Lost Decades - In Search of Ujamaa

Debate hii ya Ujamaa ni nzuri na ilitakiwa iendelee katika nyanja zote za elimu Tanzania, bahati mbaya ni kuwa ukiwauliza watoto wa secondari Tz leo wengi watadhani Ujamaa ni mnyama fulani. Zakumi ni vigumu kusema Ujamaa ulifeli au la. Nimehudhuria mkutano aliousema Companero kule Whitesands uliojaribu kuelezea nafasi ya serikali katika kuleta maendeleo katika uchumi wa soko huria na moja kati ya yale yaliyojadiliwa ni kuwa siasa za ujamaa zilikuwa sahihi Tz kwa sababu zilikuwa zinajaribu kabisa kujibu maswali muhimu sana ya maendeleo. Labda tu matatizo na makosa yalitokea katika kujibu maswali hayo kwa upande wa uchumi. KIlichosemwa katika mkutani ni kuwa Tz ingeweza kutekeleza ujamaa ktk uchumi wa soko huria, yaani mfumo wa uchumi unaoruhusu free enterprising ungewezekana ktk ujamaa na kama ungeruhusiwa tangu zamani usinge sababisha matatizo makubwa ya kiuchumi ya miaka ya 80. Kwa taarifa tu ni kuwa Tz haijauacha Ujamaa. Ujamaa bado uko kwenye katiba ambayo inasema Tz ni nchi ya kijamaa. Na hata sasa tunaweza kurudisha mfumo wa ujamaa katika mazingira ya soko huria. Utaifishaji ulikuwa sahihi. Lakini ilikuwa kosa kutaifisha kila kitu.
 
Zakumi,
Nadhani ninaposema ya kwamba Wanunuzi wa magharib wanafasi kubwa ya kurbagian namaanisha ya kwamba. Leo hii mnunuzi mkuu wa Korosho ya Tanzania ni India, ambaye nae analima kwa wingi. Hivyo hununua korosho zetu wakati msimu unapogeuka yaani wakati wao wanalima zetu zinakuwa zimekomaa. Sasa ikitokea kwamba wao wanazo za kutosha kidogo matokeo yake ni kwamba wanaweza sema hatuitaji, au tutanunua kwa bei kadhaa...

Kipindi cha miaka ya 1970-1980 hatukuwa na burgain power, wakulima wetu walikuwa kwenye triangle ya Geopolitical kati ya capitalism and communism. Sisi taifa dogo ndio tulikuwa ma looser kwani tulishadadia yasiyo tuhusu. Kama mwalim ange focus kwenye kukuza uchumi kwa kuongeza intra trade baina ya wafrica na wafrica tungefanikiwa sana. Mpaka leo hiii Africa wana trade wenyewe kwa wenyewe kwa less than 8%.

Ujamaa unaitaji debate kubwa sana, kama tunataka kujua wapi tunakwenda basi ni lazima tufahamu wapi tulipotoka. Then tujifunze kutokana na makosa tuliyoyafanya tulipo toka, hii ita build strong future. Lakini kama tutaendelea kuficha ficha, then tutaishia kuwa maloser kwani hatujui tulipotoka wala tuendako.
 
Zakumi,

Mkuu hapa kidogo umeniacha nje.. Unapopiga kelele kuwa wao ni Axis of Evil unatakiwa wewe tena ndio ubadilike?..vipi tena mkuu wangu huoni kama hii haikukaa vizuri!..wakati wewe ni msafi ubadilike nini tena?..
I mean kama mtu mwingine ni shetani iweje tena wewe ubadilike ili uwe kitu gani!..shetani kama yeye!.. hapo sijakuelewa hapo..nachofahamu mimi unatakiwa wewe kujilinda na kuacha kupiga kelele, pia sio lazima ushambulie..
Na nadhani ndilo tatizo kubwa la mjadala huu ktk maono yetu..Nachopongeza mimi ni kinga aloweka mwalimu akijua hawa jamaa hawana maana kabisa zaidi ya ukoloni mamboleo na Unachosema wewe kwa mtazamo wangu kinaelekea msemo wa kwamba kama humwezi shetani ni bora Um join..Sasa mwenzako sala tano inakuwa kazi kukubali kujiunga na shetani kwa faida ya hapa duniani (muda mfupi...)

Mkandara:

Hapa tunazungumza uchumi na sio morality. Anyway, Jonathan Savimbi alisema ukiwa unavuka mto na mamba akakukata, je utaangalia ni nani anayekuoa?

Akiwa ni adui yako ndio anayekuokoa itabidi uache uhasama mpaka pale ufike ukingoni. Lakini inaonekana wakati mwingine tunaanza kutukana mapema.....
 
Debate hii ya Ujamaa ni nzuri na ilitakiwa iendelee katika nyanja zote za elimu Tanzania, bahati mbaya ni kuwa ukiwauliza watoto wa secondari Tz leo wengi watadhani Ujamaa ni mnyama fulani. Zakumi ni vigumu kusema Ujamaa ulifeli au la. Nimehudhuria mkutano aliousema Companero kule Whitesands uliojaribu kuelezea nafasi ya serikali katika kuleta maendeleo katika uchumi wa soko huria na moja kati ya yale yaliyojadiliwa ni kuwa siasa za ujamaa zilikuwa sahihi Tz kwa sababu zilikuwa zinajaribu kabisa kujibu maswali muhimu sana ya maendeleo. Labda tu matatizo na makosa yalitokea katika kujibu maswali hayo kwa upande wa uchumi. KIlichosemwa katika mkutani ni kuwa Tz ingeweza kutekeleza ujamaa ktk uchumi wa soko huria, yaani mfumo wa uchumi unaoruhusu free enterprising ungewezekana ktk ujamaa na kama ungeruhusiwa tangu zamani usinge sababisha matatizo makubwa ya kiuchumi ya miaka ya 80. Kwa taarifa tu ni kuwa Tz haijauacha Ujamaa. Ujamaa bado uko kwenye katiba ambayo inasema Tz ni nchi ya kijamaa. Na hata sasa tunaweza kurudisha mfumo wa ujamaa katika mazingira ya soko huria. Utaifishaji ulikuwa sahihi. Lakini ilikuwa kosa kutaifisha kila kitu.

LaVerite:

Mimi ni mjamaa NATIVE sio CONVERT. Lakini nime-convert na kuwa ardent supporter wa free private enterprises.

Hata katika nchi zilizoendelea, utafiti unaonyesha kuwa serikali ni mtumizi mbaya wa mapato.Kama haya yanajulikana katika nchi zilizoendelea kwanini sisi tu-expect kuwa serikali ya Tanzania atakuwa investor bora.?
 
LaVerite:

Mimi ni mjamaa NATIVE sio CONVERT. Lakini nime-convert na kuwa ardent supporter wa free private enterprises.

Hata katika nchi zilizoendelea, utafiti unaonyesha kuwa serikali ni mtumizi mbaya wa mapato.Kama haya yanajulikana katika nchi zilizoendelea kwanini sisi tu-expect kuwa serikali ya Tanzania atakuwa investor bora.?

Na hali halisi ya zahama ya mtikisiko wa uchumi duniani inaonesha kuwa 'free private enteprise' ni mtumizi mbaya wa mapato ndio maana kina Obama wanalia na AIG!
 
Zakumi,
Nadhani ninaposema ya kwamba Wanunuzi wa magharib wanafasi kubwa ya kurbagian namaanisha ya kwamba. Leo hii mnunuzi mkuu wa Korosho ya Tanzania ni India, ambaye nae analima kwa wingi. Hivyo hununua korosho zetu wakati msimu unapogeuka yaani wakati wao wanalima zetu zinakuwa zimekomaa. Sasa ikitokea kwamba wao wanazo za kutosha kidogo matokeo yake ni kwamba wanaweza sema hatuitaji, au tutanunua kwa bei kadhaa...

Kipindi cha miaka ya 1970-1980 hatukuwa na burgain power, wakulima wetu walikuwa kwenye triangle ya Geopolitical kati ya capitalism and communism. Sisi taifa dogo ndio tulikuwa ma looser kwani tulishadadia yasiyo tuhusu. Kama mwalim ange focus kwenye kukuza uchumi kwa kuongeza intra trade baina ya wafrica na wafrica tungefanikiwa sana. Mpaka leo hiii Africa wana trade wenyewe kwa wenyewe kwa less than 8%.

Ujamaa unaitaji debate kubwa sana, kama tunataka kujua wapi tunakwenda basi ni lazima tufahamu wapi tulipotoka. Then tujifunze kutokana na makosa tuliyoyafanya tulipo toka, hii ita build strong future. Lakini kama tutaendelea kuficha ficha, then tutaishia kuwa maloser kwani hatujui tulipotoka wala tuendako.

Mtanganyika:

Nchi nyingi za kiAfrika hajafanya juhudi zozote kukuza soko la ndani pekee yake na wanategemea sana international market.

Nakumbuka kuna kipindi mahindi yalikuwa yanaoza huko Mbeya, Ruvuma na Iringa lakini miundo mbinu yetu ilikuwa ni mibovu kusafirisha chakula kutoka huko.

Imetuchukua miaka mingapi kujenga daraja kuvuka mto Rufiji?

Vilevile kulikuwa na Ushamba mkubwa katika kuendesha mazao ya kilimo. Kwanini mazao unagawa kwenye mazao ya biashara na ya chakula? I really don't get it.

Ukweli sio kwamba nawapinga watu wasiabu siasa ya Ujamaa, lakini pale wanapojiingiza kwenye biashara ni lazima wa-act kama wafanya biashara na sio cadres.
 
Na hali halisi ya zahama ya mtikisiko wa uchumi duniani inaonesha kuwa 'free private enteprise' ni mtumizi mbaya wa mapato ndio maana kina Obama wanalia na AIG!

Mkuu acha kuboronga na ku-spin. Free private enterprise inatoa uhuru kwa watu ku-take risks. Kilichotokea sasa ni watu kuchukua risks bila uangalifu tu. Lakini risk managements tools zinaandaliwa, hivyo watu wata-recover .
 
Zakumi,
Mkuu hapa kidogo nitakusahihisha.. wakati wa mazao kuoza Mbeya na Iringa ilitokana na kutokuwa na maghala ya kutoisha kuhifadhi chakula kile kwani ndio wakati mwalimu ali introduce kilimo cha kufa na Kupona lakini pia tatizo jingine lililojitokeza ni kwamba kulikuwa na mfumo wa madaraka mikoani..
Kila mkoa ulikuwa unajitegemea, hivyo kubana chakula au kuweka akiba ya chakula chao wenyewe matokeo yake ndio tuka fail kabisaaa!..Nachotaka kukwambia tu ni kwamba utekelezaji wa sera zozote zile kuna wakati haitegemei ni mfumo gani wa siasa unatumika isipokuwa mbinu zinazotumika na ufanisi wake.. sasa Chukulia mfano wa Mbeya na Iringa hata kama tungekuwa Mabepari tusingeweza kitu ikiwa nchi nzima imeshindwa kuwa na maghala ya kuhifadhi chakula pia mfumo wa madaraka mikoani sii mfumo wa Kijamama hata nchi za Kibepari zinautumia..Ni masharti magumu yasiyokubaliana na mazingira ndio tatizo suhgu la nchi zetu..
Kila tunahchopanga kufanya siku zote tunashindwa kuangalia mbele..
Tazama tatizo la Umeme, Maji, Hospitali, Shule, Usafiri..na kadhalika wakati tupo ktk Ubepari au sio?.. sasa unategemea vipi mtu toka nje atakuja wekesha nchini ktk viwanda iwe kutengeneza electronics ikiwa vitu vyote hivyo muhimu vimepungua kwa zaidi ya asilimia 80!..Haya ndiyo maghala ya Uwekezaji na kama huna unategemea kweli kufanikiwa!
 
Zakumi,
Mkuu hapa kidogo nitakusahihisha.. wakati wa mazao kuoza Mbeya na Iringa ilitokana na kutokuwa na maghala ya kutoisha kuhifadhi chakula kile kwani ndio wakati mwalimu ali introduce kilimo cha kufa na Kupona lakini pia tatizo jingine lililojitokeza ni kwamba kulikuwa na mfumo wa madaraka mikoani..
Kila mkoa ulikuwa unajitegemea, hivyo kubana chakula au kuweka akiba ya chakula chao wenyewe matokeo yake ndio tuka fail kabisaaa!..Nachotaka kukwambia tu ni kwamba utekelezaji wa sera zozote zile kuna wakati haitegemei ni mfumo gani wa siasa unatumika isipokuwa mbinu zinazotumika na ufanisi wake.. sasa Chukulia mfano wa Mbeya na Iringa hata kama tungekuwa Mabepari tusingeweza kitu ikiwa nchi nzima imeshindwa kuwa na maghala ya kuhifadhi chakula pia mfumo wa madaraka mikoani sii mfumo wa Kijamama hata nchi za Kibepari zinautumia..Ni masharti magumu yasiyokubaliana na mazingira ndio tatizo suhgu la nchi zetu..
Kila tunahchopanga kufanya siku zote tunashindwa kuangalia mbele..
Tazama tatizo la Umeme, Maji, Hospitali, Shule, Usafiri..na kadhalika wakati tupo ktk Ubepari au sio?.. sasa unategemea vipi mtu toka nje atakuja wekesha nchini ktk viwanda iwe kutengeneza electronics ikiwa vitu vyote hivyo muhimu vimepungua kwa zaidi ya asilimia 80!..Haya ndiyo maghala ya Uwekezaji na kama huna unategemea kweli kufanikiwa!

Mkandara:

Ndio maana kuna watu wanaanza kusema kuwa foreign Aid hasn't help African continent.

Kuna kiongozi gani hangeweza kufikiri kujenga maghala ya mahindi wakati kila kukitokea matatizo kuna msaada wa chakula kutoka nje?

Israel inapokea misaada mingi kutoka Marekani. Lakini kuna kipindi misaada hiyo ilisababisha wanasiasa kutokufikiri jinsi ya kupambana na inflation.

Kwa maoni yangu binafsi ni misaada ndio iliyotufanya sisi kulemaa.
 
Mkuu acha kuboronga na ku-spin. Free private enterprise inatoa uhuru kwa watu ku-take risks. Kilichotokea sasa ni watu kuchukua risks bila uangalifu tu. Lakini risk managements tools zinaandaliwa, hivyo watu wata-recover .

Mkuu acha kuhubiri usichokitekeleza, yaani kutoboronga na kuto-spin. Hata Ujamaa ilitoa uhuru kwa wanakijiji ku-take risks misituni. Na kilichotokea wakati ule ni wananchi kuchukua risks bila uangalifu tu. Lakini risks management tools zimeandaliwa, hivyo wajamaa tuta-recover.
 
Ujamaa/Ubuntumaniac hii ni sehemu ya uchambuzi tulioufanya miaka kadhaa iliyopita kuhusu Ujamaa na Itikadi Ya Maendeleo wakati wa Mwalimu Nyerere - uchambuzi huu unadhihirisha kuwa tulichokuwa tunakitekeleza kilikuwa ni Ubepari wa Dola na si Ujamaa wa Wananchi:

In General, the model of development adopted after independence seemingly registered some rates of economic growth, whereby the growth of value added in that manufacturing for the period 1965 to 1974 was more than 13% annually. Between 1965 and 1975, the percentage share of agriculture in the GDP fell from 56% to 42%, while that of manufacturing rose from 4% to 11%. With such developments, it had become difficult for agriculture to sustain any further expansion by 1974, as no significant technical transformations had taken place within the sector. In this year, export volume fell by 35%. The situation was made worse by forcible villagization, (which halted production in most regions in the country), recurrent droughts and floods, the rise in oil prices in the worldmarket and huge loss-making parastatals that were in existence. There were nearly 400 parastatals handling production, processing, transportation, and marketing of goods and services. Prices of almost 1,000 commodities were also controlled by this period. By 1976 there were 108 parastatal enterprises in farming. Many of them were making huge losses, but donors supported them in terms of capital and personnel. Holland and Denmark supported in sugar production, Canada in wheat production, North Korea in rice production, the World Bank in ranching, etc. The dominance of the crop authorities in marketing and provision of inputs had resulted into the total control and bureaucratization of the conditions of peasant production. With the villagezation programme of 1973/74 and the changes in the administration and marketing structures, production targets were imposed on the peasants and the type of crops to be farmed was administratively specified. The gainers from the enhanced role of marketing boards in the 1970s were no longer thes tate exchequer, as in the 1960s, but the people who manned them, through corruption, fraud and embezzlement. The boards consumed an increasing take of the peasant producer price themselves. The 1977 ILO report recorded that the barter terms of trade for the peasants fell by 22.5 per cent between 1965 and 1973. These parastatals had also become an increasing drain on central government finances as their distribution and buying programmes consumed large magnitudes of official credit.

By 1976, the Minister of Home Affairs reported an official figure of corruption and embezzlement of funds to the tune of Tshs 1,600 million. Thus, when reviewing the Ten Years of the Arusha Declaration, Nyerere said: "We have reached a stage where our greatest danger is a new one. The thing which could now most undermine our socialist development would be failure in the battle against corruption, against theft and loss of public money and goods and other abuses of public office…."

Since early 1970s, workers and other sections of the society had attempted to check these abuses, but thegovernment defeated them. The attempts were a consequence of the introduction of Party Guidelines (Mwongozo) in February 1971, a radical document which claimed to empower the people. There were 31 strikes and lock-outs from February to September in the same year. These were supposedly illegal strikes, since they were not sanctioned by NUTA General Council. These strikes were directed against corruption, commandism and abuses of the managers and bureaucrats. These abuses included the lifestyles and eating habits of those in management, grand parties, unnecessary trips and other extravagances. For the first time in the history of Tanzania, these were strikes that were not concerned with pay or remuneration. These strikes continued in 1972 and they were becoming almost a movement by 1973 when the government crushed a strike at the Sungura Textile Mill by dismissing workers. The climax of these strikes was between May and July 1973. This was when the 900 workers of the British-American Tobacco (which was 51% government owned) locked out the personnel manager. The case was taken to the Permanent Labour Tribunal,where the officer was accused of "wasting company resources, and of favouring his tribesmen."

It was after the defeat of the workers that the Party (TANU) became supreme in 1975. With the Constitutional amendments in 1977, all mass organizations became party (CCM) affiliates, and NUTA replaced by Jumuiya ya Wafanyakazi wa Tanzania (JUWATA). Under these arrangements, the union was simply a department of the ruling party. This move had resulted into increased statization of society and the trade union in particular. As a consequence of this, the disjunction that had already been created by the mid-1970s between the formal political system and the social system was reinforced further by late 1970s. That was not the only time the state used force against those who opposed privileges and abuse of power: brutal force was used against a peaceful march of students on 5 March 1978. The students sought to oppose the government move raise salaries as much as 40% in most cases and introduce huge fringe benefits to ministers, senior party officials, and members of parliament, when it had been announced that the country was facing a crisis. This move by the government seemed to contradict the Arusha Declaration. After rounding and sending home 400 students, the government accused the students of "having opposed ujamaa village managers" and marching instead of accepting an invitation from the President. Leaflets were circulated after exposing the undemocratic nature of the state given the manner it had handled the students.

By this time, most of the parastatals, which were supposed to be purchasing crops from the farmers, were increasingly becoming unable to do so. They were becoming heavily indebted to the banks because of unaccountability, corruption and inefficiency. By 1981/82, some nine parastatals had combined losses of Tshs 692 million (USD 84m), which was "equal to 21% of their processed commodities." The National Milling Corporation alone was responsible for two thirds of those losses which represented 31% of its sales. By the same year, the"parastatals' overdrafts had reached Tshs 5,127 million and accounted for 80% of the loans of the National Bank ofCommerce...." Meanwhile, the "volume handled by agricultural parastatals increased by 18 per cent, whereas parastatal employment increased by 37 percent, leading to decline in labour productivity by 14 pe cent."

The country had begun to face an economic crisis in the late 1970s. The economic crisis resulted into foreign reserves which had peaked at USD 281.8 million in 1977, to fall to USD 99.9 million in 1978 and finally to USD 20.3million in 1980. The latter "was less than one week's worth of foreign exchange needed to cover the average import bill." By 1980, the value of exports was equivalent to 43% only of the imports and the trade gap was over Tshs 6billion. Similarly, industrial capacity utilization was between 30% and 50% on the average and at this time the manufacturing sector accounted for only 5.8% of a smaller GDP, compared to 1977 when it accounted for 10.4percent. The symptoms of the crisis by 1980 were deterioration in the balance of trade, a fall in agricultural production (food and export crops), negative per capita growth and high inflation rates. Others were acute shortage of essential consumer goods, low industrial capacity utilization, deterioration in the budgetary position and general deterioration of the conditions of the working people.

Tanzania attempted to negotiate with the World Bank and IMF for loans to deal with the situation. But these institutions refused to lend the country, unless there were changes made in the policy directions by implementing Structural Adjustment Programmes. These institutions required Tanzania to devalue the currency significantly, freeze wage increases, increase interest rates, decontrol prices, remove subsidies on agricultural inputs and foodstuffs, relax import controls, encourage private investments and reduce government spending by cutting down budget on social services. While some sections of the economists, planners and politicians supported SAPs; some lawyers and social scientists opposed them for their anti-welfare and inegalitarian tendencies.

Despite the initial protests against the IMF preconditions, the government had started implementing them in a form of home made programmes from 1981, to the extent that by 1986 it had accepted all the conditionalities and the philosophy behind them. Thus, with the implementation of SAPs, by early 1990s, the government had liberalized crops marketing; liberalized the distribution of most inputs; introduced freehold lease in land ownership; and liberalized the investment policy in favour of private investments. It had also deregulated exchange and interest rates; reformed the fiscal and monetary policies; removed all subsidies for agricultural inputs and foodstuffs; reintroduced school fees in schools; and, reintroduce poll tax under the guise of "Development Levy". Other measures taken were reform policies to allow private banking; allow free transactions in foreign exchange by opening change de bureaus; restructure parastatal statutes to allow private shareholders or private ownership and finally abandon the Leadership Code of the Arusha Declaration which constrained capitalist tendencies among the leaders.

Chanzo: http://www.codesria.org/Links/conferences/papers/Chachage_Seithy_L_Chachage.pdf
 
Mkuu acha kuhubiri usichokitekeleza, yaani kutoboronga na kuto-spin. Hata Ujamaa ilitoa uhuru kwa wanakijiji ku-take risks misituni. Na kilichotokea wakati ule ni wananchi kuchukua risks bila uangalifu tu. Lakini risks management tools zimeandaliwa, hivyo wajamaa tuta-recover.

What kind of risks are yuo talking about? Wananchi kulazimishwa kuhamia kwenye vijiji vya Ujamaa?

Ngoja nikupe vipande:

"It would be fair to say that the operation took place without any planning at all with the bureaucrats giving orders and villagising on paper with no knowldge whatsoever of the regions affected, plus the local leaders' zeal to act quickly and demonstrate their diligence by cramming in the maximum number of people" By Agronomist Rene Dumont.
 
Ujamaa/Ubuntumaniac hii ni sehemu ya uchambuzi tulioufanya miaka kadhaa iliyopita kuhusu Ujamaa na Itikadi Ya Maendeleo wakati wa Mwalimu Nyerere - uchambuzi huu unadhihirisha kuwa tulichokuwa tunakitekeleza kilikuwa ni Ubepari wa Dola na si Ujamaa wa Wananchi:

In General, the model of development adopted after independence seemingly registered some rates of economic growth, whereby the growth of value added in that manufacturing for the period 1965 to 1974 was more than 13% annually. Between 1965 and 1975, the percentage share of agriculture in the GDP fell from 56% to 42%, while that of manufacturing rose from 4% to 11%. With such developments, it had become difficult for agriculture to sustain any further expansion by 1974, as no significant technical transformations had taken place within the sector. In this year, export volume fell by 35%. The situation was made worse by forcible villagization, (which halted production in most regions in the country), recurrent droughts and floods, the rise in oil prices in the worldmarket and huge loss-making parastatals that were in existence. There were nearly 400 parastatals handling production, processing, transportation, and marketing of goods and services. Prices of almost 1,000 commodities were also controlled by this period. By 1976 there were 108 parastatal enterprises in farming. Many of them were making huge losses, but donors supported them in terms of capital and personnel. Holland and Denmark supported in sugar production, Canada in wheat production, North Korea in rice production, the World Bank in ranching, etc. The dominance of the crop authorities in marketing and provision of inputs had resulted into the total control and bureaucratization of the conditions of peasant production. With the villagezation programme of 1973/74 and the changes in the administration and marketing structures, production targets were imposed on the peasants and the type of crops to be farmed was administratively specified. The gainers from the enhanced role of marketing boards in the 1970s were no longer thes tate exchequer, as in the 1960s, but the people who manned them, through corruption, fraud and embezzlement. The boards consumed an increasing take of the peasant producer price themselves. The 1977 ILO report recorded that the barter terms of trade for the peasants fell by 22.5 per cent between 1965 and 1973. These parastatals had also become an increasing drain on central government finances as their distribution and buying programmes consumed large magnitudes of official credit.

By 1976, the Minister of Home Affairs reported an official figure of corruption and embezzlement of funds to the tune of Tshs 1,600 million. Thus, when reviewing the Ten Years of the Arusha Declaration, Nyerere said: “We have reached a stage where our greatest danger is a new one. The thing which could now most undermine our socialist development would be failure in the battle against corruption, against theft and loss of public money and goods and other abuses of public office….”

Since early 1970s, workers and other sections of the society had attempted to check these abuses, but thegovernment defeated them. The attempts were a consequence of the introduction of Party Guidelines (Mwongozo) in February 1971, a radical document which claimed to empower the people. There were 31 strikes and lock-outs from February to September in the same year. These were supposedly illegal strikes, since they were not sanctioned by NUTA General Council. These strikes were directed against corruption, commandism and abuses of the managers and bureaucrats. These abuses included the lifestyles and eating habits of those in management, grand parties, unnecessary trips and other extravagances. For the first time in the history of Tanzania, these were strikes that were not concerned with pay or remuneration. These strikes continued in 1972 and they were becoming almost a movement by 1973 when the government crushed a strike at the Sungura Textile Mill by dismissing workers. The climax of these strikes was between May and July 1973. This was when the 900 workers of the British-American Tobacco (which was 51% government owned) locked out the personnel manager. The case was taken to the Permanent Labour Tribunal,where the officer was accused of “wasting company resources, and of favouring his tribesmen.”

It was after the defeat of the workers that the Party (TANU) became supreme in 1975. With the Constitutional amendments in 1977, all mass organizations became party (CCM) affiliates, and NUTA replaced by Jumuiya ya Wafanyakazi wa Tanzania (JUWATA). Under these arrangements, the union was simply a department of the ruling party. This move had resulted into increased statization of society and the trade union in particular. As a consequence of this, the disjunction that had already been created by the mid-1970s between the formal political system and the social system was reinforced further by late 1970s. That was not the only time the state used force against those who opposed privileges and abuse of power: brutal force was used against a peaceful march of students on 5 March 1978. The students sought to oppose the government move raise salaries as much as 40% in most cases and introduce huge fringe benefits to ministers, senior party officials, and members of parliament, when it had been announced that the country was facing a crisis. This move by the government seemed to contradict the Arusha Declaration. After rounding and sending home 400 students, the government accused the students of “having opposed ujamaa village managers” and marching instead of accepting an invitation from the President. Leaflets were circulated after exposing the undemocratic nature of the state given the manner it had handled the students.

By this time, most of the parastatals, which were supposed to be purchasing crops from the farmers, were increasingly becoming unable to do so. They were becoming heavily indebted to the banks because of unaccountability, corruption and inefficiency. By 1981/82, some nine parastatals had combined losses of Tshs 692 million (USD 84m), which was “equal to 21% of their processed commodities.” The National Milling Corporation alone was responsible for two thirds of those losses which represented 31% of its sales. By the same year, the“parastatals’ overdrafts had reached Tshs 5,127 million and accounted for 80% of the loans of the National Bank ofCommerce....” Meanwhile, the “volume handled by agricultural parastatals increased by 18 per cent, whereas parastatal employment increased by 37 percent, leading to decline in labour productivity by 14 pe cent.”

The country had begun to face an economic crisis in the late 1970s. The economic crisis resulted into foreign reserves which had peaked at USD 281.8 million in 1977, to fall to USD 99.9 million in 1978 and finally to USD 20.3million in 1980. The latter “was less than one week’s worth of foreign exchange needed to cover the average import bill.” By 1980, the value of exports was equivalent to 43% only of the imports and the trade gap was over Tshs 6billion. Similarly, industrial capacity utilization was between 30% and 50% on the average and at this time the manufacturing sector accounted for only 5.8% of a smaller GDP, compared to 1977 when it accounted for 10.4percent. The symptoms of the crisis by 1980 were deterioration in the balance of trade, a fall in agricultural production (food and export crops), negative per capita growth and high inflation rates. Others were acute shortage of essential consumer goods, low industrial capacity utilization, deterioration in the budgetary position and general deterioration of the conditions of the working people.

Tanzania attempted to negotiate with the World Bank and IMF for loans to deal with the situation. But these institutions refused to lend the country, unless there were changes made in the policy directions by implementing Structural Adjustment Programmes. These institutions required Tanzania to devalue the currency significantly, freeze wage increases, increase interest rates, decontrol prices, remove subsidies on agricultural inputs and foodstuffs, relax import controls, encourage private investments and reduce government spending by cutting down budget on social services. While some sections of the economists, planners and politicians supported SAPs; some lawyers and social scientists opposed them for their anti-welfare and inegalitarian tendencies.

Despite the initial protests against the IMF preconditions, the government had started implementing them in a form of home made programmes from 1981, to the extent that by 1986 it had accepted all the conditionalities and the philosophy behind them. Thus, with the implementation of SAPs, by early 1990s, the government had liberalized crops marketing; liberalized the distribution of most inputs; introduced freehold lease in land ownership; and liberalized the investment policy in favour of private investments. It had also deregulated exchange and interest rates; reformed the fiscal and monetary policies; removed all subsidies for agricultural inputs and foodstuffs; reintroduced school fees in schools; and, reintroduce poll tax under the guise of “Development Levy”. Other measures taken were reform policies to allow private banking; allow free transactions in foreign exchange by opening change de bureaus; restructure parastatal statutes to allow private shareholders or private ownership and finally abandon the Leadership Code of the Arusha Declaration which constrained capitalist tendencies among the
Chanzo: http://www.codesria.org/Links/conferences/papers/Chachage_Seithy_L_Chachage leaders. .pdf

Hii paper ni ndefu sana na thesis yake haiko clear. Imejaa emotions
 
Swali mmoja ninalojiuliza ni kwamba jee ujamaa umejenga jamii ya aina gani? Jee ni jamii ya ujamaa na kujitegemea kama mwalimu alivyolenga, au umejenga jamii ilijaa rushwa na uvivu? Haya yote ni maswali valid ambayo jamii ya leo inataji kuyachambua kwa kina..

Zao la kwanza la mwalimu ni viongozi tulio nao leo, hawa viongozi wana sababisha vizazi vyote vijazo kuujaji ujamaa kama chanzo cha poor human capital ambayo imeshindwa kubuild Tanzania for sucess. Ukitazama viongozi wengi wa leo utaona ya kwamba walifanya wakati wa mwalimu, jee Mwalimu hakuna tabia zao? Jee kulikuwa na standard gani kuhusu rushwa?

Nadhani mjadala huu unaitaji kuangalia sector nyingi ambazo zinawausa wananchi katika shughuli zao za kila siku. Sector kama Elimu, jeee elimu ya leo na ujamaa zinatofauti zipi, na zinashabiana vipi? Jee Afya wakati wa ujamaa na leo inatofautina vipi au kushabiana? Jee usalama wa raia? Jee mali za umma... Kisha mwisho wa siku tutaweza kusema kama ujamaa ulifanikiwa au ulishindwa.
 
Swali mmoja ninalojiuliza ni kwamba jee ujamaa umejenga jamii ya aina gani? Jee ni jamii ya ujamaa na kujitegemea kama mwalimu alivyolenga, au umejenga jamii ilijaa rushwa na uvivu? Haya yote ni maswali valid ambayo jamii ya leo inataji kuyachambua kwa kina..

Zao la kwanza la mwalimu ni viongozi tulio nao leo, hawa viongozi wana sababisha vizazi vyote vijazo kuujaji ujamaa kama chanzo cha poor human capital ambayo imeshindwa kubuild Tanzania for sucess. Ukitazama viongozi wengi wa leo utaona ya kwamba walifanya wakati wa mwalimu, jee Mwalimu hakuna tabia zao? Jee kulikuwa na standard gani kuhusu rushwa?

Nadhani mjadala huu unaitaji kuangalia sector nyingi ambazo zinawausa wananchi katika shughuli zao za kila siku. Sector kama Elimu, jeee elimu ya leo na ujamaa zinatofauti zipi, na zinashabiana vipi? Jee Afya wakati wa ujamaa na leo inatofautina vipi au kushabiana? Jee usalama wa raia? Jee mali za umma... Kisha mwisho wa siku tutaweza kusema kama ujamaa ulifanikiwa au ulishindwa.


Mtanganyika:

Hayo ni maswali mazuri. Tunaweza kuulamu ujamaa lakini wapenzi wa siasa hiyo watakuonyesha vitabu vyao vinasema nini.

Ukisoma humu posti nyingi kuna watu wanadai kuwa Tanzania ilikuwa inatengeneza magari. Cost ya kutengeneza magari Tanzania ni kubwa sana kuliko ku-import. Hivyo basi our political ambitions ni lazima makini na sio tufanye vitu kwa sababu tunataka kuwa proud.

Kwa mfano kama waEthiopia wangejaribu kutengeneza ndege hili wazitumie katika shirika lao la ndege wasingefika popote.

Kinachokupa faida au mafanikio ni business model au mode of operation. Hapa ndio failure ya mambo mengi tunayofanya inapoonekana.

Kulala na kuhamka mnaamisha makao makuu ya nchi wakati hakuna barabara wala wataalamu.
 
Zakumi,
Mkuu hapa hata sijakuelewa...Ni nchi gani inayotengeneza magari na maskini au inayotengeneza ndege na ina fail kibiashara.. sasa kama huna cha kuuza utauza kitu gani mkuu wangu hiyo biashara unayozungumzia ni ipi?..

Kuhamisha makao makuu hampeleki Container za mazao wala mizigo..ni usafiri watu, malazi na ukumbi basi..Kipi kigumu kwako kuelewa...nchi za kibepari pia ziliwahi kuhamisha makao yao makuu kwani nao Wajamaa..
halafu hizi habari za ku quote tafiti zinazoandikwa na wazungu maana yake nini haswa! kwamba ndizo zinaaminika zaidi au wamesoma sana..
 
Zakumi,
Mkuu hapa hata sijakuelewa...Ni nchi gani inayotengeneza magari na maskini au inayotengeneza ndege na ina fail kibiashara.. sasa kama huna cha kuuza utauza kitu gani mkuu wangu hiyo biashara unayozungumzia ni ipi?..

Kuhamisha makao makuu hampeleki Container za mazao wala mizigo..ni usafiri watu, malazi na ukumbi basi..Kipi kigumu kwako kuelewa...nchi za kibepari pia ziliwahi kuhamisha makao yao makuu kwani nao Wajamaa..
halafu hizi habari za ku quote tafiti zinazoandikwa na wazungu maana yake nini haswa! kwamba ndizo zinaaminika zaidi au wamesoma sana..

Kwikwikwi !

Umejuaje kama ninao-quote ni wazungu? Kama nimequote kitu nimeangalia academic credentials zake na sio rangi yake ya ngozi. Na vilevile ninaangalia peer reviews.

Nimezungumza kuhusu business models na mode of executions. Kama unajenga kiwanda cha magari kiitwacho nyumbu ambacho kinatengeneza gari lenye thamani mara ishirini ya gari import, kwanini usiendelee ku-import tu.

Kuhusu nchi kujenga capital, nakubaliana na wewe kuwa nchi kama Marekani zilijenga mji mpya. Lakini walikuwa na uwezo na walifanya hivyo mara moja. Kabla majengo kwisha watu walishahamia. Ujenzi umefanyika wakati shughuli za kiserikali zikiendelea. Inakaribia miaka 40 toka Dodoma kutangazwa, lakini shughuli nyingi bado zipo DSM.
 
Zakumi,
Hata kidogo, hatukupoteza ile miaka ya Nyerere, first of all Ujamaa haukubuniwa kama ni socialist/communist way; ilifuata mila na jadi za kwetu. It was about the African way; and in the first decade nyerere made his best. He built industries which you also mentioned and gave it to the people. The mistake Nyerere did was Nationalization of Agriculture and leaving the segment of farmers/peasants unmanaged.
Believe me, after Nyerere we needed a Sokoine factor; he was the man to take over and correct all mistakes which were made in Nyerere era. The "destroyer" of the system was Mr. Mwinyi; he didn't know what he was doing!

Ujamaa wa Kiafrika haukuwa na itikadi za kuwanyan'ganya mali zao na kuifanya ni mali ya Taifa.Nationalization haikuwa moja ya msingi wa ujamaa wa Kiafrika.
 
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