Naunga mkono hoja ya
Nguruvi3 kwamba - hatua ya wananchi wa Scotland kupiga kura ya HAPANA Kujitoa katika Muungano wao, haimaanishi kwamba hii ni kura ya HAPANA kwa Mabadiliko ndani ya muungano wao. Kura ya hapana imekuja baada ya wananchi wa Scotland kupewa ahadi zaidi juu ya devolution. Wananchi hawakuwa na sababu za kutuamini ahadi hizi kwani kama ilivyojadiliwa huko juu, wananchi tayari waliona juhudi hizi zaidi ya mika kumi iliyopita, tena chini ya utawala wa chama ambacho leo ni cha upinzani (Labor party under Tony Blair 1997-2010). Ni katika hali hii, nguruvi3 amejadili juu ya umuhimu wa viongozi kuweka maslahi ya taifa mbele kuliko ya vyama katika mambo kama haya, sio kama sisi ambapo kiongozi wa nchi anaenda kufungua bunge la katiba kwa kuweka bayana msimamo wa chama chake.
Kwa wenzetu UK, hata katika election manifestos za vyama vilivyounda coalition government iliyopo sasa, vyama vyote hivi vilikuwa na msimamo mmoja na usio yumba juu ya umuhimu wa devolution ndani ya muungano wa nchi yao (UK). Ni aina hii ya uongozi ndio umesaidia kuwaleta wananchi pamoja kuliko kuwagawanya, hivyo kufanya kila mwananchi kujiona kama ana wajibu mkubwa wa kuwa mlinzi wa muungano. Bila ya kujalisha itikadi za vyama, vongozi wa UK wamefanikiwa kuwafanya wananchi wao kuwa United in Diversity, suala ambalo viongozi wetu wameshindwa. Kwetu sisi, 50 years later, we are more of a disunited republic of Tanzania, and less of a united republic.
Kama alivyojadili mleta mada, ni muhimu sana kwa wanasiasa wetu wakaelewa haya badala ya kuanza kupotosha umma aidha kwa kujua au kutokujua KWANINI wananchi wa Scotland wamesema HAPANA kujitenga. Kura ya Scotland maana yake ni kwamba they are less interested in SEPARATION, and instead, they are more interested in DEVOLUTION. Thats the bottom line. Kwa maana nyingine, wanachotaka wananchi wa Scotland, na ambacho watakipata ni pamoja na:
- Uhuru wa kikatiba juu ya kujiamulia sera zao za kiuchumi na maendelo.
- Uhuru wa kikatiba juu ya kutumia mapato yao ili kufanikisha malengo yao ya kiuchumi na maendeleo.
Kama alivyogusia nguruvi3, wananchi wa Feroe Island, Catalonia, Vaneto, and increasingly even Tanganyika (or Tanzania Bara, thats if you prefer it that way), wote hawa hawana vilio tofauti na Scotland. Wanacho hoji ni - the stream of financial transfers baina ya washirika wa muungano kwa sababu; wananchi hawa wanaona kwamba kuna upande au pande ambazo zina drain their financial resources, kwahiyo wanataka mabadiliko makubwa in the distribution of financial and fiscal competencies. Kwa maana nyingine, kinachopiganiwa na wananchi hawa ni fiscal autonomy yani freedom to determine ones own taxes and budgets based on competencies and self determined priorities, tastes and preferences. Basi!
Benefits hizi zinakuja na mfumo wa shirikisho (federalism), sio unitary systems. Ndio maana watu wengi duniani wanazidi kuvutiwa na pia kupenda zaidi kuishi ndani ya mfumo wa federalism kuliko unitary system. Isitoshe, leo nusu ya idadi yote ya watu duniani wanaishi chini ya federalism, NOT unitary system. Hata CHINA, this nation has become a de facto federation by devolving more and more autonomy kwa majimbo yake, huku pia ikitoa guarantee kwa Hong Kong semi-independent status as an autonomous region. Yote haya yanatueleza kitu kimoja cha msingi, nacho ni kwamba:
Watu wengi duniani wanazidi kuelimika kwamba - federalism inawa wezesha kupata The Best of Both Worlds kwa maana ya kupata faida za SHARED RULE (National Government) and SELF RULE (sub national government), kwa wakati mmoja. Wengi duniani wanazidi kuvutiwa na federalism kwa sababu wanaona prosperity, stability and longevity ndani ya major democratic federations kama vile USA, States, Canada, Australia, Switzerland, n.k. Hata mabadiliko makubwa ya kiuchumi nchini China ni matokeo ya taifa hili kuamua kuwa a defacto federation kwani wamegundua kwamba its federalism that bears prosperity and stability, not unitary system. Ndio maana, kama alivyojadili mleta mada, no federation has ever changed to a unitary system, instead, it is unitary systems that have shifted towards federalism. Na kama kuna sehemu yoyote ile ambayo federation changed to unitary system, then it was a result of a totalitarian takeover, sio kwa matakwa ya wananchi, thats why such changes didnt sustain!
Iwapo wanasiasa wa Tanzania wangekuwa watafiti japo kidogo, badala ya kukaa na kusubiri kulishwa maneno au kusokomezwa matambara midomoni na CCM, wangesoma na kujifunza mengi, kwa mfano utafiti kwamba - kama Uingereza ingefuata mfumo wa shirikisho mapema kama walivyofanya wenzake katika karne ya ishirini, Jamhuri ya Ireland (hii ni tofauti na Ireland ya Kaskazini), isingejitoa UK. Lakini sio hivyo tu, pia United Kingdom isingekumbwa na ugaidi uliotishia kuisambaratisha UK baada ya mzozo wa muda mrefu baina ya Westminster na Ireland ya Kaskazini. Ni baada ya Westminster kukubaliana na Ireland ya kaskazini juu ya umuhimu wa devolution, amani ikapatikana. Pia, kura ya maoni ya Scotland ambayo ilitishia usalama wa taifa la UK pamoja na sekta yake ya biashara, haya yote yasingetokea iwapo UK ingeamua kuiga wenzake na kufuata mfumo wa shirikisho. Baada ya kujifunza makosa, leo UK is more of a federation than a unitary system.
Wanasiasa wetu wana haja ya kuelewa kwamba kabla ya utawala wa Labor party chini ya Tony Blair kuingia madarakani (1997), UKs unitary system was slowly disintegrating for over a century. Kwa mfano:
- It is because of the unitary system, violent struggle for home rule gained strength in the 1880s
- It is because of the unitary system, Ireland became independent in 1922.
- It is unitary system that led to Scottish and Welsh nationalism.
- It is unitary system that led to Civil war in Northern Ireland.
Baada ya kujifunza na kukubali mapungufu ya mfuko wa unitary, Serikali chini ya Tony Blair ikaamua kuchukua maamuzi magumu mwaka 1998, ambapo a semi-federal structure ikaanza kuwa implemented in the UK ili kukidhi mahitaji ya devolution for Scotland and Northern Ireland. Pamoja na juhudi hizi, wananchi wa Scotland bado hawakuridhika na mabadililo kwani bado- it was more like a self-governing colony arrangement, na kufikia kiwango cha kuwa na judicial appeals to the Privy Council katika masuala ya kikatiba. Hali hii ikaanza kuonyesha dalili za instability na kutishia muungano uliopo, ndio maana haukupita muda mrefu, wanasiasa wengi wa Uingereza bila ya kujalisha itikadi zao za vyama, wakaanza kuona kwamba an independent Scotland was a real possibility kupitia kura ya maoni, na hii ilikuwa miaka kumi iliyopita. Hata wale viongozi waliokuwa upinzani wakati ule (Conservatives), ambao awali they voted against devolution of scotland, wakaamua kuweka utaifa mbele na kuungana na Blair katika kuhakikisha kwamba muungano unadumishwa through more devolution. Hii ni kwa sababu viongozi hawa wapo kutumikia wananchi, sio vyama vyao vya siasa. Hii ni tofauti na kwetu ambapo kiongozi anaogopa/anakwepa kuongoza mabadiliko. Iwapo kiongozi anafikia hatua hiyo, ana sifa gani ya maana aliyobakia nayo kuitwa kiongozi?