Why is the UN advertising genocidal criminals?

Why is the UN advertising genocidal criminals?

mchambawima1

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Do they know who is Jean Kambanda is?

Jean Kambanda was the Prime Minister of the genocidal government which planned and executed the genocide committed against the Tutsi in 1994.

On May 1, 1998, Kambanda pleaded guilty of alleged six charges.

He voluntarily admitted to having committed the following crimes: conspiracy to commit genocide, genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, complicity in genocide, crimes against humanity (murder) and crimes against humanity (extermination).

The ICTR Trial Chamber sentenced him to life imprisonment after his voluntary guilty plea together with overwhelming evidences for his role in the genocide.

Jean Kambanda later appealed the sentence on claims that his plea was not voluntary. After hearing his appeal, the Appeals Chamber however, concluded that the guilty plea was voluntary, informed and unequivocal and thus upheld the sentence.

The chamber also affirmed that the crimes for which the Appellant was convicted were of the most serious nature therefore, a sentence imposed should reflect the inherent gravity of the criminal conduct.

Below is an excerpt from the verdict:

"consideration of the gravity of the conduct of the accused is normally the starting point for consideration of an appropriate sentence."

In sentencing the Appellant, the Trial Chamber found that

(v) the crimes for which Jean Kambanda is responsible carry an intrinsic gravity, and their widespread, atrocious and systematic character is particularly shocking to the human conscience;

(vi) Jean Kambanda committed the crimes knowingly and with premeditation;

(vii) and, moreover, Jean Kambanda, as Prime Minister of Rwanda was entrusted with the duty and authority to protect the population and he abused this trust.

It was on this basis that the Appeals Chamber upheld Kambanda's sentence.

The decision to have Kambanda sent to Mali to serve his jail term came into effect after an Agreement between the government of the Republic of Mali and the United Nations in February 1999.

In the article and corresponding video by John Ray, Kambanda is presented with numerous opportunities to voice his denialist prerogative on the genocide against the Tutsi.

In that video, the journalist presents Kambanda in his suit attire with a smiling face in an attempt to

portray him as an ordinary person, and not a genocidal criminal serving his sentence.

In the interview, John Ray asks Jean Kambanda some questions that provide answers that are well predetermined in order to assert his denialist agenda.

The methodology was used to disseminate and distort the known truth about the genocide against the Tutsi.

In the interview also, Kambanda states that he didn't play any role in the genocide and his conscience is clear.

He further denies having supplied weapons to killers, but according to him the weapons were provided for people to defend themselves.

However, the statements contradict what he pleaded guilty voluntarily before both the Trial Chamber and Appeals Chamber of the ICTR.

Supply of weapons that was claimed by Kambanda for self-defense was one of the strategies that were used by the genocidal regime to provide weapons to militias in what was known as "auto-defense civile" (civil self-defense).

ICTR concluded that auto-defense civile was one of the strategies used to kill Tutsis in the trial of Colonel Aloys Simba, who was the head of the program on the national level.

He was convicted by ICTR and held a 25-year jail sentence.

In the interview, Kambanda disputes the reality of the current reconciliation where he calls it a mirage.

However, this contracts the reality of the situation in Rwanda which is indicated in various reports by national and international bodies.

The reality of Rwanda's reconciliation process can be obtained by visiting the country and asking the people experiencing it and through various reports by credible institutions, not from Jean Kambanda, the mastermind of the genocide.

The content of the article in its entirety lacks objectivity which should characterize professional journalism that otherwise should be truthfully, verifiable and not one-sided.

In his article, John Ray produced multitude of biased and unrelated stories that are presented as facts:

A version of Jean kambanda's opinion on current situation in Rwanda which defer substantially from the reality on the ground.
The journalist confuses opinions with facts where he presents Kambanda's point of view as the truth. The purpose of creating this confusion is to elevate Kambanda and to present him as a victim who deserves justice.

It is evident that John Ray is a one-sided plea for the defense of the convicted genocide.

International media denying the genocide against the Tutsi

The ITV News article is not alone in its promotion of genocide denial. Over the last couple of years there has been a sequence of articles, reports and documentaries from foreign media agencies, such as the BBC2, Canal+, France 2 and RFI with a predetermined agenda to shift the responsibility from authors of genocide to victims.

In the same line, the well-known genocide negationist Stephen W. Smith, published an article in The New York Times on July 19, 2015 titled War Crimes and Rwandan Realities, where the writer raises a double-genocide rhetoric by alleging the Rwanda Defence Forces of having committed "genocide", basing on the falsified UN Mapping Report.

We can recall that Mr. Smith is a former journalist in Liberation and Le Monde who worked closely with French judge Jean-Louis Bruguière, who was the pioneer in falsely indicting Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF) high ranking officials.

This convergence of false publications on Rwanda shows a perpetual intent by the international media to deny the genocide against the Tutsi and to tarnish the image of the Rwandan government.

Similar to the above mentioned media outlets; John Ray and the ITV News are responsible for publicizing the propaganda of genocide denial.

Breach of prison rules

Even though the standard minimum rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (Resolution 663C (XXIV) of July 31, 1957 and 2067 (LXII) of May 13, 1977, the Body of Principles for the protection of all persons under any form of detention or Imprisonment and the Basic Principles for the Treatment of Prisoners Res 45/111 of December 14, 1990) provides them with some rights, it inhibits them from accessing platform to influence the public negatively.

The agreement between the government of the Republic of Mali and the United Nations, which was signed in Februarly 12, 1999 doesn't allow ICTR genocide convicts to be given a platform in media to deny the crimes, which they were convicted by ICTR and for which they're imprisoned.

Neither does it allow them to continue disseminating their hateful propaganda that was used during preparation and execution of the genocide against the Tutsi.

On behalf of National Commission For The Fight Against Genocid (CNLG) and the victims of the genocide, I condemn the ongoing act of providing platform to notorious genocidaires and the continued attempt to undermine the government that stopped the genocide and its efforts in uniting and reconciling the nation.

I urge the Registrar for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda to stop the act of providing room to genocide masterminds in UN detention facilities in Mali to continue propagating their genocide ideology.

I urge the Registrar also to put in place concrete measures to ensure that the same practices do not continue given that the same happened in 2004 whereby a BBC journalist, Venuste Nshimiyimana, was given access to the prisoners to air their hateful ideas.

Source: KT Press
 
Jean Kambanda, Convicted Without Trial

"Jean Kambanda, Convicted Without Trial" is the title of Chapter 16 of the book A History of Political Trials by Dr. John Laughland.


Jean Kambanda's confession is widely considered to be the sole uncontested evidence that the former Rwandan government conspired and planned to commit a genocide against the Tutsis in 1994.


According to many ICTR defence counsel, the essential facts are that his confession is nothing but a miscarriage of justice, a world scandal and a shame for international justice.
Upon his arrest on the 18th of July 1997, the Prime Minister of Rwanda was never assigned a lawyer and, unlike other accused brought before the ICTR, he was not taken to appear before a judge on his arrest as required by the Tribunal's own Statute.


Instead, he was taken to the national capital of Tanzania, Dodoma, several hundred kilometres away from Arusha, where the International Tribunal is located.
He was kept incommunicado in a hotel for nine months. During those nine months he was denied the right to see a lawyer and was denied contact with his family or friends.


During those nine months former Canadian police officers working with the ICTR continuously questioned him, and every day threatened him and his family if he did not cooperate, behaviour that can only be described as psychological torture.
"[The] officer responsible for administering a "good dose of torture" to Mr. Kambanda was Pierre Duclos. Pierre Duclos is well known in his country, Canada. He was accused of perjury, fabricating evidence and obstructing justice in relation to the aborted trial of the Matticks brothers, a family involved in organized crime in Montreal.
Yes, the ICTR hires individuals with a sulphurous past. In fact, the Canadian prosecutor Louise Arbour, whose record as prosecutor is also a dark one, was responsible for hiring Pierre Duclos" according to Patrick Mbeko, a Canadian of Congolese origin, in his article: Rwanda: "Genocide of Tutsis", The Biggest Lie of The Century.​
According to our sources inside ICTR Tribunal, Mr Jean Kambanda was told every day that if he did not sign some sort of confession, his life was at risk and that of his family.
He endured this for 9 months but then finally gave in and agreed to sign a document in which he stated simply that he accepted responsibility for his government's actions in 1994 in his role of prime minister.


Many ICTR lawyers and staff categorically affirm that Mr Jean Kambanda did not confess to genocide. He did not think that his government had done anything wrong in 1994. (see Jean Kambanda's Statement from Prison)


The document he signed, he was told, (English is not his first language) stated simply that he accepted political responsibility for whatever his government did during 1994. He did not understand the document he was about to sign stated that his government had committed genocide.
Remember, up to this stage, he had no access to a lawyer, was not told he had the right to remain silent and did not even know the charges against him nor the evidence the ICTR claimed to have.
However, once he signed that document, he was finally taken to Arusha to appear before a judge and then was assigned a lawyer. However, he was not told that the lawyer he was assigned was the best friend of the Prosecutor in charge of his case.


This lawyer then tricked him into agreeing to plead guilty. He thought he was only pleading "guilty" to political responsibility" for any actions his government took during the events of 1994 and was not a confession to a criminal act as such and he did not understand it to be a confession to war crimes or genocide.


His assigned lawyer,and friend of the prosecutor never discussed with him the events of 1994, whether any crimes had been committed and whether or not he had a defence nor did he advise the judges of the circumstances of Mr. Kambanda's detention and violation of his rights and psychological pressures placed on him.


The prosecutor promised Mr. Kambanda that he would receive a 12 year sentence if he made a plea of guilty based on the document he had signed. However the day he appeared in court and made the plea the judges gave him a life sentence without any hearing on the sentence and in violation of the agreement the prosecutor had made.
He then spent the next couple of years pressing to be allowed to withdraw his plea as it was made under duress, in violation of his rights and by trickery.


Finally in 2001 he was allowed to appear before a panel of judges to argue that the plea should be rescinded and he should be given a trial in which he could present a defence and tell the wolrd what happened in Rwanda in 1994.
We have managed to speak to some ICTR Defence lawyers who were in the courtroom that day and watched the proceedings. They all recall how it was disgusting to watch what how he was treated.


The prosecution counsel appearing in the "court" that day was also a Canadian. Kambanda told the judges the facts of his arrest and detention and how he was manipulated into signing the "confession" document.
He stated repeatedly that neither he nor his government were responsible for planning or organising or conducting a genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda and he never intended to plead guilty to that nor understood that he had.
Mr. Kambanda demanded the right to a trial, the right to speak and the opportunity to tell the world what had really happened. But the Canadian prosecutor questioned him over and over asking simply "But you signed this document, did you not?"

Kambanda would reply, "yes, but you're not listening to what I am saying as to how I came to sign that document." Then the same question was put-"You signed it?" And so on. At the end of the day they refused to allow him to withdraw his plea and he was taken away and silenced.


Why did they do this? Because it was clear to them that if he was allowed a trial he was in a position to tell the world what had really happened and it would be a disaster for the RPF and the US and UK that control the tribunal. They could not allow him to talk so they shut him up.
The ICTR needed to justify its existence and a reason for a second mandate.

In his article titled "Main Achievements of the ICTR", published in International Criminal Justice Journal of September 2005, Judge Erick Mose, former president of the ICTR, justifies the role of the ICTR stating that "During the first mandate (1995^1999), the Tribunal delivered ground-breaking judgments concerning genocide, such as Akayesu and Kambanda".


Since then many prisoners have refused to plead guilty and have insisted on trials. The accused used these trials especially the MIlitary I and Military II trials to bring out the truth the truth about the 4 year war in Rwanda and that in fact there was no government-sponsored genocide or planning of one against the Tutsis and that most of the accusations are false and that the RPF committed most of the atrocities.


In 2003, Jean Kambanda made a statement as to what his true position was and that statement was later made an exhibit in the MIlitary II trial involving the chiefs of staff of the Rwandan Army and Gendarmerie. In his position, Jean Kambanda states:
"16. I also swear also that the spread of trouble over the entire Rwandan territory was not caused by the government or by the FAR. The infiltrators of the RPF are responsible for that. We succeeded in capturing their plans, the names of their agents, and their arms caches in Kigali, Bisesero, Kibungo, etc. The mass graves dug deep by the accomplices of the RPF were discovered in many places. The terrorised population knew of this and considered it as a threat to their lives. The government, I at the head, never stopped to explain to the population that they cannot confuse the Tutsi and the RPF and that their accomplices must be arrested and brought before the authorities."
As this excerpt reveal, Jean Kambanda was set up and silenced so that the truth about what happened could not come out. But now it has.

Now ex-Prime Minister Kambanda is rotting in prison in Mali, without trial, without a voice. His case deserves to be known by all Rwandans and, in fact, by all Africans who care for justice.
 
Mbona wanaiandama sana serikali ya Kagame?
He should step aside and watch democracy prevailing in rwanda, otherwise, they will keep coming after him now and then.
 

[h=2]Ex-Rwandan Prime Minister Jean Kambanda pleads guilty to genocide


[/h] Press release |
1 May 1998

In a historic event that accentuated not only the role of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda as a court of justice but also as an instrument to facilitate national reconciliation in Rwanda, Jean Kambanda, former Prime Minister of Rwanda, today pleaded guilty to the crime of genocide and other charges at his initial appearance before the Tribunal's Trial Chamber 1 comprising Judges Laïty Kama (Senegal), presiding, Lennart Aspegren (Sweden), and Navanethem Pillay (South Africa).
Kambanda's confession of guilt before the Rwanda Tribunal in Arusha is the first time in history that an accused person has acknowledged and affirmed his or her guilt for the crime of genocide before an international criminal tribunal.
The Indictment
The indictment against jean Kambanda, read out in a packed courtroom by the Registrar of the Tribunal, Mr. Agwu Ukiwe Okali (Nigeria), charged the accused with six counts of Genocide, Conspiracy to Commit Genocide, Complicity in Genocide, Direct and Public Incitement to Genocide, and Crimes Against Humanity by virtue of Articles 2 and 3 of the Statute of the Tribunal.
In a statement of the facts contained in the indictment against the accused, the Deputy Prosecutor of the Tribunal, Mr. Bernard Muna (Cameroon) averred that, Kambanda, as Prime Minister and Head of Government of Rwanda from 8 April 1994 to around 17 July 1994, presided over meetings of the Council of Ministers at which the massacres committed against Tutsi civilian population were discussed - but no action was taken to stop them. These meetings were attended by Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, then Minister of Family and Social Welfare, André Ntagerura, then Minister of Transport (and both presently in the custody of the Tribunal at its detention facility in Arusha), among others. Kambanda "failed in his duty to protect the security of the Rwandan population", the indictment stated.
By his various acts and omissions described in the indictment, Jean K ambanda was charged with being responsible for the killing of and causing serious bodily or mental harm to Tutsi with intent to wholly or partially destroy an ethnic or racial group (Genocide); conspiring with Ministers of his Government, such as Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, André Ntagerura, Eliezer Niyitegeka and Edouard Karemera to commit Genocide; directly and publicly inciting genocide through his broadcast on the Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM). Furthermore, Kambanda was responsible for the murder and extermination of civilians as part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population on ethnic or racial grounds, and thereby committed Crimes Against Humanity.
Kambanda Pleads Guilty
Following the rendition of the indictment by the Registrar, the presiding judge of Trial Chamber 1 requested the accused to enter a plea of guilty or not guilty. Kambanda pleaded guilty on all six counts of the charges against him. He emphasised that he admitted his guilt "freely and voluntarily", with a full understanding of all the charges and the consequences of his pleading guilty. Jean Kambanda further stated that his plea was unequivocal, and affirmed having reached an agreement with the Prosecutor on all these considerations. The Trial Chamber, considering the factual and legal basis of the case against Jean Kambanda, the latter's plea of guilty, and his agreement with the Prosecutor, formally pronounced Kambanda guilty of Genocide, Conspiracy to Commit Genocide, Direct and Public Incitement to Genocide, Complicity in Genocide, and Crimes Against Humanity.
By pleading guilty to the charges against him, Jean Kambanda acknowledged, among others, that:-
As Prime Minister he exercised de jure authority and control over members of his Government, as well as over senior civil servants and senior officers in the military, including the Préfets - the highest level Government officials in the Prefectures (regions).
He participated in the dismissal of Jean-Baptiste Habyalimana, the only Préfet of Tutsi origin, and replaced Habyalimana with another Préfet, which made possible the start of massacres of civilian Tutsi population in Butare.
Between 8 April and 17 July 1994 in Butare and Gitarama prefectures, Jean Kambanda distributed arms and ammunition to members of political parties, militias and the population, with the knowledge that these arms would be used in the perpetration of the massacres of civilians - the majority of whom were members of the Tutsi population.
On or about 21 June 1994, he spoke on RTLM and encouraged it to continue to incite the massacres of the Tutsi civilian population, specifically stating that this radio station was "an indispensable weapon in the fight against the enemy".
At a Government meeting in Kibuye on 3 May 1994, chaired by him, a participant directly asked the Prime Minister how to protect children who had survived the massacres and who were at the hospital. Jean Kambanda offered no response, and none of his Ministers offered a satisfactory response. On the same day, after the meeting, the children were killed.
As Prime Minister, between 8 April 1994 and 31 May 1994, he ordered the setting up of road-blocks, with the knowledge that these roadblocks were used to identify the Tutsi and moderate Hutu, to separate and to eliminate them. Jean Kambanda acknowledged that he was near a roadblock located in front of the residence of Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, Minister of Family and Women Affairs, in May and June 1994, and that Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, with his knowledge, participated in the massacres committed in Butare. Kambanda's presence at the roadblock in front of Pauline Nyiramasuhuko's residence showed his support for the acts she was committing. Again, in his capacity as Prime Minister, Jean Kambanda failed in his duty to ensure the security of the Rwandan population.
Pre-Sentencing Procedure and Penalties
Jean Kambanda's plea of guilty and the acceptance of that plea by the Trial Chamber means that he will not have a trial, having waived that right. A pre-sentencing procedure under the Rules of Procedure and Evidence of the Tribunal (Rules) will be the next step in the Kambanda case, followed by the imposition of a penalty by the Trial Chamber. Rule 100 of the Rules provides: "If the accused pleads guilty or if a Trial Chamber finds the accused guilty of a crime, the Prosecutor and the Defence may submit any relevant information that may assist the Trial Chamber in determining an appropriate sentence". Jean Kambanda, through his counsel, Oliver Michael Inglis and the Office of the Prosecutor have recorded their intention to individually file pre-sentencing briefs as envisaged in Rule 100.
Following Jean Kambanda's Initial Appearance and his plea of guilty, the judges of Trial Chamber 1, the Registrar, the Deputy Prosecutor and the Defence held a Status Conference, during which they set the date of 31 August 1998 for the pre-sentencing hearing.
Regarding penalties, Rule 101 (8) provides that, in determining the sentence, the Trial Chamber will consider such factors as the gravity of the offence and the individual circumstances of the convicted person, as well as such factors as, among others "any mitigating circumstances including the substantial co-operation with the Prosecutor by the convicted person before or after conviction".
Jean Kambanda
jean Kambanda was born on 19 October 1955 in Gishamvu commune, Butare Prefecture, Republic of Rwanda. He was Prime Minister of the Government of Rwanda from 8 April 1994 until he left the country on or about 17 July 1994. An economist by training, Kambanda worked in the field of insurance and later became a banking official in the Banque Populaire. He was a member of the MDR (Mouvement démocratique républicain) party, one of five political parties from which the 19 members of the Council of Ministers in Kambanda's Government were appointed three days after the plane crash in which Juvenal Habyarimana, former President of Rwanda, was killed. Kambanda had earlier served as the vice-president and later president of MDR in Butare. He is married and has two children.
 
Lazima uwe mwehu to defend huyu genocide mastermind ,kwa unyama aliofanya he doesn't even deserve a day in court huyu ,Jmali unatia huruma sana na uko beyond help na watakaokurudisha mstalini ili uwe normal human ni interahamwe wenzako sio wengine..pole sana.

wewe mwenye akili kwa nini ubishane na mimi mwehu?
 
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