Kazi na Bata ( Work and Live ) — what do we mean?

Kazi na Bata ( Work and Live ) — what do we mean?

Uzuri wa wanasiasa wakishaweka bandiko lao wanakimbia zao, mkihitaji ufafanuzi mtajijua.
 
Sisi wasabato ambao bata ni haramu munatutukana
 
Wanaume wa Dar ili waelewe waambie kazi na chips, wamasai kazi na nyama na maandazi na wale kule Iringa kazi na mbwa, na sisi wachaga kazi na pesa bila kusahau wasukuma kazi na mwanamke mweupe.

hahahah sisi wasukuma umepatia sana
 
Until the faschist regime is gone, ee have lots of work to do- out with the regime to have our lives back
 
Kama unaikubali slogan ya Kazi na Bata ya mh. Zitto .nipe like ya nguvu.#Membe 2020.
 
Uhuni ulio kubuu tu huu walahi
ARV
 
kazi na bata inayotokana na rasilimali zetu za ndani,sio kazi na bata kwa pesa inayotoka kwa mashoga.kupanga ni kuchagua kipindi cha JK mlikula bata,kushinda angani,sasa tumeamua kujielekeza kwenye kazi.ukiendekeza bata sana mwisho ni kutoka barabarani,tumekula bata sana enzi za mkwere na kama taifa tusinge jielekeza kupiga kazi,kubana mianya ya ufisadi,ukwepaji kodi,kuminya uzembe na utumishi hewa kwa watumishi wa umma kama taifa tungetoka barabarani.
 
Kazi na Bata ( Work and Live ) — what do we mean?

Zitto Kabwe, MP

Popular struggles have often featured demands for material improvement, but not for its own sake. The tedious drive for marginal economic gain becomes meaningful when part of a bigger struggle—for dignity, respect, freedom and all else that makes for a fulfilled life.

It was this understanding that inspired 19th century trade unionists campaigning for an 8-hour workday, their most famous slogan being, “8 hours for work, 8 hours for sleep, and 8 hours for what we will.”

In 1912, women immiserated by a wage cut went on strike in America’s then textile capital, Lawrence Massachusetts. They wrote on their placards, “We want bread, and roses too”, demanding fair pay but also dignity in their work. “Bread and Roses” went on to become a much-loved socialist slogan, with roses denoting not something frivolous but “a sharing of life’s glories”.

Reflecting on the anti-colonial struggles of the mid-20th century, Martinique philosopher and revolutionary, Franz Fanon, observed, “For a colonized people the most essential value, because the most concrete, is first and foremost the land: the land which will bring them bread, and above all, dignity.” Guinea-Bissau revolutionary, Amilcar Cabral, similarly affirmed, the people are “fighting for material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children…”

In Tanzania, Julius Nyerere at times echoed these same sentiments. He insisted on the need for both “freedom and development”, an ambition reflected in the best of Ujamaa, initiatives like the grassroots-organised communal villages of the Ruvuma Development Association.

Unfortunately, though, the aspiration for bread, roses and dignity, for freedom and development, is not always realised. This was true in the latter years of Ujamaa, as a once democratic ideology of communal wealth building gave way to a top-down, statist agenda.

More recently, President Magufuli coined a new slogan, “Hapa kazi tu!”, meaning literally “Just Work”. This was in response to widespread frustration with entrenched corruption, the promise being to ensure a clean and effective government instead.

Magufuli’s initial anti-corruption campaign seemed to honour this promise, and so met with an enthusiastic popular response. But that enthusiasm has since waned.

Tanzanian politics has taken a sharp authoritarian turn—opposition politics have been curtailed; leaders arrested and held without bail; journalists disappeared and murdered; pregnant school girls denied education; farmers, pastoralists and fishermen killed in government security “operations”.

Tanzania’s economy is also suffering, and with it the wellbeing of its people. Promised investment in health and education has not materialised, undermined by poor budget performance. Although official growth figures remain stable, for many people, household budgets are tight.

Magufuli now explicitly invokes an Ujamaa legacy, claiming to prioritise wanyonge, the down-and-out. But if his is indeed a revival of Ujamaa, it is of the latter-day, top-down authoritarian version.

In the current context, “Hapa kazi tu!” sounds more like a harsh order, a demand to obey in exchange for a meagre reward.

People don’t want work alone, work without freedom or material improvement. They need something more. Wanahitaji kazi, pia bata. They need to work but also to celebrate, to “share life’s glories”, to have “bread and roses”, “freedom and development”, to “live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children…”

People need work and life.
Honestly speaking, Zitto has lost some grounds in this regime. His topics are quite insignificant.
 
Huu uzi umekaa kibaguzi maana ungelikuwa unawalenga watanzania wa hali zote ungeandikwa kwa kiswahili ili kila mtu aelewe ulichokikusudia hapa, wakati mwingine unaweza kuwa na nia nzuri ila ukakosea lugha nzuri ya kuwasilisha kwa walengwa
Dona kantriz wapo humu nao wana ID feki, wamemsoma Zitto wamemwelewa
 
Huu uzi umekaa kibaguzi maana ungelikuwa unawalenga watanzania wa hali zote ungeandikwa kwa kiswahili ili kila mtu aelewe ulichokikusudia hapa, wakati mwingine unaweza kuwa na nia nzuri ila ukakosea lugha nzuri ya kuwasilisha kwa walengwa
Mkuu penye Changamoto pana fursa, kwa hiyo kama umetambua hilo wahi kwa Ras Simba Mwenge ukajipatie walau cha kusomea "thread" Jamii forum.
 
am try much to read this thread but I don't understand coz He used difficult language but am sure massage delivered to Jiwe
 
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