Interested Observer
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- Mar 27, 2006
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Ujamaa ulitungwa na mwafrica lakini haukufuata mila na desturi zetu. Tanzania ina zaidi ya makabila 120, how could he put the traditions of these tribes together? And you notion that "It was about the African way" is a myth. Don't perpetuate it.
Ali-act kama Santa Claus alipowapa watu viwanda. Kiwanda chenye thamani ya mamilioni, kinapewa meneja ambaye maishani mwake hajawahi kuongoza mradi wa kuzalisha angalau magunia mawili ya magimbi au muhogo.
Na kuhusu farmers/peasants tupo kwenye sahani moja. Nadhani makosa mengine makubwa yalikuwa ni mfumo wa tax ambao hakujali bei katika soko la dunia. Sababu kubwa iliyoleta maendeleo Kilimanjaro, Kagera na Mbeya ilikuwa ni kilimo cha kahawa. Mapato ya mazao hayo ilifanya watu kufanya diversification ya kusomesha watoto, kufungua maduka na other ventures.
Kwa watu wa Iringa, Mbeya, Morogoro, Tanga, Pwani na mikoa mingine iliyokuwa na large scale farming walitegemea mashamba makubwa kama engine za maendeleo yao.
Zakumi,
Mkuu wangu nadhani watu wengi wamekueleza mambo mengi sana kuhusiana na Ujamaa...Hakika swala hapa sidhani kama ni Ujamaa isipokuwa Nyerere mwenyewe na uongozi wake kwani hukumu nzima ya mada hii imelenga Tanzania ktk kipindi cha miaka 13 na sii Ujamaa kwa mtazamo wa upana wa neno - In search of Ujamaa!
Tanzania leo hii hatuwezi kujigamba kwamba sisi ni Mabepari!.. na wala hatuna harufu ya Ubepari, Tunapuyanga tu mkuu wangu in search of...na kesho tukishindwa siwezi kabisa kusema tumeshindwa kutokana na Ubepari..Hatufuati wala hatufanyi Ubepari isipokuwa ni kitu fulani kinachofanana na Ubepari.
Ni bora mara kumi wakati wa Nyerere tulikuwa na dira na kama alivyosema Interested Observer nadhni hakuna haja ya kuongezea lolote zaidi nitaharibu mchuzi...
Kwa hiyo umezungumzia mambo mengi sana mazuri lakini unapochukua jukumu la kusema umefanya utafiti wako nadhani hapa itakuwa vizuri sana ukitupa picha nzima. Ni sehemu zipi umezipita na watu gani umekutana nao ktk kukutaarifu ambao wamekuhakikishia kwamba kushindwa kwa Ujamaa kumetokana na sababu za ndani..
As if una support Ujamaa na ilitegemea ungefanikiwa kama wasingefanya mambo fulani fulani kinyume cha Ujamaa...
..samahani nimetoka nje ya mada...kuhusu masuala ya Ujamaa hayo yana wataalamu wake kama Companero,Mwanakijiji,Mkandara,na Kishoka.
In my own opinion, nyerere was the best President in Africa (though that you may mention any other one you admire); at least he made his footprints, by designing a route a Nation should follow. Ni kiongozi pekee, among Africans, aliweza kuweka bluprint; kwa muelekeo wa Taifa lake. He made it clear that; the writing of Arusha Declaration was not complete and can be amended as generations passed. Wengine hutafsiri kuwa Ujamaa ni Socialism lakini yeye mwenyewe alikataa na kusema it was in African way. Nyerere aliheshimu human rights, na freedom of worship kwa individuals na groups ingawa siasa ya chama kimoja ilimtafsiri kama ni dictator (ingawa ni kweli ali-dictate terms).
Zakumi, mie siyo Mjamaa wala bepari wala nani, na sioni katika maelezo yote uliyoongea hapo juu (na kufuatilia katika topic zako) umeongea appreaciations for other issues which this great thinker did. Watu mnasema ati alifeli kwenye Uchumi; please substnantiate it how did he fail us in economy. Hivi kama Nyerere alifeli katika kutekeleza yale ambayo alianzisha, kwa nini wale waliofuata walishindwa kusahihisha? Mwinyi kama angekuwa na uwezo basi angeweza kabisa in 10 years akasahihisha makosa ya Nyerere. Now make a comparison between the 10 years of Mwinyi and the 23 years of Nyerere when did things go more wrong.Kuna factors kama ulivyosema hapo juu during Nyerere kulikuwa na cold war, demise of EAst African Community, Ukame, Vita ya Uganda nk. Umeacha labda factor nyingine kubwa (ambalo lilikuwa ni kosa la Nyerere; Ukombozi wa Africa) ambapo most of the money was used. Lete sasa zama za Mwinyi; what factors? Mkapa inhrited a government which was bankrupt; with brokenup macro economy system, a country without direction. Mwinyi introduced Azimio La Zanzibar ambalo hadi leo lina tu-haunt.
Believe me, waTanzania wengi tuko wajinga, kama other fellow-Africans; labda tu ni kuwa in a cream of our learders we had only one intelligent man, Mr. Nyerere; we didn't understand his theories and teachings. Na sasa hivi it is too late to go back to the Arusha Delaration and amend it for better reading; our minds are already infested; itabidi turudi kwenye mental slavery ileile ambayo Nyerere alitukuta nayo; and tutakosa wa kumlaumu.
Ubuntu/Ujamaamaniac nimechelewa kurudi. Naenda kulala. Ila kwa ufupi Ujamaa ulishaelezwa maana yake na Muasisi wake. Ujamaa ni imani. Ni mtazamo wa kifikra ambao unapinga Ubepari/Unyama wa kimagharibi na Ukomunisti/Ushetani na kimashariki. Nguzo zake kuu zinazotokana na maisha ya asili ya Kiafrika ni 3 - kuheshimu utu (wa kila mtu), kufanya kazi (kwa pamoja) na kugawana mapato (kwa usawa).
1. Ujamaa haukutekelezwa kwenye Kilimo - Dola kwa kutumia NAFCO ilitwaa ardhi ya wakulima na wafugaji na kuyaendesha mashamba kwa mfumo wa 'Ubepari wa Dola'.
2. Ujamaa haukutekelezwa kwenye Utawala - Vijiji vya Kijamaa vya hiari vilivyofanikiwa kama RDA vilifungiwa na Dola na vijiji visivyo vya hiari viliundwa kwa operesheni sogeza.
3. Ujamaa hauu...Itaendelea kesho...usiku mwema...
Mkandara:
Naona wengi mnakataa kuwa kilichotokea katika kipindi hiki kilikuwa sio Ujamaa au njia ya kwenda kwenye ujamaa basi nimetumia muda kutafuta kile yeye mwenyewe alichokiandika katika maandiko yake aliyoitwa.SOCIALISM AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT (UJAMAA NA MAENDELEO VIJIJINI). Ukiangalia yale tuliyopitia katika kipindi cha 1967-1981, sijuhi nani atasema kuwa njia ile ilikuwa sio ya ujamaa.
Our agricultural organization would be predominantly that of cooperative living and working for the good of all.
This means that most of our farming would be done by groups of people who live as a community and work as a community. They would live together in a village; they would farm together; market together, and undertake the provision of local services and small local requirements as a community.
Their community would be the traditional family group, or any other group of people living according to UJAMAA principles, large enough to take account of modern methods and the twentieth century needs of man.
The land this community farmed would called our land by all the members; the crops they produced on that land would be called our crop; it would be our shop which provided individual members with day-to-day necessities from outside and other buildings were constructed, and so. By Julius Nyerere September 1967
Hapa inabidi nirudi kwenye historia kupinga wazo lako. Kwa miaka mingi eneo linalojulikana kama Tanzania lilishamiri biashara ya utumwa. Katika biashara hii familia zilivunjika na wakati huohuo makabila kuchanganyika.
Hivyo kuna waarabu wa Pemba ambao wana damu ya kisukuma, Kinyamwezi, kinyasa hivyo Ujamaa haukufanya watu wa makabila mbalimbali kuoana. Kuoana ilishakuwa tabia yetu.
Ujio wa wangoni ulisababisha vita mikoa ya kusini. Watu walichanganyika vilevile.
Vita vya majimaji vilichanganya watu sana. Na bado makabila mengi yalipigana yalipigana vita kumpinga mjerumani.
Je unajua kuwa mmoja wa dada zake Mkwawa aliolewa na Mnyamwezi aliyeishi Uheheni. Je unajua kuwa Mkwawa Mwenyewe aliishi Ugogoni. Je unajua kuwa Mirambo alilelewa na wangoni.
Je unajua kuwa Mirambo alikuwa anafanya biashara na Kabaka wa Uganda.
Ukienda Tarime ugomvi mkubwa ni kati ya koo za kikurya na sio waKurya na makabila mengine.
Makabila ya Tanzaia hayakuishi kwenye isolation na kusubiri ujamaa kutuunganisha. We were mobile people and risk takers.
Beginning of Nyereres speech:
Your excellencies: Tanzania needs peace-in Africa and elsewhere. But the major economic problems which have preoccupied us in recent months, and which darken the coming year, were not caused by the war against Amin's Uganda, nor the African struggle for freedom. These make things worse; they added to the strain on our resources and deflected our attention at an important time. But we were experiencing inflation before October 1978; our balance of payments was in serious deficit before that war; oil price increases have nothing to do with events in East or southern Africa.These externally caused problems are obvious, and so is our need for an injection of balance of payments support.
What recently became equally obvious to me but nevertheless strange and repugnant was the attempt by the International Monetary Fund to exploit those difficulties in order to interfere with the management of our economy.
The IMF always lays down conditions for using any of its facilities. We therefore expected that there would be certain conditions imposed should we desire to use the IMF Extended Fund Facility. But we expected these conditions to be non-ideological, and related to ensuring that money lent to us is not wasted, pocketed by political leaders or bureaucrats used to build private villas at home or abroad, or deposited in private Swiss Bank accounts.
We also accepted that we could justly be asked how we were planning to deal with the problem in the medium or longer term. We could then have accepted or rejected such conditions, but we would not have felt it necessary to make a strong and public protest.
Tanzania is not prepared to devalue its currency just because this is a traditional free market solution to everything and regardless of the merits of our position. It is not prepared to surrender its right to restrict imports by measures designed to ensure that we import quinine rather than cosmetics, or buses rather than cars for the elite.
My Government is not prepared to give up our national endeavour to provide primary education for every child, basic medicines and some clean water for all our people. Cuts may have to be made in our national expenditure, but we will decide whether they fall on public services or private expenditure. Nor are we prepared to deal with inflation and shortages by relying only on monetary policy regardless of its relative effect on the poorest and less poor.
Our price control machinery may not be the most effective in the world, but we will not abandon price control; we will only strive to make it more efficient. And above all, we shall continue with our endeavours to build a socialist society.
When an international institution refuses us access to the international credit at its disposal except on condition that we surrender to it our policy determination, then we make no application for that credit. The choice is theirs-and ours. But such conditions do reinforce our conviction about the importance of the Third World demand for changes in the management structure of the IMF. It needs to be made really international, and really an instrument of all its members, rather than a device by which powerful economic forces in some rich countries increase their power over the poor nations of the world.
There was a time when a number of people were urging that all aid to the Third World countries should be channeled through nternational institutions. They honestly believed that such institutions would be politically and ideologically neutral. I do not know whether there are now people who honestly believe that the IMF is politically or ideologically neutral. It has an ideology of economic and social development which it is trying to impose on poor countries irrespective of their own clearly stated policies. And when we reject IMF conditions we hear the threatening whisper.
'Without accepting our conditions you will not get our money, and you will get no other money'. Indeed we have already heard hints from some quarters that money or credit will not be made available to us until we have reached an understanding with the IMF.
When did the IMF become an International Ministry of Finance? When did nations agree to surrender to it their power of decision making?
Your Excellencies: It is this growing power of the IMF and the irresponsible and arrogant way in which it is being wielded against the Poor that has forced me to use my opportunity to make these unusual remarks in a New Year Speech to you. The problems of my country and other Third World countries are grave enough without the political interference of IMF officials. If they cannot help at the very least they should stop meddling.I have made it repeatedly clear to my own countrymen, however, that whatever decisions are made by us, and by our friends, 1980 is going to be a very difficult year for Tanzania. I believe that when they understand the problem our people will respond to this economic challenge as they have responded to other challenges in the past.
I believe they will bear the further sacrifices, and further burdens, which present conditions impose upon us just as long as they are assured that we are doing our best to share the burdens equitably, and continuing to pursue our own policies.
Ujamaa ulikuwa ni mfumo ambao mwalimu aliamini kwamba hakukua na chaguo jingine kwa nchi masikini kama Tanzania. Mwalimu aliamini ya kwamba kupata Uhuru pekee kutaweza kusababisha pia Tanzania kusimama kiuchumi, katika maandiko yake mwenye "Third World Negosiation Strategy" Mwalimu anasema " Tumeanza kufahamu ya kwamba uhuru wa kiasiasa hautoshi. Lazima uwe na uhuru wa kiuchumi....."
Uchumi ni jambo ambalo liko very complex, namwalimu hakuwa mtaalamu wa jambo hili. Hata hivyo katika upande mwingine wa shilingi, Mwalimu hakuwa na machaguo mengi ya kufanya. Mwalimu aliachiwa nchi ambayo inategemea kusafirisha malighafi ili ijiendeshe (mfumo mbovu kabisa wa kuendesha uchumi). Na vile vile nchi za magharibi zilikuwa zinanguvu ya kucontrol bei ya malighafi zetu. Lakini sisi hatukuwa na nguvu ya kubargain bei ya bidhaa zao, mfano 1970s mafuta yalipopanda bei ya matrekta na vitu vingine nayo ilipanda, lakini bei ya mkonge ilibaki pale pale.
Lawama zangu kwa mwalimu sio ujamaa, bali namlaaumu mwalim kwa kutuzalishia hawa wezi tulio nao leo (Mafisadi). Mfumo mbovu wa sheria ndio umetufikisha hapa tulipo leo.
Swali kubwa ni Jee tutanakwenda wapi? Jee Tanzania inaweza kusimama kiuchumi kiasi kwamba Kibwana nae akafurahia ukuwaji wa 7%? Nadhani haya ni maswali ambayo inabidi tujiulize, huku tukitazama tulipo toka, tulipo na tunapokwenda.
Zakumi,
Kwenye kupekenyua kwangu mtandao, nimekutana na hiki kipande ambacho kimeandikwa kuwa ni hotuba ya Nyerere aliyotoa mwaka 1980.
Sina uhakika aliyeiandika au aliyeichapa kwenye kurasa zake aliipata wapi, nami nanukuu na kutia jina kapuni ya nilikoitoa.
Zakumi,
Kwenye kupekenyua kwangu mtandao, nimekutana na hiki kipande ambacho kimeandikwa kuwa ni hotuba ya Nyerere aliyotoa mwaka 1980.
Sina uhakika aliyeiandika au aliyeichapa kwenye kurasa zake aliipata wapi, nami nanukuu na kutia jina kapuni ya nilikoitoa.
Mkuu hiyo hotuba kali ya Mwalimu aliitoa kwenye Kongamano lililoitwa ' South-North Conference on the International Monetary System and the New International Order' pale AICC, Arusha ambapo walitoa tamko la 'The Arusha Initiative: The Callfor a United Nations Conference on International Money and Finance'. Katika kongamano hili kichwa Justinian Rweyemamu naye alitoa mada nzito ya 'Restructuring the International Monetary System'.
Hiyo hotuba ya Nyerere ilikuwa na kichwa hichi: "No to IMF Meddling: President Nyerere's New Year Message 1980 to the Diplomats accredited to Tanzania'. Humo ndipo aliponena haya maneno mazito "When did the IMF become an International Ministry of Finance?" na kuhoji "When did nations agree to surrender to it their power of decision making?". Haya ndio maswali ambayo tulitakiwa tuyaulize majuzi pale Kilimanjaro Kempiski!
P.S. Hotuba hiyo imechapishwa kwenye Development Dialogue 1980:2
Zakumi na Jokakuu,
wakuu, mnaweza sana kumbeza mwalimu na kulaumu yote haya lakini kama kweli mnawafahamu watu hawa nadhani msingesema yote haya..
sasa turudi ktk hali halisi..sasa hivi nchi za magharibi zinayumba kiuchumi. Na ni hawa waliotuletea sote Globalization.. sasa waulize watu hawa hawa ni wangapi wanachukia kuona vitu toka nje vikiuzwa madukani mwao!.. asilimia kubwa ya wananchi wa nchi hizi wanapiga vita vikali tena kuna watu hutukana kabisaa.....
leo Globalization imekuwa chumi inayopigwa vita wna wao wenyewe wakati sisi nchi maskini tumeingizwa bila kupenda..Tena basi wachumi wanaandika na vitabu kuonyesha jinsi mfumo huu unavyoharibu uchumi mzima wa nchi tajiri.. Lakini mwalimu alipotumia sababu kama zao ktk kulinda maslahi ya nchi zetu maskini alionekana mchawi..
Kuna jamaa kasema ati wakinunua nguo, fedha inaenda China, wakinunua Pc fedha inaenda India, vyakula fedha inakwenda Mexico..leo hii nimeona sticker ktk gari moja ikisema - Have lost your job yet?... Buy foreign!..
Haya ni maneno mazito sana na kampeni moja chafu sana (siasa) kama utaifikiria ujumbe kama huu unawafikia watu wangapi..
Kwa hiyo mkuu wangu tuwe wakweli na tufahamu tunapokwenda bila kusahau tunakotoka..Muhimu zaidi ni sisi kuwa wajanja pia, kupanga vipaumbele vyetu kulingana na mahitaji yetu kwani hakuna rafiki inapofikia maswala ya ngawila..
Ubepari maana yake ni Fedha mbele ya kila kitu na Think of Yourself ahead of everyone kwani usipojiweza wewe hakuna tena biashara.
Mkuu hapa kidogo umeniacha nje.. Unapopiga kelele kuwa wao ni Axis of Evil unatakiwa wewe tena ndio ubadilike?..vipi tena mkuu wangu huoni kama hii haikukaa vizuri!..wakati wewe ni msafi ubadilike nini tena?..Haitatosha kupiga kelele kuwa wao ni Axis of Evil wakati huna mikakati yako binafsi ya kubadilika.________________
Zakumi,
Hata kidogo, hatukupoteza ile miaka ya Nyerere, first of all Ujamaa haukubuniwa kama ni socialist/communist way; ilifuata mila na jadi za kwetu. It was about the African way; and in the first decade nyerere made his best. He built industries which you also mentioned and gave it to the people. The mistake Nyerere did was Nationalization of Agriculture and leaving the segment of farmers/peasants unmanaged.
Believe me, after Nyerere we needed a Sokoine factor; he was the man to take over and correct all mistakes which were made in Nyerere era. The "destroyer" of the system was Mr. Mwinyi; he didn't know what he was doing!