Miaka 45 Baadaye. Wako wapi hawa?

Mzee Mwanakijiji

Platinum Member
Mar 10, 2006
Tunapoenda kusherehekea Uhuru wa Tanzania Bara; sina budi kuuliza hivi ni kina nani waliokuwa waasisi wetu na sasa wako wapi na wanafanya nini?

a. Hapa nina maana wale walioshirikia katika harakati za Uhuru kwa kiasi kikubwa.

b. Wale waliounda serikali ya kwanza na walikuwa katika madaraka miaka ile kumi ya kwanza ya Uhuru 1961-1971

c. Na wale ambao hawakuwa kwenye serikali moja kwa moja lakini walikuwa na nafasi mbalimbali katika sekta binafsi au taasisi mbalimbali za serikali huru.

Walio hai na waliotutoka pia...

Watatu wa Kwanza niwataje mimi mwenyewe:

a. Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere - Marehemu
b. Oscar Kambona - Marehemu
c. Abdallah Fundikira - Marehemu
Mzee Mwanakijiji

Mimi nafikiri hao watu ni marehemu kiumbo tuu na vingine vyote vinaishi bado na sana sana huyo wa kwanza na mimi kwa MAONI (maoni yangu!) yangu naamini kabisa kuwa ndiye aliyeifikisha nchi yetu hapa ilipo kuanzia alipounda serikali yake ya kwanza alifanya makosa makubwa sana ambayo ndio yanayoiangamiza nchi yetu leo hii,

na mimi binafsi sioni lelote la maana alilolifanya kwa muda woote aliokua madarakani...na ninaamini kuwa anapata sifa asizozistah/ili, najua nitapingwa sana kwa hilo hapa jf na nipo tayari kuweka hoja zangu kupambana na woote watakaokuwa wananipinga.....
Picha hapo juu

Mwalimu JK,Geremano Pacha,Joseph Kimalando,Japhhet Kirilo,C.O M Milinga,Abubakari Ilanda,L.B Makaranga,Saadani Kandoro,S.M Kitwara,Kisunguta Gabara,Tewa Said Tewa,dossa Aziz,Abdul sykes,Patrick Kunambi,Joseph Bantu,ally sykes,John rupia
How do we know that Nyerere was the best thing? See the problem I have with folks who regard Nyerere highly is that we dont the alternatives, at his time, to make a logical, objective comparison. I am not even sure if we know Nyerere for who is or what he wanted Tanzanians to believe. He managed to create an aura of admiration and worship. He created an atmosphere where no one would question his ideas.

Remember the days when we couldnt read anything other than Uhuru, Mzalendo, Daily News and Sunday News before Mfanyakazi came into existence to provide some kind of an entertainment relief? You remember the days when the 8:00 PM RTD news bulletin would be followed up by a Ujumbe wa Leo propaganda? I have to give it up to Nyerere. He ensured that Tanzanians couldnt run or hide from his ideology. If you feed someone junk for twenty (20) years, they would believe that crap. He even went as far as insulting our intelligence by putting a hoe against himself in the election. A hoe or a hammer, can you believe that? Who elects a hoe as the president?

What ticks me off is the fact that he forced us to sing derogatory songs against Oscar Kambona. We sang this tune during our morning mchakamchaka routines in High School, Kambona ameolewa! Wapi?! Wapi?! Uingereza! Was Kambona really that bad? What is the historical truth?

When the TANU National Executive Committee met in Arusha January 26-29 1967 it turned out to be a stormy session. At this meeting Nyerere proposed that Ujamaa become the official policy of the government. Oscar Kambona objected strongly to this policy. Twice during these sessions, the Executive Committee adjourned in order to allow their three leaders, Nyerere, Kambona and Kawawa to go into private session. Each time that they returned to the Executive Committee it was apparent that Kawawa had supported Nyerere to defeat Kambona. The result was that the Arusha Declaration was adopted.

It gets me mad to realize that I actually sang derogatory songs against an individual who did nothing wrong. If at all, his crime was to express his opinion against Nyereres utopian dreams. The worst part is the fact that the introduction of free market economy has proven that Kambona was right and Nyerere's ideas were just a disaster in the making.

This artile is not whether Kambona was better than Nyerere, and vice versa. It is intended to push us into taking a very hard look at our history and what we have been long taught and gauge whether our perspective and perceptions are correct. But in order to effectively do that, we have to be objective and let go of our political biasness. Unfortunately, the Tanzanian history is tangled with Nyereres legacy.

In order for us to create the right future, we have to unearth some of the wrong foundations and beliefs that we have held on for so long. I dont want my children to grow up thinking that Nyerere was the best think that has ever happened to Tanzania, while that could not an objective assessment. I dont want my kids to grow up thinking that Oscar Kambona, Mzee Mapalala, or Kassanga Tumbo were villains simply because they didnt fit into Nyereres thinking. That is the point.

I strongly believe that we owe it to ourselves to query as to whether the little we know, particularly on Kambona's disagreement on Ujamaa, is enough to sideline this man and negatively portray his contribution the way Nyerere did.
Oscar Salathiel Kambona
Political career

He was the secretary-general of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) during the struggle for independence and worked closely with Nyerere who was president of TANU, the party which led Tanganyika to independence. Tanganyika won independence from Britain on 9 December 1961. The two were the most prominent leaders of the independence movement in Tanganyika in the 1950s.

Oscar Kambona was a charismatic leader who also had great influence among the leaders of the African liberation movements based in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, second only to Nyerere, after the country won independence.

He was a shining star in the constellation of Tanganyikan (later Tanzanian) politicians and it was widely believed that he would be the next president of the country if Nyerere no longer ran for office or stepped down for whatever reason. His stature as Nyerere's heir apparent or successor was enhanced when, as defence minister, he calmed down soldiers who could have overthrown the government.

That was during the army munity in January 1964 when President Nyerere and Vice President Rashid Kawawa were taken to a safe place by the members of the intelligence service in case the soldiers wanted to harm them.

It was Oscar Kambona, alone, who confronted the soldiers and negotiated with them. He drove himself to the army barracks to talk to the army mutineers and listen to their demands. The soldiers wanted their salaries increased and British army officers replaced by African officers.

There was, however, suspicion that some elements in the government and in the labour movement secretly worked with the soldiers to create a tense situation in an attempt to overthrow President Nyerere.

Kambona obviously was not one of them. Had he wanted to, he could have used the opportunity to seize power. He was popular with the soldiers and they trusted him. He was also, during that time, minister of defence.

Soldiers in neighbouring Kenya and Uganda also mutinied around the same time, within the next two days after Tanganyika's army mutiny which took place on 20 January, and made the same demands their counterparts did in Tanganyika.

The army mutinies in the three East African countries were suppressed by British troops who had been flown from Aden and Britain at the request of the three East African leaders (Julius Nyerere of Tanganyika, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, and Milton Obote of Uganda). The mutinies were over in only a few days.

After Nyerere came out of seclusion, he publicly thanked Oscar Kambona, whom he called "my colleague," for defusing a potentially dangerous situation.

In fact, when the soldiers remained defiant, it was Oscar Kambona who persuaded Nyerere to seek immediate assistance from the former colonial power, Britain, to suppress the mutiny.

The two leaders had been close political allies and personal friends since the days of the independence struggle when they were the main leaders of the independence movement. In fact, when Kambona got married to a former Miss Tanganyika at a cathedral in London, Nyerere was his best man.

But the two leaders started drifting apart a few years after independence. The first rift occurred in 1964 during the army mutiny, and then in 1965 when Tanzania officially became a one-party state.

As a cabinet member, Oscar Kambona supported the transition to a one-party state but did so reluctantly, only as a team player.

He was opposed to the change because he said there was no mechanism guaranteeing change of government by constitutional means in a country dominated by one party. He also contended that there were no constitutional safeguards to make sure that the country did not drift into dictatorship.

The next split with Nyerere came in February 1967 when Tanzania adopted the Arusha Declaration, an economic and political blueprint for the transformation of Tanzania into a socialist state.

Kambona was opposed to this fundamental change and argued that the government should first launch a pilot scheme to see if the policy was going to work on a national scale.

Tanzania's socialist policy was mainly based on the stablishment of ujamaa villages, roughly equivalent to Israel's Kibbutz, so that the people could live and work together for their collective well-being and make it easier for the government to provide them with basic services such as water supply, medical treatment at clinics, and education by building schools which could be within short distance from the villages.

Oscar Kambona argued that it was important, first, to show the people that living in ujamaa villages, or collective communities, was beneficial and a good idea. He said that could be done by establishing a few ujamaa villages in different parts of the country as a pilot scheme to demonstrate the viability of those villages and show the people the benefits they would get if they agreed to live together and work together on communal farms.

The debate, conducted mostly in private when the delegates of the ruling party TANU were discussing in a public forum the document of the Arusha Declaration, was between Oscar Kambona on one side and Julius Nyerere as well as Vice President Rashid Kawawa on the other side.

They were the country's three main and most powerful and most influential leaders and met privately away from the delegates at the conference in Arusha to resolve their differences.

The private meeting and debate went on for quite some time during the duration of the conference and whenever the subject came up, whether or not Tanzania should adopt socialist policies and establish ujamaa villages, Kawawa always supported Nyerere against Kambona.

The two (Kambona and Kawawa) became bitter enemies thereafter. In fact, they started going separate ways even before then because Kambona saw Kawawa as no more than a "puppet" of Nyerere, manipulated at will, and who agreed with everything Nyerere said and wanted.

Kambona was the only cabinet member who challenged Nyerere and stood up to him and saw him as his equal. There was probably another cabinet member, Chief Abdallah Said Fundikira, Tanganyika's first minister of constitutional affairs, who not long after independence left the cabinet over disagreements with Nyerere. Fundikira had known Nyerere since their student days at Makerere University College in Uganda in the early 1940s.

But the differences between Kambona and Nyerere were fundamentally ideological and more than just a dispute over the way ujamaa villages should be established.

Kambona was opposed to socialism and supported capitalism. Nyerere was a committed socialist and finally won.

The Arusha Declaration was adopted in February 1967 and socialism became Tanzania's official policy.


A few months later, in July 1967, Oscar Kambona left Tanzania with his wife and children and went into "self-imposed" exile in London.

It was first reported that he sneaked out of the country and drove all the way to Nairobi, Kenya, a neighbouring country. But it is highly unlikely that the members of the Tanzania's intelligence service were not aware of his departure. The government simply let him go. They could have stopped him, and could even have arrested him, if they wanted to.

After he left and when his departure was reported in Tanzania's newspapers and on the radio, President Nyerere himself at a public rally in Dar es Salaam, the capital, talked about Kambona and said "Let him go." He also said Kambona left with a lot of money and wondered how he got all that money which did not match his salary.

There were rumours that one of the ways he enriched himself when he was in office was by taking some of the money which was intended to go to the liberation movements based in Tanzania.

He was during that period also chairman of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) Liberation Commttee overseeing liberation movements based in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in addition to his ministerial position as minister of external affairs.

The allegations that he misappropriated some of the funds intended for the liberation struggle in Southern Africa, and got more money from other sources illegally or by unscrupulous means, got some credibility when on 12 January 1968, President Nyerere challenged Oscar Kambona to return to Tanzania and testify before a judicial commission that he had not deposited large sums of money in his account, and explain where he got it from since it far exceeded his salary.

Kambona responded to the allegations by requesting the Tanzanian government to hold a public investigation into his personal wealth and publish the findings. Something that the government did not do. It is also highly unlikely that Kambona misappropriated wealth since he spent most of his life in exile living in subsidised council housing for poor income families. Tony Laurence's book "the Dar Mutiny of 1964", published by Book Guild Publishing confirms that "in 1967 fearing for his life [Kambona] went into exile in Britain where , lacking any financial support, he took a series of low paid jobs in London while continuing to act with dignity and humour as a friend of exiles more fortunate than he."

Nyerere's challenge was reported in Tanzania's newspapers and by Radio Tanzania Dar es Salaam (RTD) during that time. It has also been documented by Jacqueline Audrey Kalley in her voluminous work, Southern African Political History: A Chronology of Key Political Events from Independence to Mid-1997.

There was also disagreement on the way Kambona's exile was described.

Reports in Tanzania said he went into "self-imposed" exile but, to Kambona and his supporters as well as other observers, he was forced to leave Tanzania because he had fallen out with Nyerere and did not feel that he would be safe or lead a normal life in a hostile political climate even if he was left to go on with his life without being harassed or arrested.

Speculation that he may have been in imminent danger just before he left was somewhat confirmed when his house in Magomeni, Dar es Salaam, was destroyed by the security forces and the soldiers of the Tanzania People's Defence Forces (TPDF) although not demolished. The destruction is shown in a photograph on the web site of the Kambona Foundation.

The destruction of the house, after Kambona left, seemed to have been some kind of warning or simply a scare tactic and it probably achieved its purpose, especially with regard to Kambona's supporters in Tanzania. It probably meant, "this is what we have in store for you," or "this is what you are going to get," if you continue to support Kambona. And "this is what would have happened to him had he stayed."

That may be just one of the interpretations - why his house was destroyed. There may be other interpretations of the government's motives for sanctioning that.

But fear for his security and freedom was real, further confirmed when his two younger brothers, Mattiya Kambona and Otini Kambona, were arrested around the same time he fled to London. They were detained for many years until President Nyerere released them after many petitions from Amnesty International and a final intervention from Robert Muldoon, the Prime Minister of New Zealand.

From his sanctuary in London, Oscar Kambona became a bitter critic and opponent of President Nyerere and his policies.

He was even invited by the Nigerian military government of Yakubu Gowon in June 1968 to go and lecture in Nigeria after Tanzania recognised Biafra (the first country to do so in April that year), thus infuriating Nigerian leaders for supporting the secession of the Eastern Region of the Nigerian Federation.

During his lecture tour of Nigeria in June 1968, Kambona denounced Nyerere as a dictator and accused the Tanzanian government of supplying weapons to Biafra.

In a lecture in Lagos on 14 June 1968, he also said weapons and ammunition sent to Tanzania for the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) freedom fighters had been diverted by Nyerere and sent to Biafra; and went on to say that Tanzania's recognition of Biafra as a sovereign nation had damaged the country's reputation in Africa and elsewhere.

Tanzania recognised Biafra for moral reasons because of the refusal and unwillingness of the local and the federal authorities to stop the massacre of Igbos and other Easterners in Northern Nigeria and other parts of the country, but especially in the North.

Nigerian leaders were also quick to remind Nyerere that it was Nigerian troops who had saved him and provided security and defence for Tanganyika after the army mutiny in Tanganyika in 1964 when Nyerere appealed to fellow Africans for troops to temporarily provide defence while the Tanganyikan government was building a new army. Nigeria, under the leadership of President Nnamdi Azikiwe and Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, immediately responded to Nyerere's request.

Kambona was also quick to remind his listeners in Nigeria, and even in Britain where lived, that it was he who calmed down the soldiers when they mutinied while President Nyerere and Vice President Kawawa went into hiding, "in a grass hut," as he put it.
End of his life

But he was no longer the star he once was, when he was second only to Nyerere in influence and popularity in the sixties.

He died in London in July 1997, almost exactly 30 years after he first went into exile in Britain in July 1967 where he lived for 25 years before returning to his home country in 1992 to spend the last few years of his life.

Despite his political misfortunes, Oscar Kambona will always be remembered as one of the most prominent leaders of Tanzania who also played a leading role in the struggle for independence and who relentlessly campaigned for the adoption of multiparty democracy in Tanzania.
It is, of course, anybody's guess how he would have been, as a leader, had he become president of Tanzania. Even his most bitter opponents cannot prove he would have been a bad leader. He could have been one of the best presidents Tanzania ever had. We will never know. Or to put it another way, Oscar Kambona was one of the best presidents Tanzania never had.

And it is very much possible that under his leadership, Tanzania's economy would probably not have suffered as much as it did under Nyerere during his years of socialist rule. Socialism ruined Tanzania's economy and Kambona was opposed to socialism right from the beginning.

He went into exile a capitalist, and died a capitalist.

Today, Tanzania is pursuing free-market policies after renouncing socialism, and has adopted multiparty democracy, the same policies and kind of political system Kambona had advocated all along.

He has probably been vindicated by history.

But he will also probably not be forgiven by many people in Tanzania for trying to overthrow Nyerere, the Father of the Nation, whom the vast majority of Tanzanians sincerely believed, and rightly so, that he was sincere and honest in his intentions and deeply cared about their well-being although some of his economic policies proved to be disastrous in the end. They still say he meant well. And he did.

Perhaps even Kambona himself believed that Nyerere meant well but pursued the wrong policies to achieve his goals.

Both leaders will be judged by history.
weka mambo hapo,tunataka kusikia ya upande wa pili maana nyimbo tulizoimbishwa wakati ule ni za upande mmoja tuu,kibaya zaidi ule wimbo wa mabepari liwa liwa ulinifanya niamini ubepari ni dhambi kubwa na unyonyaji mkubwa...kweli propaganda za teacher mchonga zilifanya kazi,anyway they are no more lakini lazima tujue history ya pande zote la sivyo tutafanya makosa waliyofanya.
Ukisoma maelezo yaliyotundikwa na Mzee FMES (japo sijui yametoka wapi) na nina assume kwamba yametoka kwenye credible sources, ninashawishika kuamini kwamba Mzee wetu Nyerere (RIP) alikuwa ni mtu ambaye hakutaka challenges kutoka kwa wenzake (viongozi wenzake). Kwa maneno mengine alikumbatia watu ambao walikuwa wako tayari kusema NDIYO kwa kila kitu hata pasipo kuhoji kitu chenyewe.

Nadhani Nyerere alishahisi kwamba Kambona alikuwa na umaarufu na ushawishi wa hali ya juu na pia alikuwa si mtu wa kukubali kila kitu bila kuhoji. Mtu kama huyo alikuwa ni threat kwa Mwalimu maana lazima siku moja angetaka urais ugombewe na mtu zaidi ya mmoja na siyo ile system ya kuwa na mgombea mmoja. Ajabu ni kwamba nafasi za Ubunge kulikuwa na ushindani ndani ya chama lakini nafasi ya urais hakukuwa na ushindani, yule anayependekezwa na Chama ndo anakuwa mgombea pekee, na mpiga kura anatakiwa kusema ndiyo ama hapana. Sasa sijui utasema ndiyo au hapana wakati hujapewa alternative?

Hisia hiyo ya Kambona kuwa threat ni kutokana na uwezo wake wa kushawishi wanajeshi mwaka 1964 ili wasiendelee na uasi. Lazima Nyerere alijiuliza sana kwamba Kambona ilikuwaje akajitokeza kwenda kuongea na waasi na hatimaye kuwashawishi kuachana na uasi. Mbili ni swala la kugomea kufuta mfumo wa vyama vingi, nadhani hapo ndipo alipoonyesha wazi kwamba mambo hayakuwa mazuri na hivyo kulikuwa na dalili za mtu kugombea kupitia chama kingine na kama ana ushawishi mkubwa ingekuwa ni rahisi kushinda na ndipo ile dhana yake (Mwalimu) ya kuwaambia watanzania kwamba, UPINZANI WA KWELI UTATOKA NDANI YA CCM, maana wanajua janja na mikakati yote na hivyo ni rahisi kuwamaliza.

Mwisho kabisa ni kitendo cha kugomea Azimio la Arusha, nadhani huo ulikuwa ni msumari wa mwisho kabisa na labda angeendelea kubaki Tanzania angeweza kupatwa na mambo mazito zaidi.

Tukumbuke kwamba watu waliokuwa na hoja kwenye mambo mbali mbali wengi wao waliishia kuwekwa kizuizini. Mifano ninayoikumbuka ni Christopher Kasanga-Tumbo na Tuntemeke Sanga. Watu hawa walijikuta kila mtu akiambiwa hatakiwi kutoka nje ya eneo analoishi. Kwa kifupi huyu Mzee wetu (Nyerere) pamoja na mazuri aliyoyatenda ndani ya uongozi wake pia alikuwa ni mtu ambaye alikuwa hataki au hapendi challenge au hakutaka patokee mtu ambaye anaweza kuonekana ni bora kuliko yeye. Na ndiyo maana Kambona alijikuta akijipeleka uhamishoni yeye mwenyewe pasipokupenda vinginevyo labda angerudishwa Mbambabay akawekwa kizuizini kama akina Kasanga-Tumbo.

Aliye na full info kuhusu kujiuzulu kwa Mzee Aboud Jumbe Mwinyi mwaka 1984 pale tulipoambiwa kuna machafuko ya kisiasa Zanzibar naomba atupatie uhondo zaidi. Ni kwanini Jumbe alikaa Mji Mwema badala ya kurudi Unguja? Ina maana akiwa Rais wa Zanzibar alikuwa hana nyumba ya kuishi huko Unguja?
Habari hizi zinapatikana hapa:
Unaijua personal self inavyofanya kazi? Kuna vitu vingine mtu anakufanyia huvisemi kwa mtu mwingine yeyote yule mpaka sk utakapokutana na Mungu, maana hata ukimwambia binadamu hawezi kuvikubali kuwa ni kweli, atajua unamdanganya. NYERERE NA KAMBONA WAO WANAJUA WALICHOFANYIANA AU WALICHOTAKA KUFANYIANA, sisi huku tunachojua ni kivuli chake tu, or rather the political part of it!
Jamani, hiyo post ya wikipedia wengi tumeichangia.. na anayedhani iko objective kwa vile ina fit preconceived ideas hilo jingine. Mada hii siyo kuhusu Kambona (ipo mada hiyo). Hapa nataka tuwaangalie waasisi wetu, ni kina nani, wako wapi, na wanafanya nini sasa. Lengo ni kujaribu kukusanya wale waliosalie ili watusimulie tulikotoka. Kama mnataka mjadala wa Kambona, I'll get back to you guys on that thread kwa sababu bado mnaendeleza porojo za "ushujaa wa Kambona" na "ubaya wa Nyerere". Waasisi wetu ni kina nani, wako wapi, na wanafanya nini bila kujali how the turned out to be (a dictator, a fraud, or whatever the became later). Kama mnashindwa kufocus bahati mbaya.
Waasisi wa TANU ambao walihudhuria na kushiriki katika Mkutano wa kuzaliwa kwa TANU walikuwa 17:

(1) Mwalimu J.K. Nyerere – Rais wa TAA/TANU
(2) Geremano Pacha – Jimbo la Magharibi
(3) Joseph Kimalando – Jimbo la Kaskazini
(4) Japhet Kirilo – Jimbo la Kaskazini
(5) C.O. Milinga – Jimbo la Mashariki
(6) Abubakari llanga – Jimbo la Ziwa
(7) L.B. Makaranga – Jimbo la Ziwa
(8) Saadani A. Kandoro – Jimbo la Ziwa
(9) Suleman M. Kitwara – Jimbo la Ziwa
(10) Kisung’uta Gabara – Jimbo la Ziwa
(11) Tewa Said Tewa – Jimbo la Mashariki
(12) Dossa A. Aziz – Jimbo la Mashariki
(13) Abdu Sykes – Jimbo la Mashariki
(14) Patrick Kunambi – Jimbo la Mashariki
(15) Joseph K. Bantu – Jimbo la Mashariki
(16) Ally Sykes – Jimbo la Mashariki
(17) John Rupia – Jimbo la Mashariki

TANU ilizaliwa katika mazingira ya vyama vya ushirika:

Katika miaka 1950, wakulima walikwishajiunga na kuanzisha vyama vya kuuza mazao yao ya biashara ili waweze kupata bei nzuri kwa kupunguza gharama ya mtu wa kati ambaye alikuwa ni mfanyabiashara wa Kiasia. Baadhi ya Vyama vya Ushirika vilivyokuwepo kabla ya TANU ni:-

• Kilimanjaro Co-operative Union Ltd (1933)
• Ngoni – Matengo Co-operative Union Ltd. (1936)
• Rungwe African Co-operative Union Ltd. (1949)
• Bukoba Co-operative Union Ltd. (1950)
• Lake Province Native Growers Association.

Kwa kuwepo vyama vya ushirika, ujumbe wa TANU kuwafikia wananchi ulirahisishwa. Wanachama wa vyama vya ushirika walijiunga na TANU. Wanachama na viongozi wa vyama vya ushirika waliunga mkono TANU katika madai yake ya kudai uhuru. Baadhi ya viongozi wa vyama vya ushirika walichaguliwa kuwa viongozi wa TANU katika ngazi ya Taifa. Kwa mfano:-
• Ndugu Nsilo Swai
• Sir George Kahama
• Ndugu Jeremiah Kasambala
• Balozi Paul Bomani
• Ndugu John Mhavile.

1. Kuzaliwa na Kuimarika kwa ASP:

Wazo la kuunganisha nguvu za Waafrika liliwasilishwa kwenye Mkutano wa Pamoja wa African Association (AA) na Shirazi Association (SA) uliofanyika tarehe 5 Februari, 1957. Mkutano huo ulikubaliana kuunganisha AA na SA na kuanzisha Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP). Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume alichaguliwa kuwa Rais wa kwanza wa ASP na Sheikh Thabit Kombo alichaguliwa kuwa Katibu Mkuu.

Waasisi wa ASP waliohudhuria Mkutano huo na kupitisha uamuzi wa kuunganiisha AA na SA ni:-

African Association (AA): Shirazi Association (SA):

1.Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume 1.Sheikh Thabiti Kombo
2.Sheikh Mtoro Rehani 2.Sheikh Muhidini A Omar
3.Sheikh Ibrahim Saadallah 3.Sheikh Ali Ameir
4.Sheikh Mtumwa Borafia 4.Sheikh Ameir Tajo
5.Sheikh Bakari Jabu 5.Sheikh Ali Khamis
6.Sheikh Rajab Swedi 6.Sheikh Mdungi Ussi
7.Sheikh Saleh Juma 7.Sheikh Haji Khatibu
9.Sheikh Abdullah Kasism Hanga 8.Sheikh Othman Sharif
9.Sheikh Ali Juma Seif
10.Sheikh Mzee Salehe Mapete.

Kuzaliwa na Kuimarika kwa ASP:

Wazo la kuunganisha nguvu za Waafrika liliwasilishwa kwenye Mkutano wa Pamoja wa African Association (AA) na Shirazi Association (SA) uliofanyika tarehe 5 Februari, 1957. Mkutano huo ulikubaliana kuunganisha AA na SA na kuanzisha Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP). Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume alichaguliwa kuwa Rais wa kwanza wa ASP na Sheikh Thabit Kombo alichaguliwa kuwa Katibu Mkuu.

Waasisi wa ASP waliohudhuria Mkutano huo na kupitisha uamuzi wa kuunganiisha AA na SA ni:-

African Association (AA): Shirazi Association (SA):

1. Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume 1. Sheikh Thabiti Kombo

2. Sheikh Mtoro Rehani 2. Sheikh Muhidini Ali Omar

3. Sheikh Ibrahim Saadallah 3. Sheikh Ali Ameir

4. Sheikh Mtumwa Borafia 4. Sheikh Ameir Tajo

5. Sheikh Bakari Jabu 5. Sheikh Ali Khamis

6. Sheikh Rajab Swedi 6. Sheikh Mdungi Ussi

7. Sheikh Saleh Juma 7. Sheikh Haji Khatibu

9. Sheikh Abdullah Kasism Hanga 8. Sheikh Othman Sharif

9. Sheikh Ali Juma Seif

10. Sheikh Mzee Salehe Mapete.
..hatua ya Mwalimu kufunja vyama vya ushirika imetuathiri vibaya sana. That blunder is still costing us. WHY? WHY? WHY?

..vingine vilikuwepo tangu 1933, and they were abolished by the store of the pen. just like THAT!!!
Joka Kuu, unaweza kuanzisha mada ya "legacy of Nyerere" or something like that. Mada hii ni kujaribu kuwajua waasisi wa Taifa letu ni kina nani, wako wapi, na wanafanya nini. Siyo ya kuhukumu who did what and why he did it!. Ukianzisha mada ya namna hiyo nina uhakika tutachangia na kuangalia blunders za Mwalimu au viongozi wengine wowote wale.
Tema, nashukuru angalia tumepata pa kuanzia:

a. Hao ndio waasisi wetu.
b. Pili tunajua nani yuko wapi? wale ambao tunajua wameshatutoka ni kina nani?
Joka Kuu, unaweza kuanzisha mada ya "legacy of Nyerere" or something like that. Mada hii ni kujaribu kuwajua waasisi wa Taifa letu ni kina nani, wako wapi, na wanafanya nini. Siyo ya kuhukumu who did what and why he did it!. Ukianzisha mada ya namna hiyo nina uhakika tutachangia na kuangalia blunders za Mwalimu au viongozi wengine wowote wale.

Unajua kuchangia kuhusu viongozi ili kuwajua majina yao pasipo kufahamu kwa kina kwamba waliasisi vipi taifa, ama walifanya nini,inakuwa haimake sense.

ili tuweze kuwahesabu kwamba ni waasisi wa Taifa hatuna budi kuangalia kwamba nini kinachowafanya waitwe waasisi,bimaana lazima tuangalie na legacy zao, otherwise tutakuwa na listi tu za majina kama listi ya Maximo na kikosi chake cha taifa stars.

Besides, mada huzaa mada, kisha mada nayo ikazaa mada huo ndo mchepuko wa mijadala, mijadala mizuri ni ile ambayo ni "Dynamic", siyo "Static"
ili tuweze kuwahesabu kwamba ni waasisi wa Taifa hatuna budi kuangalia kwamba nini kinachowafanya waitwe waasisi,bimaana lazima tuangalie na legacy zao, otherwise tutakuwa na listi tu za majina kama listi ya Maximo na kikosi chake cha taifa stars.

Lakini Gamba, tutawezaje kuangalia kilichowafanya wawe waasisi kwa kusikiliza hoja za kila mtu atakayesema anaodhani ni uzuri au ubaya wa kambona au Nyerere? Sina hakika na tafsiri ya hili neno muasisi. Lina maana ya wale waliotenda mema tu wakati ule? Na kama walitenda mema kwa miaka 20 ya mwanzo ya taifa hili halafu wakashindwa kukubaliana na mmoja wao, basi anaondolewa kutoka kwenye orodha ya waasisi?
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