Mwanahabari Huru
JF-Expert Member
- Mar 9, 2015
- 14,242
- 34,917
Magufuli has overseen numerous closures and suspensions of media outlets. His officials have encouraged and tried to exacerbate a split in the Civic United Front, by backing one side. His government has undermined judicial and parliamentary independence, implemented a partial ban on public rallies, harassed MPs, closure of online political space, and prosecuted critics under new defamation and sedition laws.
Together, these constitute major infringements on the freedom of expression and the opposition's ability to communicate with voters.
In March this year he announced at a press conference that:
"Media owners, let me tell you: 'Be careful. Watch it. If you think you have that kind of freedom — not to that extent'."
In part, this repressive streak is a return to form. CCM has a long history of authoritarianism. It has ruled Tanzanian uninterrupted since 1977, and its predecessor parties ruled Tanganyika since 1961.
But there is a more immediate reason that Magufuli is tightening the noose on the opposition. The opposition has never been so strong. In 2005, CCM's Jakaya Kikwete won the presidential election with an unassailable lead of 68% over the runner-up. By 2015, CCM's margin of victory had been shortened to 18%. For the first time in Tanzania's history, the opposition is a force to be reckoned with.
The most plausible explanation for Magufuli's authoritarian turn is that he is trying to minimize the possibility of an opposition victory in the future. Equally, every time he advances the anti-corruption agenda, he makes more enemies who might defect to the opposition. By narrowing space for opposition, he reduces the risk of them doing so.
But Magufuli is not only relying on repressive means to stay in power. He is also pursuing a program that revives his popularity.
Together, these constitute major infringements on the freedom of expression and the opposition's ability to communicate with voters.
In March this year he announced at a press conference that:
"Media owners, let me tell you: 'Be careful. Watch it. If you think you have that kind of freedom — not to that extent'."
In part, this repressive streak is a return to form. CCM has a long history of authoritarianism. It has ruled Tanzanian uninterrupted since 1977, and its predecessor parties ruled Tanganyika since 1961.
But there is a more immediate reason that Magufuli is tightening the noose on the opposition. The opposition has never been so strong. In 2005, CCM's Jakaya Kikwete won the presidential election with an unassailable lead of 68% over the runner-up. By 2015, CCM's margin of victory had been shortened to 18%. For the first time in Tanzania's history, the opposition is a force to be reckoned with.
The most plausible explanation for Magufuli's authoritarian turn is that he is trying to minimize the possibility of an opposition victory in the future. Equally, every time he advances the anti-corruption agenda, he makes more enemies who might defect to the opposition. By narrowing space for opposition, he reduces the risk of them doing so.
But Magufuli is not only relying on repressive means to stay in power. He is also pursuing a program that revives his popularity.