IPTL -Tunalipa gharama za kampeni za CCM mwaka 1995

Mpaka Kieleweke

JF-Expert Member
Feb 27, 2007
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Soma hii sehemu ya ripoti ambayo imetolewa uone kwanini IPTL hawaondoki hapa nchini.


Despite similarities, the two power projects were quite different in nature. IPTL originated in a visit to Malaysia by Horace Kolimba, the CCM Secretary General and Minister of Planning, in June 1994. Mahathir Mohamed, the Malaysian Prime Minister actively promoted Malaysian companies in Africa, and provided covert support to finance CCM in the build up to the presidential and parliamentary elections of 1995.

It is widely believed that the ‘bagman’ for the 1995 campaign contribution was CCM Treasurer Dr Abdallah Kigoda


ni ripoti ya power and politics in Tanzania 2011.
 
Na bado wa 2005 na 2010 sijui lini tunaacha kukamuliwa !
 
The Meremeta gold mining project directly involved the Tanzanian army, with a consequent drain of over USD 130 million from the BOT to a South African joint venture partner. CCM denied claims that they were involved in the company that took over Meremeta's liabilities and continued receiving payments from the BOT as explained in our gold mining study
 
The Meremeta gold mining project directly involved the Tanzanian army, with a consequent drain of over USD 130 million from the BOT to a South African joint venture partner. CCM denied claims that they were involved in the company that took over Meremeta’s liabilities and continued receiving payments from the BOT as explained in our gold mining study

Mpaka hasira mtu zinakupanda ah nishaharibu moody yangu siku ya leo!!!!! B****%%%^^**t. Halafu viongozi wanasimama mbele ya kadamnasi ya watu kunadi serikali haina hela!!!
 
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<P>The Meremeta gold mining project directly involved the Tanzanian army, with a consequent drain of over USD 130 million from the BOT to a South African joint venture partner. CCM denied claims that they were involved in the company that took over Meremeta's liabilities and continued receiving payments from the BOT as explained in our gold mining study </P></FONT>
 
Richmond was a
shell company fronting for an improvised emergency procurement project promoted by Rostam Aziz and Edward Lowassa, respectively MP/CCM Treasurer and Prime Minister.
227 The failure of Richmond to deliver power on time to avoid yet another power crisis contributed to the rupture of the strategic alliance between Lowassa and Kikwete that brought the latter to power.
 
Tanesco borrowed TShs 300 billion from local banks in 2007 &#8216;to revamp its operations.' On July 29, 2009 it was revealed that the residence of the Managing Director of Tanesco, Dr Idris Rashid, had been refurbished at a cost of TShs 0.6 billion, ten times the price (TShs 60 million) at which TANESCO was planning to sell the house to Rashid. In total, Shs 1.4 billion was spent on refurbishing seven TANESCO staff houses
 
But there are risks. For example, in August 2004, the Kiwira coal mine in Mbeya Region was sold, it is claimed, far below value to a company owned by President Mkapa and his minister of Energy and Minerals Daniel Yona and their families. The Chinese government was prepared to invest USD 400 million in developing the mine. During the 2009 budget session the GOT announced its decision to[FONT=Arial,Arial][FONT=Arial,Arial]renationalise [/FONT][/FONT]Kiwira, and is proceeding with the Chinese investment.247The lesson here is that political succession may threaten deals brokered during the previous regime.
 
Former Minister of Finance Basil Mramba, one of Alex Stewart's beneficiaries, has invested in the hospitality industry in Arusha.
 
hehehehehehehe
nani atawatowa hao?

ni mpaka pesa yao waliochangia ktk kampeni za ccm zirudi,kazi ipo bongo
 
Threats to rent-seekers from the parliamentary process elicit two reactions from the ruling elite: patronage and the threat of de-selection or violence. The literature points to the weaknesses of the parliamentary system in terms of enforcing accountability, especially imposing sanctions (&#8216;answerability') on executive malpractice. Most ruling party MPs are kept relatively quiescent by their large salaries and allowances and opportunities for involvement in further patronage and corruption networks.
 
President Mkapa is said to have personally authorised the use of EPA money to finance the ruling party's 2005 election campaign. However, this does not mean that all the EPA money was stolen for political purposes. What started off as a '[FONT=Arial,Arial][FONT=Arial,Arial]mradi wa chama' [/FONT][/FONT](CCM-sponsored project) soon became a free-for-all as new actors, including BOT staff, came to claim their &#8216;entitlement', as described above.
 
The project initiated by Aziz, Kikwete, Lowassa, Chenge and others was to &#8216;capture' the political centre through plunder, collusive rent-seeking, and strategic redistribution. These rents came from various sources, including the EPA, discussed above in connection with financing CCM's 2005 campaign. Kikwete's attempt to distance himself from this group since 2005 is the cause of the current unresolved divisions within the ruling party.
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describes the process of securing the ruling party presidential candidature for the 2005 elections, which, given the dominance of the ruling party, was tantamount to securing the presidency.
 
Edward Lowassa, Prime Minister in the first two years of the Kikwete presidency, was part of the small group led by Rostam Aziz that brought Kikwete to power. Serving as Minister of Lands and Minister of Water before becoming PM, Lowassa was adept at extracting both personal and political rents. Lowassa's early ambitions for high office were thwarted temporarily by Julius Nyerere, who famously questioned how the young man had become so rich so quickly. Lowassa was involved in the Dar es Salaam and Lake Victoria water projects, Richmond, and numerous deals involving land, housing, and construction. He also has a reputation for extorting rents from Asian businessmen, with whom he developed a generally antagonistic relationship
 
Lowassa is widely thought to aspire to the presidency in the 2015 elections. As well as enjoying the support of a number of ruling party MPs, Lowassa is also said to have recruited widespread support from Regional and District Commissioners, key players in Tanzania's politico-administrative-security nexus.
 
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