 (AFP)
The crisis in Zimbabwe has exposed divisions among southern African nations who have traditionally supported each other against what they perceive as Western interference, analysts said.
The rifts in the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), a 14-member regional bloc, are mainly between countries led by anti-colonial national liberation leaders and heads of state driven by a more pro-Western agenda. Neo Simutanyi, political science lecturer at the University of Zambia, said there is a view among the old guard that Western nations wants to replace
leaders such as Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe with "imperialist agents."
"The situation has been worsened by the fact that young leaders are departing from the old culture of solidarity. They want to publicly condemn when things are going wrong in a neighbouring country," Simutanyi said. A generation of new African leaders, riding on the agenda of democracy and good governance, has emerged within SADC and wants to change the culture of solidarity between comrades-in-arms based on old friendships.
"The leaders pushing for a hardline stance on Zimbabwe are either third or fourth presidents of their respective countries. They have no strong links to the liberation struggle," said Kapembe Nsingo, chairman of the African Renaissance Institute, a think tank in South Africa.
Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa -- backed by his Botswanan counterpart Ian Khama and Tanzania's Jakaya Kikwete -- are said to be the only vocal leaders within SADC who have demanded intervention in Zimbabwe.
Mwanawasa and Khama are third heads of states while Kikwete is the fourth. "It is difficult for the old leaders to openly share information with the young breed of leaders because they don't trust them," Nsingo said. Mwanawasa, chairman of SADC, which was formed in 1980, is a vocal critic of the government in Harare and has come under constant attack by allies of Mugabe, who perceive him as an agent of neo-colonialism.
It is no wonder, analysts argue, that SADC has failed to resolve the stand-off in Zimbabwe since the SADC-appointed mediator, South African President Thabo Mbeki, is biased towards liberation hero Mugabe.
"Mbeki is a 'scion' of liberation movements. There is no way he can dump President Mugabe at this critical moment," said Campion Mereki in an opinion piece published in Zimbabwe's state-run Herald newspaper. Zimbabwe's main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and its leader Morgan Tsvangirai have often been accused by Zimbabwe officials of receiving financial support by outside powers to pursue an imperialist agenda.
The main leaders in SADC who have not condemned Mugabe publicly include Mbeki, Angolan President Eduardo dos Santos, Namibian President Hifikepunye Pohamba and Mozambican President Armando Guebuza. All these heads of state share a common background of taking part in the liberation struggle and believe in offering each other solidarity in times of trouble, analysts said.
For the Herald commentator, the outside threat against the liberation struggle is not in doubt. "The West wants to wipe out all liberation movements in Africa, especially in southern Africa," he argued.
Presidential Election Result
The Presidential election results as declared by the Chief Elections Officer at the Harare International Conference Centre yesterday afternoon [2nd May] were:
Morgan Tsvangirai [MDC-T] 1 195 562 [47.9%]
Robert Mugabe [ZANU-PF] 1 079 730 [43.2%]
Simba Makoni [Independent] 207 470 [8.3%]
Langton Towungana [Independent] 14 503 [0.6%]
The declaration also stated that as no candidate had secured a majority of the total votes cast there will be a run-off election on a date still to be announced by ZEC]. The two candidates eligible for the run-off election are Morgan Tsvangirai and Robert Mugabe.
we dua mi naona kuna unachokitaka toka kwa bob. mi nilishakwambia mapema mugabe kabla ya uchaguzi alisema "siko tayari kuwaachia nchi wapinzani ambao ni vibaraka wa wakoloni nikiwa hai". so naona mnajisumbua tu.
Karibu sana JF ambako huwa tunamkoma nyani giladi kwa kumtazama usoni bila ya kumwonea aibu.
Hoja Mugabe kaiba kura tena mchana kweupe kila mwenye akili na hata yeye mwenyewe ambaye amekuwa punguani; sasa hata hawezi kukaa vikao na wenzake wa SADC maana ni aibu mzee mzima kagalagazwa na Tsvangirai mbele ya kadamnasi ya ulimwengu mzima.
Amechukua mpira ati kaweka kwapani kisa Zimbabwe ni yake pekee na Mafisadi wenzake. Ameamua kuweka penati kwenye goli la MDC na waamuzi ni wananchi wa Zimbabwe yeye ameamua kuwapelekea majeshi ili kuwashikisha adabu kisa aendelee kula vya bure (Kuku na biscut kwa mrija). Vitu vya bure vina gharama na hivi Wazim wanamuangalia na kumwonea huruma.
Huwezi kumlazimisha punda kunywa maji. Ajitahidi lakini Historia ya ma-dictactor wote ulimwenguni inajulikana. Wewe jenga hoja kutetea hilo kama unaweza na wala huna sababu ya kumshambulia mtoa hoja ndio JF hiyo. Hoja hujibiwa kwa hoja sio kuleta viroja kajisemea mzee Mwanakijiji.
Angalia mwingine huyu tayari maji ya baridi kichwani tunangoja na yeye zamu yake.