Wanaomkosoa Nyerere wana hoja?

[Mtazamaji]

Baadhi ya Wanaomkosa nyerere wana hoja lakini unajua unaweza ku analyse mechi ikiwa imeisha au mapunziko ukaonekana unajua sana mpira........

Before you crticise someone walk a mile on his/her shoes. Unajua ni Rahisi zaidi kucritise Mkapa ay Kikwete bcs tunaweza hata kusense na mazingira ya uongozi wao.

Na na tutakuwa hutuitendei haki historia ukimchambua neyerere huku akili yako yako yote ikiwa iko mwaka 2000.

Anayetaka kucritise Nyerere kwa haki na mapungufu yake anatakiwa kuzingatia factors zote, na changamoto za miaka hiyo.

Watu wengi hawamkosoi Nyerere kwa sera za ujamaa na Azimi la Arusha. Wengi wanakosa output yake. lakini Ideoogy na mawazo ya azimio la Ausha ni wengi waliikubali.

Strategically maaamuzi mengi aliyofanya nyerere yalikuwa ni kwa manufaa ya watanzania . Iwe ni Azimio la Arusha lilio fail, Iwe ni Kuzuia viongozi wa ummakujilmbiiza mali na kutokuwa mabepari.

 

[Barubaru]

Nafikiri hii hoja ina walakini.

Kwani Nyerere alikuwa Mungu kiasi asiwe na mapungufu?

 

[Taso]

... nilifanikiwa kusoma vitabu vyake na hata kumwona. Kupitia maandiko yake sijaona jambo baya

Ulitaka kumjua Nyerere, ukaenda kusoma vitabu vya Nyerere, na "kupitia maandiko yake sijaona jambo baya"!

Kwa hiyo ulitegemea Nyerere aandike vitabu vya mabaya yake! Ulienda shule wewe?

Kuna Watanzania zaidi ya milioni 40, tuseme milioni 20 wakati wa Nyerere. Nyerere alitawala miaka 24, ni yeye tu alijiona ana kichwa kizuri peke yake kati ya milioni 20? Alikuwa na uhodhi, uchu, na uroho wa madaraka.

 

[FJM]

Nyerere kama mwanadamu hakosi sura mbili . Sura hizi ni ya yale mema aliyofanya na yale mabaya aliyofanya. Mema yana sura moja ya wema, mabaya yan sura mbili za ubaya, kwanza ni je, ubaya ulikuwa wa dhamira na pili, ni kwa makosa ya kibinadamu!
.

@Nguruvi3 kwenye red - spot on! & thank you!

Yapata miaka kumi na moja sasa tangu kifo cha Mwl Nyerere na zaidi ya miaka 20 tangu aondoke madarakani. Kipindi chote hiki hakuna wakati 'ubaya' wa Nyerere umeongelewa kama sasa! Na mazungumzo au studies za ubaya wa Mwl (wengine Mzee) Nyerere umekuja mara baada ya wananchi kuanza kuuliza tunaelekea wapi kama nchi? (national leadership). How coincidental? Badala ya kutoa majibu ya maswali tunayouliza sisi wananchi, tunaandikiwa essays na kupewa lectures za ubaya, u-dikteta, udini, ukabila wa 'Mzee' Nyerere.

Naomba nirudie mambo niliyondika huko nyuma:
1. Mwl Nyerere anaweza akawa hajaacha burungutu la cash-Hazina, lakini hakuacha mashimo!
2. Mwl Nyerere anaweza akawa hakujenga shule kila kata lakini alicha nchi ikiwa na literacy rate approx. 90%
3. Mwl. Nyerere anaweza akawa hakujenga mfumo 'mzuri' wa kusamehe kodi ili kuwepo na EPZ madhubuti na kuvutia uwekezaji lakini aliacha Mwatex, Kiltex, Tanganyika Packers, Tanneries, General Tyres, Machine tools, Tanzania Fertilizers company (TFC), Coffee Curing, Tanzania Railway Company, Air Tanzania (with physical aircrafts), Ranchi za Taifa, Kiwanda cha kutengeza magunia, just to mention a few!
4. Mwl Nyerere anaweza asiwe na nguvu za ziada (super-man) lakini alijenga bwawa la Mtera na kipindi chake mvua za kutosha zilinyesha na kujaza hilo bwawa! maajabu!
5. Mwl Nyerere anaweza akawa anavaa miwani ya giza saa zote na hivyo kutowaona wezi wote, lakini hakuna mtu aliweza kuchota fedha toka central Bank kwa maana ya BOT! EPA, Kagoda hawakufurukuta!
6. Mwl Nyerere anaweza asiwe amepiga picha na ma-celebrities i.e Boys II men, lakini alikuwa anacheza bao na watanzania huku mtaani.Pia alikuwa na mawasiliano ya karibu sana na Walter Sisulu, Samora Machel, Keneth Kaunda & Sam Nujoma.
7.Mwl Nyerere hakutatua matatizo yetu yote lakini alitoa elimu bure (huku akiacha rasimali zote nzima kama alivyozikuwa) ili tuwe na uwezo wa kutatua wenyewe. Kwa maneno mengine he empowered Tanzania to solve thier solve thier problem.
8. Mwl. Nyerere anaweza akanunua rada ya kizamani sana- pengine ya kuona ndege ikiwa umbali wa mita 3 tu! lakini ndege za kivita toka nchi nyingine hazikutuwa kwenye viwanja vyetu na kuchukua wanyama bila rada kuwaona!
9.Mwl Nyerere anaweza akawa hakutembelea wakubwa mara kwa mara na pengine ndio sababu tulikuwa tunapanga foleni ya mawe kusubiri mgao wa chakula maana wakubwa hawakuleta misaada! lakini Mwl aliwaamini matatizo ya watanzania yatataliwa na watanzania wenyewe kupita ardhi, siasa safi, na uongozi bora.
10.Mwisho. Mwl. Nyerere anaweza kuwa Dikteta in the strongest terms possible lakini hakuondelewa madarakani na NATO au kwa 'mazungumzo' ya amani!

Mwl Julias Kambarage Nyerere - RIP.

 

[Shamu]

Nafuatilia mijadala mingi kuhusu Nyerere. Kuna kitu watu wanakiificha au hawataki kukikubali. Nyerere kama mwanadamu hakosi sura mbili . Sura hizi ni ya yale mema aliyofanya na yale mabaya aliyofanya. Mema yana sura moja ya wema, mabaya yan sura mbili za ubaya, kwanza ni je, ubaya ulikuwa wa dhamira na pili, ni kwa makosa ya kibinadamu!

Wengi ambao kwa kusema ukweli hawasomi au hawakuwahi kuishi nyakati za Nyerere wanadiriki kuongelea ya Nyerere bila kuwa na reference kwasababu tu wanahubiriwa au kufundishwa. Mapungufu haya ambayo ni sehemu kubwa ya udhahifu wetu watanzania ndiyo chanzo cha watu kuanzisha topic ile ile kila kukicha. Inashangaza wasio Watanzania wanaweza kuandika na wanaufahamu mkubwa sana kuliko sisi kuhusu Nyerere ambaye tuna access na nyaraka zote ikiwa ni pamoja na majarida, vitabu na hata watu waliofanya kazi naye kwa ukaribu sana.

Matokeo ya kusikia au kusimuliwa yanadhihirika kwa watu kushindwa kutetea hoja zao kwa ushahidi. Wengi wanapenda kujadili kwa hisia tu ili waweke nadharia zao lakini inapowekwa nyaraka ya kuthibitisha hawana uwezo wa kuitetea.
Tumeona hapa JF kila ikiwekwa nyaraka inayomhusu Nyerere watu wanakimbia na kesho yake unakuta Thread mpya iliyoanzishwa kwa nadharia. Fikiria mtu anaposema Nyerere aling'oa reli ya Dar -Mtwara hapa ni nini kama si masimulizi bila ya utafiti au uthibitisho wa aina yoyote.

Nyerere kama Icon na Beacon anachambuliwa kuliko viongozi wengine na hiyo ndiyo privilege ya great personality. Nina mambo ninayoyaeleza kila siku kuhusu mapungufu ya mwalimu, lakini hayo siwezi kuyatumia kuficha mema aliyoyafanya. Hakuna ushindani bali ni ushindanishi wa hoja.

Lile kundi linalomtetea Mwalimu, sio lazima kuwa linampenda bali linatetea rekodi yake inayoharibiwa makusudi ili kuunda rekodi iliyokusudiwa na si iliyopo. Kundi linalomchukia Nyerere linaongozwa na chuki na linatumia mbinu za kutafuta makosa ya kweli na ya uongo ili kujenga hoja zinazoshabihiana na lengo hilo. Tofauti ya makundi haya mawili ni kuwa kundi la kwanza lipo tayari kusimama na ushahidi kutetea hoja. Kundi la pili kwa bahati mbaya halipendi mjadala wenye data, takwimu au ushahidi, bali kujenga nadharia ambayo mara nyingi haiwezi kuitetea.

Mfano, mtu atasema Nyerere alikuwa dikteta, well and good! prove it, no answer. Yaani tuamini tu kwasababu imesemwa.
Nyerere alikuwa mdini, hapa amekuja Mohamed Said mwenye takwimu, hakuweza kuthibitisha zaidi ya kudai wazee wake wengine walifariki siku moja kabla hajawahoji. Mohamed said ameshindwa, kama wasivyoweza kutetea wanao amini nadharia ya udini wa Nyerere.

Nyerere alikuwa mkabali, inawezekana!!!, prove it, hakuna jibu, ila tuamini tu kwasababu fulani kasema.
Nyerere ndio chanzo cha mgao wa umeme, ok! prove it, ah ooh unajua ujamaa, kambona etc, ili mradi tu hakuna hoja bali kumsingizia.
Hakujenga viwanda, then prove vilivyojengwa baada yake, aahh aoooh unajua may be, hakuna jibu.

Kumewekwa nyaraka ya mpango wa maendeleo 1963.... wote wanaomchukia mwalimu wameingia mitini. Hakuna hata mmoja aliyethubutu kuonyesha, ukanda, ukabila au udini wa mwalimu.

Makosa ya mwalimu yasemwe, mazuri yasemwe na ikibidi yawekwe kwenye mizani, lakini tungo, mashairi yenye vibwagizo hayatusaidiii hata kidogo.
Tuangalie hoja bila kuongozwa na chuki zetu za kibinadamu au kufundishwa. Tuangalie kazi yake na tuichambue bila kuangali umbo lake.
Tujadili hoja kwa ushahidi si kusadikika, nadharia, majungu, ngano, mashairi au simulizi.

Miaka zaidi 25 aliotawala, bila ya demokrasia, ubabe, bado unataka prove kama alikuwa Dictator? Let's be honest.

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Wanaomkosoa Nyerere wanazo hoja, nyingi na za kuvutia; wanapata shida linapokuja suala la kuzipa ushahidi na nguvu hoja zao kwani tatizo siyo hoja, ni ushahidi wa kimantiki, kivitu, na kihistoria wa hoja hizo. Ndio maana kule Bungeni mtu akisema hoja fulani ambayo anashindwa kuiback up anaambiwa "alete ushahidi"..

a. Hadi leo hii hakuna mtu ambaye ameweza kutoa waraka, barua au maelekezo yoyote ya Nyerere ya kuwakandamiza Waislamu au kupendelea watu wa makabila fulani ili kukandamiza makabila mengine. NONE.

b. Hadi hivi sasa hakuna mtu ambaye ameweza kuthibitisha kuwa Nyerere aliwahi kuchukua uamuzi wowote bila kushirikisha viongozi wenzake, mijadala na bila kuzingatia sheria iliyokuwepo. Kwa mfano mara mbili kumekuwa na mashtaka dhidi ya uhaini. Na mara zote kesi zilikuwa wazi, ushahidi ukaletwa wazi na walioachililwa waliachiliwa na waliokutwa na hatia walikutwa na hatia.

c. Hadi hivi sasa hakuna mtu ambaye ameweza kuthibitisha kuwa Nyerere "aliua watu" ili kujilazimisha madarakani.

d. Hakuna mtu ambaye ameweza kututhibitishia kuwa Nyerere alikuwa hakubali kukosolewa au kuandikwa vibaya. Ushahidi wote uliopo ni kuwa Nyerere hakutaka Tanzania changa iparaganyike na hivyo hakumvumilia mtu yeyote. Leo hii wale wanaokubali "kukosolewa" ndio wanalivunja taifa letu mchana kweupe wakiwa waoga kulitetea!

n.k so wakosoaji wana hoja, tatizo ni katika kuzithibitisha hoja hizo.

 

[Shamu]

Wanaomkosoa Nyerere wanazo hoja, nyingi na za kuvutia; wanapata shida linapokuja suala la kuzipa ushahidi na nguvu hoja zao kwani tatizo siyo hoja, ni ushahidi wa kimantiki, kivitu, na kihistoria wa hoja hizo. Ndio maana kule Bungeni mtu akisema hoja fulani ambayo anashindwa kuiback up anaambiwa "alete ushahidi"..

a. Hadi leo hii hakuna mtu ambaye ameweza kutoa waraka, barua au maelekezo yoyote ya Nyerere ya kuwakandamiza Waislamu au kupendelea watu wa makabila fulani ili kukandamiza makabila mengine. NONE.

b. Hadi hivi sasa hakuna mtu ambaye ameweza kuthibitisha kuwa Nyerere aliwahi kuchukua uamuzi wowote bila kushirikisha viongozi wenzake, mijadala na bila kuzingatia sheria iliyokuwepo. Kwa mfano mara mbili kumekuwa na mashtaka dhidi ya uhaini. Na mara zote kesi zilikuwa wazi, ushahidi ukaletwa wazi na walioachililwa waliachiliwa na waliokutwa na hatia walikutwa na hatia.

c. Hadi hivi sasa hakuna mtu ambaye ameweza kuthibitisha kuwa Nyerere "aliua watu" ili kujilazimisha madarakani.

d. Hakuna mtu ambaye ameweza kututhibitishia kuwa Nyerere alikuwa hakubali kukosolewa au kuandikwa vibaya. Ushahidi wote uliopo ni kuwa Nyerere hakutaka Tanzania changa iparaganyike na hivyo hakumvumilia mtu yeyote. Leo hii wale wanaokubali "kukosolewa" ndio wanalivunja taifa letu mchana kweupe wakiwa waoga kulitetea!

n.k so wakosoaji wana hoja, tatizo ni katika kuzithibitisha hoja hizo.

Ushahidi wa mauaji? Azimio la Arusha. WTZ walikuwa wanalazimishwa kwenda vijijini bila ya kuwepo kwa misingi bora kama jinsi ya kupata maji.

Kulikuwa na maandamano wakati wa utawala wa Nyerere, na ushahidi upo ktk moja ya video niliyoipost.
Ktk hiyo video niliyoipost inaonesha ushahidi tosha kabisa na maneno yake mwenyewe Nyerere, "I have sufficient power, under the Constitution to be a Dictator..." Ushahidi gani unataka ya zaidi ya maneno yake mwenyewe Nyerere. Nyeree alitumia lugha hiyo kuwatisha wale wanaondamana.

 

[Shamu]

The Villagization Scheme​

The other significant theme of Ujamaa - rural development - flowed outof the theme of self-reliance. To ensure the place of agriculture as a viable​

Deconstructing Ujamaa​

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67substitute for international finance capital, the Declaration emphasizedrural development. It emphasized the need to adapt education, investmentprogrammes and political thought more to the needs of the rural areas.While the policy of nationalization was adopted for the industrial andfinance sectors, the Ujamaa villagization scheme (Ujamaa vijijini) wasadopted for the rural sector. Indeed villagization was a central goal ofUjamaa. According to the policy statement of Ujamaa Vijijini - "Socialismand Rural Development" - the aim of the scheme was to initiate the transformationof rural society to create "rural economic and social communitieswhere people would live together for the good of all" (Nyerere, 1968: 337).It advocated the development of Ujamaa villages in which people wouldhave their homes around a common service center - instead of living onscattered homestead plots - and land farmed by cooperative groups ratherthan by individual farmers. Nyerere legitimized the villagization scheme interms of traditional African practices of communal living and social equity.Despite initial enthusiasm and early successes, the Ujamaa villagizationscheme soon ran into difficulties, as people became increasingly reluctant tojoin Ujamaa villages. This, coupled with the rising cost of providing materialincentives for the villages, engendered a move towards forceful methodsof persuading people into collective villages - a method that the regime hadearlier condemned and resolved not to employ. 1970 for instance, saw thestart of "Operation Rufiji" whose idea was to move "by coercion if necessary",the whole population of the lower Rufiji floodplain into Ujamaa villageson higher ground not so near the river. There was also "OperationDodoma" conceived to solve the problem of the Dodoma region by movingall the people in the region into planned villages (Coulson, 1975: 55). In1972, more "operations" were launched in Chuya and Kigoma. In the event,many of these operations turned out to be failures since local peasants, suspiciousof official motives and fearing the nationalization of their land,refused to cooperate. By late 1973, after many of these operations - the militaryanalogy being quite apt - Nyerere revised the initial policy of immediatevillagization to bring it in line with the prevailing realities and made itcompulsory for all rural villagers to live in cooperative villages within threeyears. Even at this stage, it had become apparent that the policy of villagizationhad failed hence by 1975 it was informally abandoned.The quest for an explanation for the failure of the villagization schemehas been the subject of numerous and varied studies. One of the earliest ofsuch studies was a first hand account of the organization and operation ofUjamaa villages undertaken by a multi disciplinary group of scholars at theUniversity of Dar es Salaam (Proctor, 1975). Another is Goran Hyden'spolemical work on underdevelopment and the "uncaptured peasantry" inTanzania (Hyden, 1980). These and similar studies suggest that the failure​

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of the Ujamaa scheme was predicated on a number of salient​

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a priori andempirical factors. Three of these factors are pertinent to this discourse. Firstis the argument that the initiative to start Ujamaa villages did not comefrom rural peasants. The scheme failed to gain the necessary ideologicalacceptance among the vast majority of the peasantry. Right from the beginning,the dominant attitudes of the people ranged from skepticism and mistrustto outright resentment and opposition (Lofchie, 1978: 452). Secondly,the use of coercion to ensure mass villagization - from threats of forcedtransportation to short prison sentences under the pretext of tax arrears -militated against the effective operation of Ujamaa villages. Finally, theefforts at building Ujamaa villages were greatly constrained by bureaucratswho held out government aid as incentives to peasants to move into villages.Peasants began to perceive such "free goods" as substitutes for availablelabor resources rather than being complimentary factors for increasedproduction. Promises of official assistance resulted in an over-dependenceof the villages on government initiatives and incentives that left villagesextremely vulnerable when government assistance eventually stopped.However, perhaps the single most adverse limitation of the Ujamaa villagizationprogram was the practice which Shivji (1974) and Raikes (1975)have described as "Kulak Ujamaa". This was a practice in which a numberof rich peasants, having attained positions in Ujamaa village committees orforged links with local bureaucrats, began to use the villages to further theirown interests.​

 

[Shamu]

1. In certain respects, the Ujamaa policy fell into the same trap of previous development
paradigm, which objectified Third World peoples and practices as backward
and pre-modern. Development was therefore seen mainly in terms of
applying more "modern" Western economic and social models to local situations.
In most cases, scant attention was paid to the historical, cultural and
social peculiarities of local contexts. For an excellent treatment of this theme
see the critique of mainstream development theories by alternative development
theorists like Jonathan Crush (1995), and Arturo Escobar, (1995).

2. Johnson describes the continued popularity of Nyerere among Tanzanians and
Africans generally in spite of his "economic failures" as a "myopic vision" sustained
by the continent's desperate need for heroes. According to him, there are
two primary reasons for this. "First, Africa badly needs its own heroes. Too
many leaders have turned out to be grave disappointments, and some have been
monsters. It needs not just heroes but saints and martyrs if it is to restore its
belief in itself. And there are not too many candidates for sainthood apart from
Nyerere. Second, African independence and resistance to white minority rule
has involved an enormous act of assertion by peoples and individuals, many of
whom have been deeply damaged by what they have endured. The miseries and
mistakes of the independence era lie heavily upon the continent and on the
black diaspora - and they threaten to squash that collective self-assertion.
Celebrating Nyerere is a short-term way of keeping that self-assertion alive,
though its long-term dangers are obvious. For what Africa needs above all is
honesty about itself, its mistakes, its history-and even about its great men"
(Johnson, 2000: 66-75).

3. For an incisive study on the main currents of post-Marxist discourse on developmentalism,
see Stuart Corbridge (1990).

4. The African Charter for Popular Participation in Development and transformation
was adopted in Arusha, Tanzania, in 1990, at the end of the International
Conference on Popular Participation in the Recovery and Development Process
in Africa. The conference was a collaborative effort between African people's
organizations, African governments and United Nations agencies in the search
for a collective understanding of the role of popular participation in the development
and transformation of the region.

5. Cranford Pratt's (1976) study of socialism in Tanzania has been particularly
accused of presenting Nyerere as a far-sighted superman who can do little that
is wrong. Colin Legum and Geoffrey Mmari's more recent work have also been
criticized for presenting only "the stereotypical simplicity of Nyerere as
Mwalimu (teacher), but not his complexity as a political leader whose failed
economic schemes and misguided crushing of Tanzania's entrepreneurs have
probably left his country poorer today than it would have been under less
utopian-minded leadership" (Gerhart, 1997).

 

[Nguruvi3]

FJM;2175832]@Nguruvi3 kwenye red - spot on! & thank you!
Na mazungumzo au studies za ubaya wa Mwl (wengine Mzee) Nyerere umekuja mara baada ya wananchi kuanza kuuliza tunaelekea wapi kama nchi? (national leadership). How coincidental? Badala ya kutoa majibu ya maswali tunayouliza sisi wananchi, tunaandikiwa essays na kupewa lectures za ubaya, u-dikteta, udini, ukabila wa 'Mzee' Nyerere.
2. Mwl Nyerere anaweza akawa hakujenga shule kila kata lakini alicha nchi ikiwa na literacy rate approx. 90%
3. Mwl. Nyerere anaweza akawa hakujenga mfumo 'mzuri' wa kusamehe kodi ili kuwepo na EPZ madhubuti na kuvutia uwekezaji lakini aliacha Mwatex, Kiltex, Tanganyika Packers, Tanneries, General Tyres, Machine tools, Tanzania Fertilizers company (TFC), Coffee Curing, Tanzania Railway Company, Air Tanzania (with physical aircrafts), Ranchi za Taifa, Kiwanda cha kutengeza magunia, just to mention a few!
4. Mwl Nyerere anaweza asiwe na nguvu za ziada (super-man) lakini alijenga bwawa la Mtera na kipindi chake mvua za kutosha zilinyesha na kujaza hilo bwawa! maajabu!
5. Mwl Nyerere anaweza akawa anavaa miwani ya giza saa zote na hivyo kutowaona wezi wote, lakini hakuna mtu aliweza kuchota fedha toka central Bank kwa maana ya BOT! EPA, Kagoda hawakufurukuta!
7.Mwl Nyerere hakutatua matatizo yetu yote lakini alitoa elimu bure (huku akiacha rasimali zote nzima kama alivyozikuwa) ili tuwe na uwezo wa kutatua wenyewe. Kwa maneno mengine he empowered Tanzania to solve thier solve thier problem.
8. Mwl. Nyerere anaweza akanunua rada ya kizamani sana- pengine ya kuona ndege ikiwa umbali wa mita 3 tu! lakini ndege za kivita toka nchi nyingine hazikutuwa kwenye viwanja vyetu na kuchukua wanyama bila rada kuwaona!10.Mwisho. Mwl. Nyerere anaweza kuwa Dikteta in the strongest terms possible lakini hakuondelewa madarakani na NATO au kwa 'mazungumzo' ya amani!
Mwl Julias Kambarage Nyerere - RIP.

FJM, ndiyo maana niliandika hapo awali kuwa pro-Nyerere wanakitu cha kuonyesha na wanataka waonyeshwe. Ant-Nyerere hawana kitu cha kuonyesha ila wanataka dhana na fikra zao zichukue nafasi ya ukweli.
Pro-Nyerere wanasema hivi uadilifu utaupima kwa kutumia nini? utaifa na umoja unaupima kwa kutumia nini? Maarifa na elimu unavipima kwa kutumia nini? Faida za uwekezaji kama wa mtera,Nyumba ya mungu, Kidatu unaupima kwa kutumia nini?

Mtu anaposhindwa kuwa na dola moja ya siku atawezaje kununua Colgate ya dola 4 na je kuwepo kwa colgate kumemsaidia huyu masikini?
Tuamini wakati wa mwlimu watu walitumia miswaki ya miti, fair enough! je wangapi sasa wanamudu Colgate kama wanatembea kutoka Manzese hadi fire kwa kukosa sh 400.

Shamu;2177074]Miaka zaidi 25 aliotawala, bila ya demokrasia, ubabe, bado unataka prove kama alikuwa Dictator? Let's be honest.

Mfano mzuri wa wanaomchukia mwalimu(haki yao) shamu.Hebu tunaomba ufafanue yafuatayo kwa uthibiti na mifano si nadharia au hadithi.
1. Je Mwalimu alitawala miaka 25 kama unavyodai?
2. Alitawala vipi bila ya demokrasi, una maana gani kuhuusu demokrasi, ipi iliyopo tofauti na ya Mwl
3. Thibitisha kuwa alikuwa dikteta kwa matendo na si kusikia.

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Ushahidi wa mauaji? Azimio la Arusha. WTZ walikuwa wanalazimishwa kwenda vijijini bila ya kuwepo kwa misingi bora kama jinsi ya kupata maji.

Kulikuwa na maandamano wakati wa utawala wa Nyerere, na ushahidi upo ktk moja ya video niliyoipost.
Ktk hiyo video niliyoipost inaonesha ushahidi tosha kabisa na maneno yake mwenyewe Nyerere, "I have sufficient power, under the Constitution to be a Dictator..." Ushahidi gani unataka ya zaidi ya maneno yake mwenyewe Nyerere. Nyeree alitumia lugha hiyo kuwatisha wale wanaondamana.

Hii Kauli ya " I have sufficient power, under the Constitution to be a Dictator" ina maana gani kwako?

 

[Shamu]

Hii Kauli ya " I have sufficient power, under the Constitution to be a Dictator" ina maana gani kwako?

Hii ni threat. Ni sawa na mtu akimwambia mtu anaembisha kwamba "nina bastola yenye kuua" Nyerere katumia hiyo lugha kuwatisha wale wanaondamana dhidi yake.

 

[Jasusi]

Hii ni threat. Ni sawa na mtu akimwambia mtu anaembisha kwamba "nina bastola yenye kuua" Nyerere katumia hiyo lugha kuwatisha wale wanaondamana dhidi yake.

Naona hukuwepo enzi za Arusha Declaration. Maandamano yote yaliyofanyika yalikuwa yanaunga mkono Azimio. Lete kingine

 

[Shamu]

1.Ok 20 na,
2. Hiyo article niliyoipost inaeleza vizuri. Halafu ushahidi tosha ktk Azimio la Arusha. WTZ walilazimishwa kwenda vijijini bila ya matakwa yao. Wafanyabiashara, WTZ walipokonywa haki zao bila ya matakwa yao kwa ajili ya kufuata Ujamaa ideology . Ushahidi upi unoataka wewe?
3. Nyerere kwa makusudi aliweza kuwanyima haki za msingi WTZ kama freedom, freedom of press, nk. Ushahidi upi unaotaka wewe?

 

[Shamu]

Naona hukuwepo enzi za Arusha Declaration. Maandamano yote yaliyofanyika yalikuwa yanaunga mkono Azimio. Lete kingine

Kuna wale waliopinga hoja zake, na walitishiwa na Nyerere mwenyewe.
Hii video clip ni ushahidi tosha.
Films On Demand - View Playlist#

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Hii ni threat. Ni sawa na mtu akimwambia mtu anaembisha kwamba "nina bastola yenye kuua" Nyerere katumia hiyo lugha kuwatisha wale wanaondamana dhidi yake.

Kwanini unachukulia kuwa ni thread instead of a statement of fact?

Mtu akisema

"Nina bunduki mkononi ambayo naweza kuitumia vizuri tu"

"Nina Bunduki mkononi ambayo naweza kuitumia dhidi yako"

ipi kati ya hizo ni tishio dhahiri?

 

[Gamba la Nyoka]

Kwanini unachukulia kuwa ni thread instead of a statement of fact?

Mtu akisema

"Nina bunduki mkononi ambayo naweza kuitumia vizuri tu"

"Nina Bunduki mkononi ambayo naweza kuitumia dhidi yako"

ipi kati ya hizo ni tishio dhahiri?

Statement of fact can also be a threat!

 

[Shamu]

Kwanini unachukulia kuwa ni thread instead of a statement of fact?

Mtu akisema

"Nina bunduki mkononi ambayo naweza kuitumia vizuri tu"

"Nina Bunduki mkononi ambayo naweza kuitumia dhidi yako"

ipi kati ya hizo ni tishio dhahiri?

Zote ni tishio. Vizuri tu anaonesha ni jinsi gani anayoijua kuitumia hiyo bunduki. Kwa hiyo usimfanyie utani, atakuua saa yoyote kwa sababu anajua anachofanya.

Dhidi yako-Anakuambia kabisa hii bunduki ipo tayari kutumika kwa ajili yako.

Kwa hiyo zote ni tishio.

 

[Sn2139]

Shamu na Gamba la Nyoka naona mpo kundi mojawapo katika makundi aliyoyasema Eng Burton ... hata hivyo kauli ya

"I have sufficient power, under the Constitution to be a Dictator..."

ninavykumbuka mimi, nilimsikia akionesha dosari ya katiba yetu tuliyo nayo na si kutishia wananchi wake.

Mimi shida kubwa naoiona katika muktadha wa kipimo cha ulinganifu wa sifa za Nyerere na hali duni ya Tanzania ilivyo leo. Nyerere alisifika sana kwa harakati zake za kulikomboa bara la Afrika, kupigana vita na kumng'oa madarakani dictator Idd, umoja alioujenga kwa watu wake, muungano wa Zanzibar na Tanganyika na siasa yake ya pekee duniani. Je kwanini nini leo nchi iliyojaaliwa kuwa na kiongozi mahiri na wa pekee namna hiyo leo iko chini kisiasa na kiuchumi kiasi cha kufananishwa na kichwa cha mwendawazimu? Nchi inayouza ardhi yake kwa nchi za nje! Nchi inayoruhusu ndege za kijeshi kutua nchini na kuiba wanyama hai? Nchi inayofuga ufisadi na mafisadi wakubwa bila kuchukua hatua zozte! Nchi ambayo wageni ndio matajiri na wanapenyeza katika uongozi wa nchi yetu! Je kwanini ? Haya hayakuwepo wakati wa mwalimu...


Ninavyoona ni kuwa hali hiyo ndio inayozaa maswali magumu yaliyopo sasa ndani na nje ya nchi. Lakini kama wazungumzaji wengie walivyosema, (1) huenda udhaifu wa watawala wa sasa unatafuta kisingizio cha kuficha udhaifu "failure" kubwa katika nchi. Kumbuka habari ya Adam kumsingizia Hawa, na Hawa kumsingizia nyoka ili kuficha uhusika wao kwa kosa walilotenda. (2) Kuna baadhi ya watu (wenye lengo lao) ambao uongozi wa Nyerere uliwadhibiti wao au jamaa zao (kuwagandamiza watu wa Tanganyika, wajinga na masikini), sasa wanapata fursa ya kumlaumu Nyerere kwasababu ambazo hawajaziweka wazi. Hawa watu hawawezi kuona uzuri wa nia njema ya Mwalimu na maamuzi magumu kama kutaifisha mabenki, mashule, mashamba, nk. Wao walitamani ubepari uendelee kuwapa fursa ya kushika njia kuu za uchumi ili washike uchumi wa nchi yetu kibinafsi. Na kinachoendelea sasa hivi ktk sera ya ubinafsishaji na ufisadi ni kufufuka kwa mipango ileile ya zamani.

Mwisho nasema hivi: Kama tuna dhamira safi, naomba tukosoe sera za Nyerere kwa kupendekeza sera mbadala zilizo nzuri zaidi kama zipo. Bila kufanya hivyo tutaishia kuonekana ama tuna chuki dhidi ya Nyerere au tuna sababu nyingine. Na tusisahau kuwa, Nyerere hakuiba hata cent moja ya nchi yetu, kwanini yeye ndiye awe chanzo cha kushindwa kwa nchi badala ya hao wezi waliomfuatia? Serikali ya Nyerere haikuwa na pesa nyingi sana, lakini haikuwahi kufikia uamuzi wa kuuza kipande cha ardhi yake kwa wageni, au kuingia mikataba ya kifisadi iliyopo hivi leo kwenye mali asili ya taifa. Serikali ya Nyerere haikuwahi kuruhusu wageni kujichotea maliasili yetu huku wakionesha dharau kwa wananchi wazawa kwa kuwadhalilisha na hata kuuua, rejea tukio la Merelrani, Nyamongo na sehemu zingine. Kwakweli tusifanye kazi ya kumtetea Baraba na kumhukumu Masihi mwema.

 

[KAMBOTA]

Hivi Bwana Kambota unaweza japo kidogo kuzingatia busara ya usemi kuwa akili nyepesi hujadili mtoa hoja ilhali akili zilizotanuka hujadili mada husika?Ni vigezo gani ulivyotumia kutambua kuwa baadhi ya wanaomkosoa Nyerere wanatafuta umaarufu?Nilikuhoji katika jibu langu la awali, "hivi mtu anapataje umaarufu kwa kumkosoa Nyerere",so far hujajibu bali unaendelea kuhukumu.Kama kumsoa ni kusaka umaarufu,je wanaomsifia wanasaka nini?

Na unaponyooshea watu kidole,kumbuka kidole kingine kinalenga kwako pia.Hivi tukikubaliana nawe kuwa baadhi ya critics wa Nyerere wanafanya hivyo kusaka umaarufu,hudhani kuwa na wewe unayewakosoa hao critics wa Nyerere unaweza kutuhumiwa kuwa unasaka umaarufu kwa kudandia hoja za wengine?

Halafu maswali mengine unayouliza yanaweza kutia mawaa harakati zako za kuwa mchambuzi mahiri.Unauliza kwanini Nyerere anakosolewa sasa?Jibu jepesi ni kuwa mfumo wa siasa hadi Nyerere anaondoka madarakani haukuruhusu maoni/mawazo mbadala.Kumkosoa Nyerere zama hizo ilikuwa ni sawa na uhaini.

Pengine jibu jingine la "why now" ni sehemu ya kuangalia mustakabali wa taifa letu,kwa minajili ya wapi tulikwenda kombo na kwa sababu zipi basi tufikie katika mazingira haya ya viongozi miungu-watu na mafisadi sugu.Kuuliza maswali magumu kuhusu taifa letu na uongozi si dhambi just like isivyo dhambi kusoma historia ya nchi.Tunapaswa pia kutambua siasa si dini: kwenye dini cha muhimu ni imani,na kuhoji imani ni kujichumia dhambi za bure.Siasa,on the other hand,ni tofauti.Unless unaishi katika mfumo wa kidhalimu usioruhusu muhimu na kukosoa bali kupongeza pekee,wadau wa maendeleo ya nchi wana haki na uhuru-kupitia Katiba-kufanya hivyo (muhimu,kukosoa,etc).Ndio freedom of expression ambayo wenzetu mnatafsiri kuwa ni kusaka umaarufu (which is fine kwani kwa kufanya hivyo nanyi mna-exercise freedom of expression).

Nimesoma mara tano hoja zako nikijaribu kuelewa na kufikiri kwa undani juu ya ulichoandika naomba nirejee mambo kadhaa ambayo naamini yatatufanya tujadili kwa mapana zaidi.

Kwanza kabisa nitatumia mfano huu rahisi wa wanafunzi wa shule ya boarding ambao wanavaa sare tufanye shati jeupe na suruali nyeusi, kwa mazingira haya iwapo mmoja wapo anatafuta umaarufu kwa njia rahisi kabisa anachofanya ni kujitahidi kuwa unique/ wa pekee mfano yeye atavaa bukta na shati la kijani, mara moja atajikuta yeye ndiyo anatazamwa sana kutokana na utofauti wake na wenzake.

Halikadhalika tuchukulie mfano wa mapadre wa kanisa katoliki hawaoi ila akitokea mmoja akaoa anajenga umaarufu na anatamkwa sana na watu kutokana na kitendo chake hiko mfano Askofu Emanuel Milingo wa Lusaka Zambia, na labda niweke hoja yangu clear kwa kusema kuwa umaarufu wa hapa siyo tu wa kupongezwa bali wa ushujaa hata ikiwa anakosea mifano ni tabia ya baadhi ya wasanii wa kizazi kipya kutafuta skendo ilimradi wapambe kurasa za magazeti.

Sasa kuhusu NYERERE tayari ipo wazi kuwa watanzania wengi wanamheshimu, sasakumheshimu Nyerere imekuwa common haishangazi lakini anapoibuka mtu ambaye anamkosoa hali inakuwa tofauti mfano anaweza kuonekana shujaa au jasiri huu ndiyo umaarufu ninaosema wanautafuta.

Sasa kuna tatizo pia kuhusu 1995 ambapo Nyerere hakukosolewa hivi mimi siamini kuwa watu wote walimwogopa, nasema hapana hata kidogo hapa tunapaswa tujihoji mara mbili labda nitoe wazo tulifikirie kwa mantiki, mimi nadhani 2005 wakati kikwete anaingia kwa mbwembwe kuna baadhi ya waandishi na wachambuzi mahiri wenye majina makubwa walilewa mbwembwe zake nao wakamuunga mkono sasa kawaangusha sana kiasi kwamba maandiko yao yanawasuta sasa wanaamua kutumia udhaifu wa NYERERE kumjenga kikwete eti wanadai Nyerere ndiyo kaweka misingi mibovu? how? hata huyo KIKWETE si kasoma bure kutokana na sera nzuri za kufuta ujinga za Nyerere sasa mbona yeye katujengea mitambo ya kuzalisha sifuri? hizi shule za kata na bado kuna watu wanamuunga mkono? kuna nini hapa?