Class Struggle in Tanzania

[Companero]

Dilunga ndugu yangu unasahau kuwa unapohoji hoja fulani ya mtu lazima utazame muktadha mzima wa hoja zake. Huwezi kumfunga Shivji kwenye kitabu chake kimoja tu cha Class Struggle in Tanzania alichokiandika akiwa mwanafunzi wa mwaka wa 2 UDSM. Mawazo yake hukua na yamekua. Pia kumbuka kitabu hicho kilileta mjadala mkubwa pale chuo - The Dar es Salaam Debate - hivyo lazima kulikuwa na clarifications alitoa hasa baada ya kuwa misunderstood au misquoted. Hivyo, ni muhimu kurejea kwenye mtoa hoja mkuu i.e. Shivji na kuchambua ni nini hasa alisema na nini hasa alimaaanisha. Pia ni muhimu kuchambua alisema nini baada ya hapo kwa kadri mawazo yake yalivyokua na pengine kubadilika. Huwezi tu kukimbilia wachambuzi wengine wanasema nini kuhusu hoja yake bila kuijua hoja yake kwa mapana na marefu.

Umewahi kusoma Ripoti ya Tume ya Shivji na kufuatilia dola yako iliifanya nini hiyo ripoti? Hujawahi kumsikia tena kuhusu haya kwa kuwa hutaki kumsikia au? Haya yote aliyoyasema hapa Haki Ardhi - Archives na anayoendelea kuyasema huku Pambazuka News hujayasikia au unabishana kwa ajili ya kubishana tu?

Ndio, kweli, wachambuzi wengi tu wameonesha kuwa 'Classless Africa was/is a myth' - kawasome tena kina Babu na Chachage - na wameonesha mapambano ya kitabaka hasa enzi za ubepari wa udola wakati wa Nyerere.

 

[Companero]

Dilunga Class Struggle wakati wa Nyerere hii hapa chini kwa mujibu wa wachambuzi wengine na sio kwa mujibu wa Shivji uliyemnyanyulia bango utadhani na wewe sio mlalahai kama yeye tena uliyejibanza kwenye hekalu la pembe za ndovu ukibofya lapitopi yako yenye mtandao 24/7:

...Since early 1970s, workers and other sections of the society had attempted to check these [state] abuses, but the government defeated them. The attempts were a consequence of the introduction of Party Guidelines (Mwongozo) in February 1971, a radical document which claimed to empower the people. There were 31 strikes and lock-outs from February to September in the same year. These were supposedly illegal strikes, since they were not sanctioned by NUTA General Council. These strikes were directed against corruption, commandism and abuses of the managers and bureaucrats. These abuses included the lifestyles and eating habits of those in management, grand parties, unnecessary trips and other extravagances. For the first time in the history of Tanzania, these were strikes that were not concerned with pay or remuneration. These strikes continued in 1972 and they were becoming almost a movement by 1973 when the government crushed a strike at the Sungura Textile Mill by dismissing workers. The climax of these strikes was between May and July 1973. This was when the 900 workers of the British-American Tobacco (which was 51% government owned) locked out the personnel manager. The case was taken to the Permanent Labour Tribunal, where the officer was accused of “wasting company resources, and of favouring his tribesmen.”

It was after the defeat of the workers that the Party (TANU) became supreme in 1975. With the Constitutional amendments in 1977, all mass organizations became party (CCM) affiliates, and NUTA replaced by Jumuiya ya Wafanyakazi wa Tanzania (JUWATA). Under these arrangements, the union was simply a department of the ruling party. This move had resulted into increased statization of society and the trade union in particular. As a consequence of this, the disjunction that had already been created by the mid-1970s between the formal political system and the social system was reinforced further by late 1970s. That was not the only time the state used force against those who opposed privileges and abuse of power: brutal force was used against a peaceful march of students on 5 March 1978. The students sought to oppose the government move raise salaries as much as 40% in most cases and introduce huge fringe benefits to ministers, senior party officials, and members of parliament, when it had been announced that the country was facing a crisis. This move by the government seemed to contradict the Arusha Declaration. After rounding and sending home 400 students, the government accused the students of “having opposed ujamaa village managers” and marching instead of accepting an invitation from the President. Leaflets were circulated after exposing the undemocratic nature of the state given the manner it had handled the students.

...The government and the party were increasingly coming under heavy criticisms by early 1980s. This was the beginning of the awakening of the people at grassroots level, marked by criticisms of the state, which aimed at restructuring and reshaping power relations between the state and the people. The quest was essentially for democratic rights against the monopolization of politics and decision-making by the state. The concept “civil society” in Tanzania was rediscovered around this time. The concept was meant to be an expression of human social will, and an agitation of decentralization of processes. Civil society connoted the emergence and consolidation of social and political movements and the whole question of empowering people. In some, the debate more or less raised the fundamental questions of how the society was organized. When a symposium to mark the centenary of Karl Marx’s death was held at the University of Dar es Salaam in 1993, intellectuals took the occasion to sum up the experiences and critique the three decades of independence and nation building. They concluded that what was needed in Tanzania and Africa in general was broad democratization and resistance against imperialism, which sought to reinforce the exploitative relations through SAPs...." -
Source: http://www.codesria.org/Links/conferences/papers/Chachage_Seithy_L_Chachage.pdf

Moshi kama dondoo hiyo hapo juu inavyoonesha, wanafunzi, wakulima, wafanyakazi n.k wamegawanyika kwenye matabaka ndio maana kuna wanafunzi walalahai, wanafunzi walalahoi na wanafunzi walalaheri. Mara nyingi walalahai hawashirikiani na walalahoi kupambana kitabaka na walalaheri maana, kwa mujibu wa Engels, tabaka la kati la walalahai huwa linatamani kufikia kiwango cha tabaka la kilalaheri na wakati mwingine hushirikiana nalo kukandamiza tabaka la walalahoi ili nao wazidi kufika juu kama walalaheri. Ila, kwa mujibu wa Ngugi na Fanon, wapo watu wa tabaka la kati la walalahai wenye 'social/class consciousness', yaani, wenye mwamko wa kifikra na kitabaka, ambao wanaamua kujiunga na tabaka la walalahoi ili kupambana na walalaheri kwa ajili ya kuleta chachu ya mapinduzi ya kijamii yatakayoleta usawa zaidi. Kwa mfano, wale wanafunzi walalahai walioamua kujiunga na wanafunzi walalahoi pale Chuo Kikuu mwaka jana waliamua ku 'commit class suicide' for the sake of 'solidarity forever' japo wao hali yao ingewaruhusu kusoma bila hata mkopo wa Mkono kama ambavyo wanafunzi walalaheri wana uwezo wa kusoma bila mkopo huo.

 

[Dilunga]

Dilunga Class Struggle wakati wa Nyerere hii hapa chini kwa mujibu wa wachambuzi wengine na sio kwa mujibu wa Shivji uliyemnyanyulia bango utadhani na wewe sio mlalahai kama yeye tena uliyejibanza kwenye hekalu la pembe za ndovu ukibofya lapitopi yako yenye mtandao 24/7:

Ahsante Companero.

Nimeona umeleta vielelezo vya Chambi Chachage kusindikiza anachosema Shivji, aksante, aksante sana, Holy Mecca, tuna wataalam zaidi ya Shivji kwa mara ya kwanza, aksante. Sasa tuna vielelezo zaidi, mjadala utanoga. Sio Shivji, Shivji, Shivji mpaka unapata kipande uso kusikia Shivji. Swali linahusu utathmini wa alosema Shivji, halafu unaenda kuchukua vielelezo vya Shivji kumtetea Shivji. Holy Mecca, enough already, will you?

Chambi Chachage anasomeka kama mtu anaetoka, anaefahamu, anaeishi, ninakoishi, anaeongea ninachoongea. Hahitaji ziara ndio afahamu maisha ya upande wa pili wa reli. Yuko huko huko. Aksante.

Na ninashukuru umesema kwamba Issa Shivji ni kweli na yeye ni mlala heri Mwenyenchi, ambae ilibidi azuru kuuliza maswali ndio ang'amue maisha ya Mwananchi, kama ambavyo na wewe ilibidi usome kitabu, kitabu cha Shivji, ndio ung'amue kwamba kuna tabaka la walala hoi nchini.

Posted by Campanero: Kwa mujibu wa Shivji Tanzania sasa kuna matabaka 3:
1. Walalaheri
2. Walalahai
3. Walalahoi

 

[Companero]

Ndugu Dilunga sijasema kuwa Shivji ni Mlalaheri - mifano ya matabaka hayo matatu ni hii:

Walalaheri - Reginald Mengi, Amatus Liyumba & Sir Chande
Walalahai - Issa Shivji, Comrade Companero & Juma Nature
Walalahoi - Nyoka, Makanjanja & Wamachinga kadhaa

 

[Zakumi]

Companero:

Katika nchi kama Tanzania yenye diversity katika mambo ya utamaduni, mitazamo ya maisha na exposure, matabaka mengine hayana uhalali wa kuitwa matabaka.

Kwa mfano nikiwa boarding baba yangu alikuwa mfanyakazi wa serikali na kipato chake kilikuwa sio kikubwa sana. Lakini kutokana na elimu yake, exposure yake aliweza ku-organize niende shule kwa efficiency kubwa kwa sababu yeye aliona shule ni rasimali.

kwa upande mwingine rafiki yangu mmoja, aliachiwa urithi wa kutosha ikiwemo mifugo ambayo ingemwezesha yeye kusoma na kuishi maisha mazuri tu shuleni. Lakini kwa sababu mila zao zinadai kuwa mali ya urithi alioachiwa ni lazima itumike kwenye ndoa, maisha yake yalikuwa ya kilalahoi tu.

Hivyo huwezi kusema kuwa tofauti yangu na ya rafiki yangu ilikuwa ni class issues. Familia ya rafiki yangu iliendekeza kitu unachokiita transihumansi, wakati familia yangu ilichukua mwelekeo mwingine.

Mijini ambapo watu wanategemea kipato hili waishi. Namba inayoonyesha vipato inaweza kutumika kabisa kuonyesha nani analala hoi, nani analala hai na nani ni mwenye heri.

 

[Petu Hapa]

I think to understand shivji analysis of class struggle in Tanzania you need to analyze him within the framework of analysis that he uses, of which it is materialistic approach both as ideology and tool of analysis.

In this approach the question of class is not confined in national stated or blocked by boarders, rather it is defined by relation of production found in international economy. , where by Tanzania using historical analysis, found itself being a site of exploitation as a nation. However, this is not to say everybody who lives in Tanzania is exploited. Rather there are different agencies, which support the exploitative relations. There he mentioned 6 different classes, petty burgouses being the most dangerous form of class which continue and reproduce Tanzania as a site of exploitation. So to him, the class relation are not rooted in Tanzania, or defined by geographic boarders, rather they are defined by international relations of production.

 

[Augustine Moshi]

Thank you Camapanero for acquainting us with Chachage's contribution to the debate on Class Struggle in Tanzania.

I am amazed to learn that Shivji wrote his "Class Struggle in Tanzania" while he was a second year student at UDSM. Are you certain about that? I always assumed that he wrote it while he was already a lecturer in the Faculty of Law, and I was a second year student.

I ask for your indulgence, for I really must comment on some of Chachage's observations.

"….There were 31 strikes and lock-outs from February 1971 to September in the same year. These were supposedly illegal strikes, since they were not sanctioned by NUTA General Council."

NUTA itself was an illegal outfit. It was not registered until after it was challenged in court much later! It simply operated illegally, and successfully, on the basis that it had Mwalimu's blessing.

"….It was after the defeat of the workers that the Party (TANU) became supreme in 1975"

The supremacy of TANU was established when Tanzania abolished multi party democracy. This was done around 1967. The constitution caught up with Mwalimu later. It was his style to act first and align the constitution to those acts later. He did that even in party meetings.

"….Under these arrangements, the union was simply a department of the ruling party"

That was a most debilitating action. We are yet to recover from that subjugation of the state to the party.

"….That was not the only time the state used force against those who opposed privileges and abuse of power: brutal force was used against a peaceful march of students on 5 March 1978 "

Chachage's recollection of the reasons for the march is not quite correct. I was one of those that marched. We were protesting a doubling of MPs salaries (from 1,500/= to 3000/= per month) and a 75% deduction on tobacco sells. This was for loan repayment. Mwalimu gave a reason, on radio, on why he put each arrested student under an armed policeman. He said we marched to protest his newly announced campaign of sending experts (i.e. us) to villages. Chachage got this last part right.

Camapanero: students do not form a class in a materialistic sense. It is not accidental that Shivji did not include such a class in his analysis. He identified material classes in Tanzania, but it is my considered opinion that he never showed the existence of class level struggle among them. There was none then, and there is none now.