Bollen Ngetti: Dk. Bashiru, Membe si size yako, kaa kimya

[Baba Swalehe]

ili swali ni swali ambalo mh. Membe angeulizwa hapa nadhani unapiga ramli. Pia kiufupi wakati wa uchaguzi bado ivo Fanya kazi kuinua kipato chako na uchumi wa taifa kwa nafasi yako. MH MEMBE aachwe na plan zake

Sijawah piga kura

Sipo huko


Na hata ningekuwepo nisingepiga

 

[Mbasembase1970]

Leo ndiyo nimemwelewa membe kumbe ni mtu wamaana si agombee2

Chama kipi? Huyo alishakwisha zamani tatizo watu hawataki kuaambiwa ukweli maana siasa za partisan zimejaa kama Marekani ya Trump. nashangaa hata CHADEMA wanampigia debe Membe na kelele zote za huko nyuma. Ndiyo maana hii Nchi haitaweza kuendelea na siasa za kuunga unga za wanasiasa wetu.

Japo siyapendi baadhi ya mambo anayoyafanya Magufuli lakini ni bora huyu magufuli abaki mpaka hapo 2025 labda kutatokea mwenye akili nzuri hata humu JF labda akili zetu zitaturudia za mwaka 2008 mpaka 2010.

 

[KOFIANAN]

Sijawah piga kura

Sipo huko


Na hata ningekuwepo nisingepiga

Unakosa haki ya kikatiba. Ivo nakusihi uanze kujuwa ulikuwa unajinyima haki yako

 

[kigumbe]

Mwenzie Polepole alianza kwa kasi lakini amesoma gap saivi anaenda kwa polepole. Membe ana uwezo mkubwa sana kuamua CC ife au iendelee kuishi, ana uwezo wa kutumia vijana wengi ambao wapo ndani ya system kuanzia usalama wa chama mpaka TIS kuigawa kama karatasi mkasahau kama icho chama kiliwahi kuwapo Africa.

 

[Baba Swalehe]

Mwenzie Polepole alianza kwa kasi lakini amesoma gap saivi anaenda kwa polepole. Membe ana uwezo mkubwa sana kuamua CC ife au iendelee kuishi, ana uwezo wa kutumia vijana wengi ambao wapo ndani ya system kuanzia usalama wa chama mpaka TIS kuigawa kama karatasi mkasahau kama icho chama kiliwahi kuwapo Africa.

Hee unayosema yana ukwel hivi ?!

 

[Nteko]

Uko sahihi huyu katoka kwenye chaki yaani kawaida ya chaki lazima iishe ndo material ya TICHA
Ivi kweli unamutuhumu Membe hadharani kwa jambo la kisiasa? Ukatibu mkuu wako Bashiru Bomu .

Chama hiki hadi uchaguzi kitagawanyika NA tatizo in huyu Cuf Ccm Bashiru
Alimwita Makonda Moshi akisema vijana,hawajaiva je yy Bashiru lini na wapi aliivishwa ndani ya Ccm? Ajabu hii

 

[impongo]

Umeandika vyema sana lakini fikiri nani hapendi kupigiwa ving'ora na kutembelea ma v8?

Tukishinda njaa tutakuwa wazalendo

 

[Ukana Shilungo]

Utakuwa Camillius si kwa povu hili maana Dokta akutaja jina la mtu ungeweka clip tukimuona Dokta Bashiru akimtaja Camillius sio kufitinisha na kulisha maneno.

KAMA HUNA AKILI KUCHAMBUA MAMBO HUWEZI JUA MHUSIKA NI NANI!

 

[Polonium]

Good advice lakini hawashauriki

 

[Polonium]

Good advice lakini hawashauriki

 

[mchaga wa zanzibar]

Ushauri ulionda darasani huu,Dr bashiru pokea kitu hicho acha kuwa kama naninilii wa bungeni yule,radio aaah spika

 

[Zatara]

Umeandika mengi,lkn tatizo lako nililoliona ni "utamaduni wetu",hilo hamuwezi kulibadilisha hata mkiandika kwa wino wa dhahabu,uchu wa madaraka wa nini?

Hili la 'Utamaduni wetu' ni tatizo la Mwandishi au lako wewe? Aisifiae mvua imenyeshea, nawe madhali umegusa hiyo kauli kati ya mengi yaliyowasilishwa basi itakua imekugusa. Utamaduni hufa na wa wakati mjomba

 

[jimama26]

Umenifurahisha sana Mkuu. Ubarikiwe sana. Ninaamini Dkt. Bashiru anapita humu na ujumbe kaupata. Atuache wanaCCM tujimwagemwage, tujitanue ndani ya chama chetu na tufuruhie kuchagua wale tuwatakao watuongoze. Wasitupangia. 2020 tunafanya kweli.

 

[comte]

SHIKAMOO Mwalimu Bashiru Ally, Katibu Mkuu wa CCM. Nina hakika una afya njema hapa Lumumba ukiwa juu ya kiti chako cheusi cha kuzunguka zunguka ukipitia mafaeli mbalimbali ya kiutendaji.

Naomba umuagize Esther akuletee juisi baridi sana kama haujafunga ukae kwa utulivu mkubwa kusoma waraka huu mchungu!

Ninajua vijana wenzangu hawapendi kukuambia maneno haya machungu kwa hofu ya nafasi zao, kwa nidhamu ya woga, au kwa kujipendekeza tu kuwa karibu na "high table" kuokoteza masazo. Kwa bahati mbaya sina sifa hizo zote. Kwa hiyo licha ya kupuuza mitandao ya kijamii lakini ninajua basi hata wasaidizi Wako watakusimulia japo kwa ufupi!

Naanza! Dk. Bashiru, wewe ni miongoni mwa wasomi wachache sana hapa nchini waliopata kuheshimika sana na kada ya wanazuoni hasa pale ulipokuwa kinara wa Kigoda cha Mwalimu. Kila neno lililotoka kinywani mwako halikutoroka, ulilitafakari kwanza ndipo ulisema jambo ambalo ni sifa ya msomi yeyote. Ilipotangazwa mdahalo wowote watu waliposikia atakuwepo Dk. Bashiru kama mchokoza mada nani alithubutu kukosa?

Ukumbi wa Nkuruma ulijaa kwa mvuto Wako na wanazuoni wenzio kina Prof Shivji nakadhalika. Vijana wengi (nikiwemo) walivutiwa na fikra zako za Kiafrika, Umajumuhi na Uzalendo ukipinga kila aina ya ubaguzi katika jamii. Kilichovutia ni kwamba ulifanya haya yote kwa ujira mdogo, mishahara ya UDSM inajulikana, hukuwa na gari ya V8, hukuwa na dereva wala mlinzi. Lakini ulikuwa "role model" wa vijana wengi!

Vijana wale wanajiuliza hivi huyu Bashiru ambaye ni SG wa CCM ndiye yule wa UDSM au ni ndugu wanaofanana? Hawapati majibu. Lakini wakiamini kuwa ni yuleyule basi wakubalie wakutambue kama msaliti wa Taifa lao.

Nivumilie tu mtani wangu maana tusiposema Leo wanetu watakuja kutandika viboko makaburi yetu kwa nini hatukusema haya.
Ndg Bashiru, ulipopewa nafasi ya Ukatibu Mkuu wa CCM ukawa sawa na mtu aliyebadili dini. Ulisema, "mimi ni mtendaji wa chama, sitokuwa mwanasiasa wa majukwaani na ni marufuku watendaji kupiga siasa". Katika gazeti la Raia Mwema nikakuhoji, "Bashiru Ally utayaweza usemayo? Unakijua CCM?" Hukunijibu maana Bollen Ngetti ni mdudu gani?

Ndg Bashiru, umeshindwa kukaa ofisini kuwa Mtendaji na badala yake umeingia kwenye mtego wa kupiga siasa za mipasho na majibizano na wanasiasa. Labda akili yako inakutuma kuamini kuwa huo ndio utendaji wenyewe. You are very wrong brother. Here we go!

Jana umejitokeza hadharani ukasema maneno yafuatayo:

"Kazi ya Mwana-CCM halisi ni kusema kosa na kutoa namna ya kutatua kosa hilo. Anayesema kosa halafu anatumia misamiati isiyotambulika ni Mwana-CCM nyemelezi. Mwana-CCM halisi anaruhusiwa kukosoa Serikali na chama kwa adabu. Haijalishi una mkia au hauna mkia".

Ndg Bashiru Ally (mpya) bila kupepesa macho na kuacha unafiki ujumbe wako ulimlenga Mwanadiplomasia Bernard Membe. Ukibisha shindana na nafsi yako katika mwezi mtukufu!

Membe kama mwanasiasa asiye mtendaji wa chama kama wewe anao uhuru wa kufanya siasa kwa namna anavyoona inafaa na kila jukwaa analopata. Na kama ambavyo tunaweza kuzuia ndege asitue juu ya kichwa chako lakini hatuwezi kumchagulia pakujenga kiota chake ndivyo ilivyo ngumu kumchagulia maneno ya kutumia mwanasiasa asiye mtendaji maana kwa maneno yake mwanasiasa hufa au huishi kisiasa.

Akimjibu rafiki yake jasusi na mafia wa kiuchumi Rostam Abdulaziz, Membe alimwambia, "Rostam wewe ni mchumi, tuzungumzie masuala ya uchumi, tuzungumze kwa nini biashara ndogo na kubwa zinafungwa, kwa nini uchumi wetu umefikia hapa, usijifanye wewe ni christian than Romans, Rostam wewe na mimi sote tumekatwa mikia hata ukijifanya kuwa karibu namna gani mkia ukikatwa hauoti. Usijifanye wewe ni mzawa mimi na wewe sote ni watoto wa kambo".

Ndg Bashiru, kupitia kwa maneno hayo ya Membe ndio ulipoona kuna wana CCM halisi na nyemelezi. Kwamba "Nyemelezi" ni wanaokosoa Serikali bila adabu. Membe anahoji kwa nini biashara ndogo na kubwa zinafungwa, kwa nini uchumi umefika hapa? Ingekuwa ni Bashiru wa UDSM ungejua maana ya maswali ya Membe kwa Rostam lakini kwa kuwa unaendeshwa ndani ya V8, unaye mlinzi, mpishi, nyumba, mshahara mnono na marupurupu kibao huwezi kuona maana ya "kwa nini uchumi wetu umefikia hapa?"

Ndg Bashiru, Membe ametembea katika maneno ya Mwenyekiti Magufuli aliyefananisha wanaCCM wanaohama na kurudi sawa na ng'ombe waliokatwa mikia zizini utawatambua kama Lowassa, Waitara, Makongoro, Wasira nakadhalika. Lakini na wewe badala ya kufanya kazi ya kuwaunganisha wanachama ukidai Membe kutumia misamiati isiyotambulika (sijui ni ipi inayotambulika) na wewe umeongeza jambo. Kumbe kuna CCM Halisi na CCM Nyemelezi.

Kina Membe na Rostam ni Nyemelezi. Kwako misamiati hii ndiyo inayotambulika (sijui utambuzi unafanyika na taasisi gani). Kwa maneno mepesi yasiyohitaji utambuzi Ndg Bashiru umeshindwa kuwaunganisha wana CCM na badala yake sasa tunaanza kuulizana "wewe ni halisi au nyemelezi?"

Nape Nnauye amehoji, "fedha zinakwenda wapi? Tumebana matumizi, tumeondoa wafanyakazi na wanafunzi hewa, fedha ziko wapi? Tunawekeza kwenye vitu badala ya maendeleo ya watu". Bila shaka Nape sasa ni Mwana CCM Nyemelezi maana mstari unaotenganisha maswali yake na Membe ni mwembamba sana!

Ndugu Bashiru, ni adabu gani unaotaka CCM nyemelezi watumie kuhoji Serikali? Ulitaka Membe na Nape wakuandikie barua kuuliza kwa nini biashara ndogo na kubwa kufungwa na ziliko fedha? Kwani hujui nchi hii ni ya raia wote? Lakini pia kwa nini unadhani ni WanaCCM halisi pekee ndio wanastahili kukosoa Serikali na si upinzani? Unakwama wapi mtani wangu mpendwa?

Hebu tazama, ulipomwita Membe hadharani ukiwa Chato na kumtaka afike haraka sana ofisini kwako kujibu kwanini "anahujumu" Serikali ya JPM wewe pale ulitumia adabu kumwita na hivyo wewe ni Halisi? Membe alikujibu kwamba inaweza ni uchanga na ugeni katika ofisi kubwa kama ya CCM, huo ugeni haujaisha? Huu woga kwa Membe unatokana na nini? Mbona parandesi moja tu ya maneno kiti kimekuwa cha Moto?

Dk. Bashiru Ally, naomba nikutambulishe kwa Membe: unapambana na kachero mbobezi wa kimataifa, unapambana "battle plan master" vita vya Kagera, unapambana na Mwalimu wa makachero wa Scotland Yard, unapambana na mtu wa karibu wa Papa, unapambana na mshauri wa marais 5 Afrika katika masuala ya diplomasia na usalama, unapambana na mcha Mungu halisi, unapambana na kada mwandamizi wa CCM anayekijua chama na tendegu zake! Hizo ni baadhi tu ya wasifu wa binadamu!

Labda, nikukumbushe tu kidogo mtani wangu. Unakumbuka ulipoagizwa kumwita Membe ukauliza ushahidi upo? Je, baadaye mliupata huo ushahidi? Au bado mnausubiri uje kutoka Afrika Kusini?

USHAURI: Kwa kuwa umetutaka wanaCCM halisi kutoa maoni namna ya kutatua tatizo, na mimi sitaki kuwa "nyemelezi" natoa maoni. Unganisha chama na wanachama. Usiwagawe. Hayo ya halisi na nyemelezi tuachie sie huku kijiweni wewe hustahili. Pili, rejea Ubashiru wa Kigoda cha Mwalimu. Acha demokrasia ichanue ndani ya chama.

Wana CCM sisi ni watu wa kujimwahimwahi na kuwa huru. Wewe simamia haki, utu, usawa, achana na mambo ya "utamaduni wetu" wewe na nani? Nakutakia Mfungo Mwema!

Ndimi Mjoli wako,
Bollen Ngetti
23/5/2019

Bollen Ngetti, ninakuomba wewe na wenzetu hapa tupitie makala hii hapa chini ili tutoe hukumu ya haki
Sociology, Politics and Power: An Interview with Anthony Giddens

Anthony Giddens led the rebirth of British sociology in the 1970s with pioneering books on social theory that reinterpreted classics for the modern age. He dissected the question of agency in a structured world, the linking of micro-processes to macro forces, and the relevance of globalization for everyday life. More recently, he has addressed the consequences of the digital revolution and the threat to human existence posed by climate change. He is the author of more than 30 books, a former Director and Emeritus Professor of the London School of Economics and since 2004 a member of the House of Lords. In the interview that follows he reflects on the place of sociology in politics.

Peter Kolarz received his PhD in sociology from the University of Sussex (UK). He is a policy research consultant at Technopolis Group and has authored several policy studies and evaluations, including for UK ministries and the European Commission. His book Giddens and Politics Beyond the Third Way: Utopian Realism in the Late Modern Age (2016) is published by Palgrave Macmillan. The interview took place in the House of Lords (UK) on June 8, 2016.

PK: You have written on a wide range of topics: structuration theory, historical materialism, late modernity and globalization, transformations of personal life and sexuality, the third way, climate change, the future of the EU, and have most recently started giving talks about the digital revolution. Would you say there is any kind of thread that runs through all or most of these clusters of your work?

AG: My overall agenda has been to look at the nature of modernity – the emergence of the industrial order and its spread across the world, by far the most revolutionary and transformative period ever. To me history is substantially discontinuous: there is no evolutionary model of history that works. There are always situated people, doing things in particular environmental, social and geographical contexts, which condition what they do, but which they also respond to and reshape in a diversity of ways. I don’t share a Durkheimian view of the social sciences, where we seem to appear more like passive agents, rather than the knowledgeable beings we all are. Erving Goffman – to my mind perhaps the greatest sociologist of all – emphasizes the skilled nature of what people do in everyday life, without necessarily knowing they do it. My ambition has been to relate that perspective to more macrostructural processes. That’s not easy to accomplish but it seems crucial to me: a lot of sociology in the old days made it appear as though we were just the playthings of larger social causes. I wanted to uncover the subtlety of the relationship between these things. That’s one of the reasons I have always been interested in the transformations of communications and connections. The transformation of everyday life and identity is as important as the more large-scale systems and problems that we try to deal with.

PK: So if there were one element in your body of work that you would consider most important for those pursuing social and political change, what would it be?

AG: It would be the format that we’re talking about: the immense subtlety of the interaction between how people make their own lives and at the same time are creatures of the larger structures of which they are part. That’s as true in politics as in other areas. Well-intentioned policies are never enough and can often rebound.

PK: In my 2016 book Giddens and Politics Beyond the Third Way, I highlight your concept of utopian realism. Is that a notion you would still subscribe to?

AG: Utopian realism is a concept I still use. The overall challenge is to connect utopian idealism with real politik – on the face of it two opposites. A politics devoid of ideals would be without directive purpose. We have to envisage states of affairs on the other side of the status quo at any point in time. At the same time, ideals on their own are empty. The notion of utopian realism seems to me a handy way of sensitizing us to the role of ideals – of getting beyond the here and now on the one hand – but at the same time showing that they have purchase on reality on the other. It’s a sensitizing device to think about politics and the world. In democratic politics, a party that devoted itself simply to winning elections wouldn’t in fact win any elections; and nor would one that has lofty ideals but fails to show how they relate to the nitty-gritty of people’s concerns and aspirations. It’s very hard to square this circle, as we all know.

PK: Regarding your political work in the 1990s on globalization and the third way, what would be your verdict if you look at the political and policy landscape now? Is there anything from that debate that you would still consider important today that hasn’t been adequately dealt with?

AG: It’s hard to remember it now, but at that point the notion of globalization – meaning the increasing interdependence of individuals, organizations and states across the world – was quite new, especially in a political context. Trying to get political leaders to take it seriously was difficult initially. They would just look at me blankly. Then almost overnight everything changed. You couldn’t stop them talking about it, even if often on a pretty crude level. Unfortunately, most politicians and also many social scientists have used the notion to refer primarily, or wholly, to the spread of global markets. The driving force of globalization then as now – with the extraordinary advance of the digital revolution – was above all communication, especially electronic communication.

I used the term “third way” with some reluctance. For me, it did not mean developing a political position “between” left and right, a sort of middle way. Still less did I see it as a version of neoliberalism, a belief in the infinite wisdom of unfettered markets. As I wrote in my book The Third Way in 1998, “the regulation of financial markets is the single most pressing issue in the world economy”. I was then, and am today, a believer in the crucial importance of active government – which however should not be equated simply with the state, but can come also from a range of other agencies. I was then, and am now, a believer in developing mechanisms of global governance, deeply challenging though that is.

For me inequality was a key issue – as anyone who takes the trouble to look into what I’ve written can easily see. It’s become even bigger now because of the extreme inequalities that have emerged at the top of the wealth pyramid and the failure to raise productivity, and therefore wages, for many people working in low-level jobs. Thomas Piketty’s book Capital in the Twenty-First Century has become a world-wide success because it provides a powerful interpretation of the structural reasons that have produced these glaring disparities, as well as some possible strategies for reducing them.

But of course politics is national and the world is global. So there remains a key thing: we still have the issue of how we can reconcile national politics with an inherently global world. A good deal of the sources of populism comes from that difficulty, and from the fact that everybody knows that national politicians don’t have the power that they must claim they have.

PK: Do you see any way into cracking this disjuncture between national politics and global transformations and inequalities?

AG: Yes, there has to be one, and in my book on Europe I spoke about the need to attack in a coordinated way the issue of tax havens, and to seek to reverse deindustrialization in the Western economies, leading to a recreation of manufacture, albeit in quite different form from the past. That overlaps with the digital revolution, because once money is electronic, it can be shifted around the world instantaneously – one of the factors helping to generalize tax havens. However by the same token it is more difficult to hide the vast swirl of corrupt money around the world than it was in the past. I think global public opinion has also turned strongly against the idea that you can simply conceal vast wealth on a global level and expect no-one to care about it.

As yet, effective (let alone democratic) global governance is a pipe dream, but we do have a range of agencies, groups of nations and international organizations trying to work together to deal with global problems. It’ll be very interesting to see what happens as a result of the Paris climate change agreements: will they turn out to be empty or not? We don’t know at this point, but they’re certainly very different from anything that’s been agreed on paper before. You can see them actually strongly affecting the position of the fossil fuel industries already, as the value of their stocks decline. There is at least the possibility of a truly global revolution in low-carbon energy taking place and a fundamental question is how rapidly or otherwise that will move. Marx famously said that “all that is solid melts into air,” and perhaps it will be a version of that principle; we shall see. The new wave of globalization, brought about by the pace, scope and awesome speed with which the digital revolution is advancing, is a major influence here.

PK: This has been a frequent theme in your work: globalization as the contraction of time and space, brought about through information and communication technology, and the associated risks and opportunities. Do you think it is possible to steer these developments, or “ride the juggernaut of globalization”, as you once said, in a reasonably constructive way, or do we just have to “go with it” and see what happens?

AG: The Internet is an extraordinary phenomenon in terms of its impact. It is truly global beyond anything we ever anticipated. It links the intimacies of self through to the global. However it is only one element of the digital revolution, properly understood. The others are supercomputers and robotics. I have come to see supercomputers as the prime connecting link. The smartphone in your pocket is more powerful than a supercomputer of a few decades ago. This huge algorithmic power is available to the mundane user, just as it is to organizations, businesses and states. Almost every aspect of world society is being affected and transformed. This is a world in which almost everything is visible to everyone, since smartphones have become diffused even to some of the poorest societies of the world. Many of the migrants leaving oppressed areas to seek refuge elsewhere are using smartphone and GPS to track their desired routes. This is 21st century migration – just as IS, which mixes medieval levels of violence with a mastery of digital technology, is 21st century terrorism.

Many people see the digital revolution producing a fragmented world, but most of the innovations have been pioneered by state intervention, quite often with quasi-military purposes. The Internet appears ephemeral, but it has a physical existence in the shape of cables under the oceans and satellites in the sky – things that are ultimately guaranteed by states and state power. So I think the resurgence of geopolitics is not as surprising as others do. Giant corporations and ubiquitous advertising are also driving forces. This is a new environment, and many of the changes that affect us most are not mediated by a political process, but by power, either of states or of giant corporations. Nobody voted for a world in which pornography is freely available, in both senses of the word “free.” It may be innocuous, it may not. We don’t know because it is all so new.

PK: Let’s talk about politics in the present then: do you see at the moment much of a constructive debate going on about the future of the left?

AG: We have to try and do a new version of the center-left that begins sociologically from the changes in the fabric of world society and in everyday life just mentioned. The third way debate emerged from an analysis of the major changes transforming our lives at that time, and we have to go through a similar exercise today. We must look at the big changes in the world, see what traction one can get politically from those, see how they fit within the framework of national and transnational politics. What has happened within the Labour Party with the advent of Jeremy Corbyn to me is a hybrid – a digital younger generation directly involved, but ideas that in some part derive from years ago.

We on the left have to go forward to the future. We’re well beyond the so-called third way debate period now, and new ideas are urgently needed. I’m also against the idea that somehow everything just becomes fragmented – I don’t think that’s true. You’re still dealing with power politics, you’re still dealing with the grand issues, like how can we get more egalitarian societies in the context of global corporations, how can we recover ill-gotten gains that are stacked in tax havens? So power still counts for a lot. Collaboration between nations and therefore democratic politics within nations, and within the EU, counts for a lot.

PK: That leads to my last question. More successfully than most, you moved from academe into formal politics. I’d be interested to hear your views on being a sociologist in politics, and relatedly, whether you have any particular advice for social scientists looking to ensure their work has political traction, who might be interested in influencing things that go on in places like this one.

AG: Well, I’m in politics but not of politics. I was an academic and I stay an academic. For me the best milieu is the university since it’s where I feel most at home, and as I’ve tried to stress, ideas and down-to-earth research count for an enormous amount in the political sphere. One of the main problems for any academic involved in politics is that you can lose touch with both your constituencies. To academics you have betrayed your academic objectivity, while to politicians you’re someone who has no grasp of the demands of everyday political life. You can get stranded between the two worlds very easily.

The academic and political worlds are very different and not many people try to bridge them directly. Think tanks play an important mediating role between the academy and politics. They depend crucially on research done in universities. They are in the business of translating academic research into practical policy proposals – and have closer connections in the media than academics normally do. The top such organizations are often closely in touch with the government of the day, or with a wider spectrum of political actors. I’m not saying it is the only route, but when I decided to get a bit more directly involved with politics in the mid-1990s I approached the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) – one or two academics I knew were already involved with them. From there I found it possible to develop a wider network of people in the political sphere. The IPPR and the wider network around it had good connections in other countries, including the US. I never became a formal political adviser to anyone though, and have continued to see myself as primarily an academic.

 

[Ndahani]

Daud vs Goliath

 

[yakowazi]

Aliwaambia mkiwamaliza mtalana wenyewe mmewakata mikia sasa wamekuwa NYEMELEZI nyie angalieni watageuka ALEGI ////////??

 

[Pembani]

Nondo za kutosha mkuu kazi kwao kumeza au kutema

 

[misasa]

KAMA HUNA AKILI KUCHAMBUA MAMBO HUWEZI JUA MHUSIKA NI NANI!

Kwaiyo mmechambua au mmejistukia kama kamsema Membe? Utakuwa nyemelezi

 

[Chintu]

SHIKAMOO Mwalimu Bashiru Ally, Katibu Mkuu wa CCM. Nina hakika una afya njema hapa Lumumba ukiwa juu ya kiti chako cheusi cha kuzunguka zunguka ukipitia mafaeli mbalimbali ya kiutendaji.

Naomba umuagize Esther akuletee juisi baridi sana kama haujafunga ukae kwa utulivu mkubwa kusoma waraka huu mchungu!

Ninajua vijana wenzangu hawapendi kukuambia maneno haya machungu kwa hofu ya nafasi zao, kwa nidhamu ya woga, au kwa kujipendekeza tu kuwa karibu na "high table" kuokoteza masazo. Kwa bahati mbaya sina sifa hizo zote. Kwa hiyo licha ya kupuuza mitandao ya kijamii lakini ninajua basi hata wasaidizi Wako watakusimulia japo kwa ufupi!

Naanza! Dk. Bashiru, wewe ni miongoni mwa wasomi wachache sana hapa nchini waliopata kuheshimika sana na kada ya wanazuoni hasa pale ulipokuwa kinara wa Kigoda cha Mwalimu. Kila neno lililotoka kinywani mwako halikutoroka, ulilitafakari kwanza ndipo ulisema jambo ambalo ni sifa ya msomi yeyote. Ilipotangazwa mdahalo wowote watu waliposikia atakuwepo Dk. Bashiru kama mchokoza mada nani alithubutu kukosa?

Ukumbi wa Nkuruma ulijaa kwa mvuto Wako na wanazuoni wenzio kina Prof Shivji nakadhalika. Vijana wengi (nikiwemo) walivutiwa na fikra zako za Kiafrika, Umajumuhi na Uzalendo ukipinga kila aina ya ubaguzi katika jamii. Kilichovutia ni kwamba ulifanya haya yote kwa ujira mdogo, mishahara ya UDSM inajulikana, hukuwa na gari ya V8, hukuwa na dereva wala mlinzi. Lakini ulikuwa "role model" wa vijana wengi!

Vijana wale wanajiuliza hivi huyu Bashiru ambaye ni SG wa CCM ndiye yule wa UDSM au ni ndugu wanaofanana? Hawapati majibu. Lakini wakiamini kuwa ni yuleyule basi wakubalie wakutambue kama msaliti wa Taifa lao.

Nivumilie tu mtani wangu maana tusiposema Leo wanetu watakuja kutandika viboko makaburi yetu kwa nini hatukusema haya.
Ndg Bashiru, ulipopewa nafasi ya Ukatibu Mkuu wa CCM ukawa sawa na mtu aliyebadili dini. Ulisema, "mimi ni mtendaji wa chama, sitokuwa mwanasiasa wa majukwaani na ni marufuku watendaji kupiga siasa". Katika gazeti la Raia Mwema nikakuhoji, "Bashiru Ally utayaweza usemayo? Unakijua CCM?" Hukunijibu maana Bollen Ngetti ni mdudu gani?

Ndg Bashiru, umeshindwa kukaa ofisini kuwa Mtendaji na badala yake umeingia kwenye mtego wa kupiga siasa za mipasho na majibizano na wanasiasa. Labda akili yako inakutuma kuamini kuwa huo ndio utendaji wenyewe. You are very wrong brother. Here we go!

Jana umejitokeza hadharani ukasema maneno yafuatayo:

"Kazi ya Mwana-CCM halisi ni kusema kosa na kutoa namna ya kutatua kosa hilo. Anayesema kosa halafu anatumia misamiati isiyotambulika ni Mwana-CCM nyemelezi. Mwana-CCM halisi anaruhusiwa kukosoa Serikali na chama kwa adabu. Haijalishi una mkia au hauna mkia".

Ndg Bashiru Ally (mpya) bila kupepesa macho na kuacha unafiki ujumbe wako ulimlenga Mwanadiplomasia Bernard Membe. Ukibisha shindana na nafsi yako katika mwezi mtukufu!

Membe kama mwanasiasa asiye mtendaji wa chama kama wewe anao uhuru wa kufanya siasa kwa namna anavyoona inafaa na kila jukwaa analopata. Na kama ambavyo tunaweza kuzuia ndege asitue juu ya kichwa chako lakini hatuwezi kumchagulia pakujenga kiota chake ndivyo ilivyo ngumu kumchagulia maneno ya kutumia mwanasiasa asiye mtendaji maana kwa maneno yake mwanasiasa hufa au huishi kisiasa.

Akimjibu rafiki yake jasusi na mafia wa kiuchumi Rostam Abdulaziz, Membe alimwambia, "Rostam wewe ni mchumi, tuzungumzie masuala ya uchumi, tuzungumze kwa nini biashara ndogo na kubwa zinafungwa, kwa nini uchumi wetu umefikia hapa, usijifanye wewe ni christian than Romans, Rostam wewe na mimi sote tumekatwa mikia hata ukijifanya kuwa karibu namna gani mkia ukikatwa hauoti. Usijifanye wewe ni mzawa mimi na wewe sote ni watoto wa kambo".

Ndg Bashiru, kupitia kwa maneno hayo ya Membe ndio ulipoona kuna wana CCM halisi na nyemelezi. Kwamba "Nyemelezi" ni wanaokosoa Serikali bila adabu. Membe anahoji kwa nini biashara ndogo na kubwa zinafungwa, kwa nini uchumi umefika hapa? Ingekuwa ni Bashiru wa UDSM ungejua maana ya maswali ya Membe kwa Rostam lakini kwa kuwa unaendeshwa ndani ya V8, unaye mlinzi, mpishi, nyumba, mshahara mnono na marupurupu kibao huwezi kuona maana ya "kwa nini uchumi wetu umefikia hapa?"

Ndg Bashiru, Membe ametembea katika maneno ya Mwenyekiti Magufuli aliyefananisha wanaCCM wanaohama na kurudi sawa na ng'ombe waliokatwa mikia zizini utawatambua kama Lowassa, Waitara, Makongoro, Wasira nakadhalika. Lakini na wewe badala ya kufanya kazi ya kuwaunganisha wanachama ukidai Membe kutumia misamiati isiyotambulika (sijui ni ipi inayotambulika) na wewe umeongeza jambo. Kumbe kuna CCM Halisi na CCM Nyemelezi.

Kina Membe na Rostam ni Nyemelezi. Kwako misamiati hii ndiyo inayotambulika (sijui utambuzi unafanyika na taasisi gani). Kwa maneno mepesi yasiyohitaji utambuzi Ndg Bashiru umeshindwa kuwaunganisha wana CCM na badala yake sasa tunaanza kuulizana "wewe ni halisi au nyemelezi?"

Nape Nnauye amehoji, "fedha zinakwenda wapi? Tumebana matumizi, tumeondoa wafanyakazi na wanafunzi hewa, fedha ziko wapi? Tunawekeza kwenye vitu badala ya maendeleo ya watu". Bila shaka Nape sasa ni Mwana CCM Nyemelezi maana mstari unaotenganisha maswali yake na Membe ni mwembamba sana!

Ndugu Bashiru, ni adabu gani unaotaka CCM nyemelezi watumie kuhoji Serikali? Ulitaka Membe na Nape wakuandikie barua kuuliza kwa nini biashara ndogo na kubwa kufungwa na ziliko fedha? Kwani hujui nchi hii ni ya raia wote? Lakini pia kwa nini unadhani ni WanaCCM halisi pekee ndio wanastahili kukosoa Serikali na si upinzani? Unakwama wapi mtani wangu mpendwa?

Hebu tazama, ulipomwita Membe hadharani ukiwa Chato na kumtaka afike haraka sana ofisini kwako kujibu kwanini "anahujumu" Serikali ya JPM wewe pale ulitumia adabu kumwita na hivyo wewe ni Halisi? Membe alikujibu kwamba inaweza ni uchanga na ugeni katika ofisi kubwa kama ya CCM, huo ugeni haujaisha? Huu woga kwa Membe unatokana na nini? Mbona parandesi moja tu ya maneno kiti kimekuwa cha Moto?

Dk. Bashiru Ally, naomba nikutambulishe kwa Membe: unapambana na kachero mbobezi wa kimataifa, unapambana "battle plan master" vita vya Kagera, unapambana na Mwalimu wa makachero wa Scotland Yard, unapambana na mtu wa karibu wa Papa, unapambana na mshauri wa marais 5 Afrika katika masuala ya diplomasia na usalama, unapambana na mcha Mungu halisi, unapambana na kada mwandamizi wa CCM anayekijua chama na tendegu zake! Hizo ni baadhi tu ya wasifu wa binadamu!

Labda, nikukumbushe tu kidogo mtani wangu. Unakumbuka ulipoagizwa kumwita Membe ukauliza ushahidi upo? Je, baadaye mliupata huo ushahidi? Au bado mnausubiri uje kutoka Afrika Kusini?

USHAURI: Kwa kuwa umetutaka wanaCCM halisi kutoa maoni namna ya kutatua tatizo, na mimi sitaki kuwa "nyemelezi" natoa maoni. Unganisha chama na wanachama. Usiwagawe. Hayo ya halisi na nyemelezi tuachie sie huku kijiweni wewe hustahili. Pili, rejea Ubashiru wa Kigoda cha Mwalimu. Acha demokrasia ichanue ndani ya chama.

Wana CCM sisi ni watu wa kujimwahimwahi na kuwa huru. Wewe simamia haki, utu, usawa, achana na mambo ya "utamaduni wetu" wewe na nani? Nakutakia Mfungo Mwema!

Ndimi Mjoli wako,
Bollen Ngetti
23/5/2019

Duh! hivi kuna watu wanaona kuna hoja ya kumshinda Bashiru hapo?
Inaonekana wengi hawamfahamu Dr Ally Bahiru.
Itisheni mdaharo, mpate shule.

 

[mwekundu]

Oyooo 2020 ,let's go