World bank ranks: Kenya second on logistics

Mtwara airport upgrading now underway


The upgrading of the airfield will commence by July, this year, the Minister remarked during an inspection visit. The improvement will also cover extension of the parking lots and construction of 1.5 kilometre stretch of road leading to the airport.

"We expect to float a tender for the upgrading this month and we are positive of securing a competent contractor to undertake the work,” Prof Mbarawa explained. According to the minister, the government will as well ensure that the airfield is fenced-off to boost security. Prof Mbarawa said on the other hand that plans are underway to procure four brand new modern surveillance radars to navigate planes taking off and landing at local airports.

“The equipment will enable the government to monitor all airplanes, even the small ones landing at airstrips in mining areas to be able to keep an eye on their movements,” he observed. Prof Mbarawa assured the Mtwara District Commissioner, Evod Mmanda, that the new planes, Bombadier Q-400, operated by state-owned Air Tanzania Company Limited (ATCL) would in the near future launch flights between Dar es Salaam-Mtwara and Songea in Ruvuma Region.

The DC had appealed to the government to expedite the launch of ATCL flights so as to ease air transport and eventually boost economic opportunities in Mtwara and surrounding regions.

In the same vein, the Acting Manager for Tanzania Airports Authority (TAA), Ms Zitta Majinge, said the authority will work closely with the government to ensure improvement at the airport is accomplished on time to enhance efficiency in the aviation industry.

Meanwhile, Prof Mbarawa also inspected operations of MV Kilambo ferry which plies between Kilambo in Mtwara and Namoto in Mozambique, stating that the government wants the ferry to operate in all seasons of the year. Prof Mbarawa is in Mtwara for a two-day working visit aimed at inspecting projects undertaken by the ministry.

Mtwara airport upgrading now underway
 
Geza Ulole said:
Mtwara airport upgrading now underway


The upgrading of the airfield will commence by July, this year, the Minister remarked during an inspection visit. The improvement will also cover extension of the parking lots and construction of 1.5 kilometre stretch of road leading to the airport.

"We expect to float a tender for the upgrading this month and we are positive of securing a competent contractor to undertake the work,” Prof Mbarawa explained. According to the minister, the government will as well ensure that the airfield is fenced-off to boost security. Prof Mbarawa said on the other hand that plans are underway to procure four brand new modern surveillance radars to navigate planes taking off and landing at local airports.

“The equipment will enable the government to monitor all airplanes, even the small ones landing at airstrips in mining areas to be able to keep an eye on their movements,” he observed. Prof Mbarawa assured the Mtwara District Commissioner, Evod Mmanda, that the new planes, Bombadier Q-400, operated by state-owned Air Tanzania Company Limited (ATCL) would in the near future launch flights between Dar es Salaam-Mtwara and Songea in Ruvuma Region.

The DC had appealed to the government to expedite the launch of ATCL flights so as to ease air transport and eventually boost economic opportunities in Mtwara and surrounding regions.

In the same vein, the Acting Manager for Tanzania Airports Authority (TAA), Ms Zitta Majinge, said the authority will work closely with the government to ensure improvement at the airport is accomplished on time to enhance efficiency in the aviation industry.

Meanwhile, Prof Mbarawa also inspected operations of MV Kilambo ferry which plies between Kilambo in Mtwara and Namoto in Mozambique, stating that the government wants the ferry to operate in all seasons of the year. Prof Mbarawa is in Mtwara for a two-day working visit aimed at inspecting projects undertaken by the ministry.

Mtwara airport upgrading now underway
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Kisumu Airport
Kisumu08.jpg


Kisumu09.jpg


Bole_international_airport_2.jpg


JKIA is past the levels of comparison
LH3.jpg
 
Geza Ulole said:
Huoni aibu kila siku unarudia picha hizo hizo? Wakati sie tunatoa habari mpya?
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Wewe ndiye uone aibu, kujahapa kila siku na hadithi za paukwa pakawa, tuta, wata, kila kitu, ita, hakuna siku uje hapa na kitu cha kukamilika, mwanzo hizo picha ni za Kisumu na hakuna mtu amezitia hapa, nadhani unachanganyikiwa ukidhani ni za Nairobi au mombasa!!! Hii ni Kenya hadi wajiri international Airport inajengwa, huwezi sikia mkenya akiitaja hapa, itakavyokuwa imeanza muonekano ndio tuje hapa na picha halisi, sio stori za itajengwa, itanunuliwa, italetwa,
 
Geza Ulole said:
Hahah aibu ama pride tukaweka vitus....vipyaaa mnabaki kujitungia story ati SRG Project has stalled!?

Sent from my SM-J320F using JamiiForums mobile app
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Juzi tu mnaturingia 7 billion za china ...halfu sasa ni turkey ..sasa mkicheza uganda wata maliza kabla muanze ..stalled ...leta picha za construction ya sgr yenyu tuone ..hata hizo airport unasema bado hazijajengwa ..huku hadi isiolo tayari kuna airport !!!!isiolo!!!!
 
Hutuskii tukiringa isiolo ..tutaringa once iko finished ...nyinyi hata kitu ikiwa on papers mnaringa nkaa imeshaa jengwa ...rubbish
 
Yaani Dar is slum inachosha na kuchusha kweli!!! nyuma nyuma kwa logistics eeeh.
 



Opinion: The struggle for East Africa’s oil
16 Feb 2017 - 23:31

Brendon J Cannon / via Anadolu Agency
The struggle over East Africa’s oil and gas exports is heating up. At stake are potentially billions of dollars in revenue and control of strategic pipelines.
Oil was discovered in commercial quantities in Uganda and Kenya fairly recently and both countries wish to become oil exporters. Tanzania, which has significant oil and gas reserves, also wants pipelines to connect its oil with ports on the Indian Ocean.
Yet a tussle pitting neighboring states and members of the East African Community (EAC) as well as commercial stakeholders against each other has conspired to create uncertainty over oil drilling, pipelines and export options in East Africa at a time of record-low oil prices.
In order to bring East Africa’s oil to the world, the Uganda-Kenya Crude Oil Pipeline (UKCOP) was announced soon after Kenya’s discovery of oil in late 2012. The pipeline was to transport Uganda’s and Kenya’s oil across central Uganda and northern Kenya to the Indian Ocean port of Lamu. A spur to South Sudan’s huge oil reserves was also planned. The UKCOP would have made three East African states sizeable oil exporters and earned major revenue for region.
Yet almost as soon as plans were announced in mid-2015 in Nairobi to build the UKCOP across northern rather than southern Kenya, concerns were voiced in Kampala as well as from Big Oil players, citing security, terrain and cost concerns.
One year later, the UKCOP was shelved and a Uganda-Tanzania pipeline deal was inked. This will see Uganda’s oil flow not through Kenya, but through Tanzania to its port of Tanga. This means the pipeline spur to South Sudan is on hold and that Kenya must either transport its oil by road or build its own pipeline.
Though security in northern Kenya -- especially the threat of terrorism from the Somalia-based al-Shabaab terrorist group -- was likely a factor in stopping the UKCOP, I argue that a mix of domestic, regional and international factors were equally important.
First, a new president showed a keen interest in expanding Tanzania’s influence and power through exporting East Africa’s oil and gas.
Second, intent on gaining a greater share of oil revenue and reducing reliance on Kenya, Uganda’s president proved a mercurial negotiator.
Third, a major oil company pressured Kampala to reject the UKCOP in order to cement their stake in Uganda’s oil production.
Lastly, Kenya failed to defend the UKCOP effectively.
Tanzanian President John Magufuli, elected in 2015, immediately attempted to expand Tanzania’s influence at the expense of its more economically powerful neighbor and rival, Kenya.
Magufuli exploited Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni’s concerns over Kenyan insecurity, land acquisition and funding for the UKCOP, sending businesspeople and diplomats to Kampala to lobby for the Tanzania pipeline.
In contrast to reported problems in Kenya, Magufuli promised easy land acquisition in Tanzania and a fully-operational Tanga Port -- even though Tanga reportedly needs dredging, is underutilized and possesses inadequate capacity to handle large volumes of cargo, including oil.
Museveni, Uganda’s president since 1986, takes a highly personal approach to power, politics and Uganda’s relationship with other states. While Museveni’s decades-long relationship with Kenya has generally been pragmatic, anxiety exists on account of land-locked Uganda being reliant on Kenya for most imports and exports.
Kenya remains Uganda’s biggest trading partner in the region and the majority of Uganda’s supplies come overland from Kenya’s Mombasa port. If the roads are impassable or Kenya experiences problems ranging from weather to politics, Uganda suffers. When Magufuli came calling, Museveni needed little convincing to see the benefit of exporting Uganda’s oil through Tanzania.
Added to the mix is French multinational oil and gas company Total S.A., in the form of its subsidiary Total E&P Uganda. Total is the major financier in the development of Uganda’s crude oil fields and has invested significant efforts and resources.
It was always critical of the UKCOP, citing security and cost concerns, which contradicted the generally favorable reception of other oil stakeholders operating in East Africa. Indeed, Total floated the idea of the Tanga route in mid-2015, reportedly in order to maintain its position of privilege in the development and export of Uganda’s significant oil reserves.
Total informed Museveni that it would assist in the Tanga pipeline construction and promised to source funding. By March 2016, Total reportedly had raised US $4 billion. Total also contracted a Tanga pipeline feasibility study that dovetailed with a previous study by Ugandan technocrats -- at Museveni’s request -- after Mafuguli began his charm offensive.
Both studies found that the Tanga route would be cheaper and easier to build though this contradicted Kenyan and Japanese feasibility studies.
Regardless of the reasons behind Uganda’s and Tanzania’s pipeline decision, the demise of the UKCOP is a blow to Kenya in terms of regional standing, oil export potential, revenues from transit fees and the development of critical infrastructure. Why did Kenya fail to effectively counter Tanzania’s charm offensive?
First, the contested and contentious nature of Kenyan politics. This starkly contrasts with Uganda, where most decisions are made by Museveni personally, leaving him free to decide which pipeline route suited Uganda’s (and his) best interests.
Second, Kenya’s insistence on negotiating over Uganda’s preconditions regarding security, financing, and tariffs only led to delays and annoyed Museveni.
Third, Kenya should have compromised on the route of the UKCOP. Indeed, when Nairobi understood Museveni’s reservations (and Total’s and Tanzania’s offer) it, along with oil stakeholders operating in Kenya, like Tullow Oil, should have offered to build the UKCOP across southern Kenya. By compromising on this key issue, Museveni’s concerns over insecurity, port availability and financing would have been allayed.
Additionally, I argue that funding and logistical uncertainty surrounding the massive UKCOP project kept Kenya’s political and business elite from “capturing” it. That is, no particular ministry, political group or business interest claimed the UKCOP and thus little political capital was expended defending the UKCOP.
The demise of the UKCOP -- a viable and affordable project that would bring development and jobs, and support the construction of a new port -- stands in stark contrast to other large infrastructure projects subject to “elite capture” that are so much a feature of Kenyan political life. The UKCOP was arguably too massive and the timeline too nebulous to interest Kenya’s political and business elites at an early stage.
The upshot of this struggle is that the commitment to cooperation and open borders of EAC member states needs to be questioned. This may give pause to outside investors and businesses eyeing opportunities in the region given the political economy of East Africa’s oil and related pipelines.

© 2017 All Rights Reserved.
Opinion: The struggle for East Africa’s oil
 
Geza Ulole said:



Opinion: The struggle for East Africa’s oil
16 Feb 2017 - 23:31

Brendon J Cannon / via Anadolu Agency
The struggle over East Africa’s oil and gas exports is heating up. At stake are potentially billions of dollars in revenue and control of strategic pipelines.
Oil was discovered in commercial quantities in Uganda and Kenya fairly recently and both countries wish to become oil exporters. Tanzania, which has significant oil and gas reserves, also wants pipelines to connect its oil with ports on the Indian Ocean.
Yet a tussle pitting neighboring states and members of the East African Community (EAC) as well as commercial stakeholders against each other has conspired to create uncertainty over oil drilling, pipelines and export options in East Africa at a time of record-low oil prices.
In order to bring East Africa’s oil to the world, the Uganda-Kenya Crude Oil Pipeline (UKCOP) was announced soon after Kenya’s discovery of oil in late 2012. The pipeline was to transport Uganda’s and Kenya’s oil across central Uganda and northern Kenya to the Indian Ocean port of Lamu. A spur to South Sudan’s huge oil reserves was also planned. The UKCOP would have made three East African states sizeable oil exporters and earned major revenue for region.
Yet almost as soon as plans were announced in mid-2015 in Nairobi to build the UKCOP across northern rather than southern Kenya, concerns were voiced in Kampala as well as from Big Oil players, citing security, terrain and cost concerns.
One year later, the UKCOP was shelved and a Uganda-Tanzania pipeline deal was inked. This will see Uganda’s oil flow not through Kenya, but through Tanzania to its port of Tanga. This means the pipeline spur to South Sudan is on hold and that Kenya must either transport its oil by road or build its own pipeline.
Though security in northern Kenya -- especially the threat of terrorism from the Somalia-based al-Shabaab terrorist group -- was likely a factor in stopping the UKCOP, I argue that a mix of domestic, regional and international factors were equally important.
First, a new president showed a keen interest in expanding Tanzania’s influence and power through exporting East Africa’s oil and gas.
Second, intent on gaining a greater share of oil revenue and reducing reliance on Kenya, Uganda’s president proved a mercurial negotiator.
Third, a major oil company pressured Kampala to reject the UKCOP in order to cement their stake in Uganda’s oil production.
Lastly, Kenya failed to defend the UKCOP effectively.
Tanzanian President John Magufuli, elected in 2015, immediately attempted to expand Tanzania’s influence at the expense of its more economically powerful neighbor and rival, Kenya.
Magufuli exploited Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni’s concerns over Kenyan insecurity, land acquisition and funding for the UKCOP, sending businesspeople and diplomats to Kampala to lobby for the Tanzania pipeline.
In contrast to reported problems in Kenya, Magufuli promised easy land acquisition in Tanzania and a fully-operational Tanga Port -- even though Tanga reportedly needs dredging, is underutilized and possesses inadequate capacity to handle large volumes of cargo, including oil.
Museveni, Uganda’s president since 1986, takes a highly personal approach to power, politics and Uganda’s relationship with other states. While Museveni’s decades-long relationship with Kenya has generally been pragmatic, anxiety exists on account of land-locked Uganda being reliant on Kenya for most imports and exports.
Kenya remains Uganda’s biggest trading partner in the region and the majority of Uganda’s supplies come overland from Kenya’s Mombasa port. If the roads are impassable or Kenya experiences problems ranging from weather to politics, Uganda suffers. When Magufuli came calling, Museveni needed little convincing to see the benefit of exporting Uganda’s oil through Tanzania.
Added to the mix is French multinational oil and gas company Total S.A., in the form of its subsidiary Total E&P Uganda. Total is the major financier in the development of Uganda’s crude oil fields and has invested significant efforts and resources.
It was always critical of the UKCOP, citing security and cost concerns, which contradicted the generally favorable reception of other oil stakeholders operating in East Africa. Indeed, Total floated the idea of the Tanga route in mid-2015, reportedly in order to maintain its position of privilege in the development and export of Uganda’s significant oil reserves.
Total informed Museveni that it would assist in the Tanga pipeline construction and promised to source funding. By March 2016, Total reportedly had raised US $4 billion. Total also contracted a Tanga pipeline feasibility study that dovetailed with a previous study by Ugandan technocrats -- at Museveni’s request -- after Mafuguli began his charm offensive.
Both studies found that the Tanga route would be cheaper and easier to build though this contradicted Kenyan and Japanese feasibility studies.
Regardless of the reasons behind Uganda’s and Tanzania’s pipeline decision, the demise of the UKCOP is a blow to Kenya in terms of regional standing, oil export potential, revenues from transit fees and the development of critical infrastructure. Why did Kenya fail to effectively counter Tanzania’s charm offensive?
First, the contested and contentious nature of Kenyan politics. This starkly contrasts with Uganda, where most decisions are made by Museveni personally, leaving him free to decide which pipeline route suited Uganda’s (and his) best interests.
Second, Kenya’s insistence on negotiating over Uganda’s preconditions regarding security, financing, and tariffs only led to delays and annoyed Museveni.
Third, Kenya should have compromised on the route of the UKCOP. Indeed, when Nairobi understood Museveni’s reservations (and Total’s and Tanzania’s offer) it, along with oil stakeholders operating in Kenya, like Tullow Oil, should have offered to build the UKCOP across southern Kenya. By compromising on this key issue, Museveni’s concerns over insecurity, port availability and financing would have been allayed.
Additionally, I argue that funding and logistical uncertainty surrounding the massive UKCOP project kept Kenya’s political and business elite from “capturing” it. That is, no particular ministry, political group or business interest claimed the UKCOP and thus little political capital was expended defending the UKCOP.
The demise of the UKCOP -- a viable and affordable project that would bring development and jobs, and support the construction of a new port -- stands in stark contrast to other large infrastructure projects subject to “elite capture” that are so much a feature of Kenyan political life. The UKCOP was arguably too massive and the timeline too nebulous to interest Kenya’s political and business elites at an early stage.
The upshot of this struggle is that the commitment to cooperation and open borders of EAC member states needs to be questioned. This may give pause to outside investors and businesses eyeing opportunities in the region given the political economy of East Africa’s oil and related pipelines.

© 2017 All Rights Reserved.
Opinion: The struggle for East Africa’s oil
Click to expand...


After bieng accused of posting paper projects, stalled or projects that have not started yet, you go online to look for something that will 'nyamazisha' everyone, but in the process you are at the same place of tuta-,wata-, ngoja tuki-.... Ungekua umepost pic mbili tatu ama kuanzisha threat ya picha za UG-TZ pipeline sahii ungenyamazisha watu lakini bado uko kwa makaratasi tu, Po!

here is an example oof how you do it, the construction of phase 1 20inch refined Oil pipeline from Mombasa-Nairobi is 74% complete
kpc (2).jpg
1327431 (2).jpg
 
Kafrican said:
After bieng accused of posting paper projects, stalled or projects that have not started yet, you go online to look for something that will 'nyamazisha' everyone, but in the process you are at the same place of tuta-,wata-, ngoja tuki-.... Ungekua umepost pic mbili tatu ama kuanzisha threat ya picha za UG-TZ pipeline sahii ungenyamazisha watu lakini bado uko kwa makaratasi tu, Po!

here is an example oof how you do it, the construction of phase 1 20inch refined Oil pipeline from Mombasa-Nairobi is 74% complete
View attachment 473643 View attachment 473644
Click to expand...
katika pipeline unaweza ukasema huu ni mradi capacitywise!
 
Geza Ulole said:
katika pipeline unaweza ukasema huu ni mradi capacitywise!
Click to expand...
Hio pipeline ni 20inch (10inch radius)...... mradi wa oil kutoka Uganda hadi Tanga pipeline diameter ni 24 inch... ama ukipenda radius of 12inch, najua ukiongeza two inch radius kwa hio ya tanga inaifanya iwe kubwa kidogo...but si kubwa sana mpaka ifanye mtu kudharau hio ya mombasa... its a difference of what? 4inch.sq?

the difference between those two is that one will be used to evacuate waxed crude oil which needs additional heating at intervals along the line while the other pipeline from mombasa will be used to transport refined oil products... but remember refined oil is smother and much thinner so it moves faster so difference in diameter betwn the two lines might be cancelled out by the rate at which its transported......

So at the end of the day, the two pipelines might use different technologies to build but at the end of the day, the functionality at which they were built for is the same, move a type of oil from point A to point B...
the first phase is to Mombasa, then next phase will be upto Kisumu!
 
Geza Ulole said:
katika pipeline unaweza ukasema huu ni mradi capacitywise!
Click to expand...
South sudan has Sub-Sahara biggest oil reserves after Nigeria and Angola and this is the pipeline that Sudan Uses to export more than 200K barrels of crude oil a day... look at the diameter? is it that bigger than the kenyan one pictured before?
So yes, Capacitywise its that big ? it costed $350Million from Mombasa to Nairobi....

oil-pipeline.jpg
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the only difference between ours and yours (apart from the nature of the content bieng transported) is that our project is already on the ground while yours is still on the drawing board...
 
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