Doctor Mama Amon
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TEC: Kona na Vyumba Saba vya Boma la Haki na Amani: Haki za kiuchumi, Kisiasa, kijamii, kisaikolojia-na-kimwili, kiakili-na-kiroho, na Kijinsia.
Utangulizi
Tarehe 23-24 Agosti 2025 Baraza la Maaskofu Katoliki Tanzania (TEC) liliongoza "sala na mfungo" wa kuomba nchi ya Tanzania ipate "haki na amani" na kuepukana na uovu, udikteta, utumwa na ukoloni.
Walifanya hivyo kwa kushirikiana na mapadre, masista, waseminari, Makatekista, Wawata, Viwawa, Uwaka, Kwaya, Jumuiya Ndogo Ndogo za Kikatoliki, na watu baki wenye mapenzi mema kutoka jumuiya rafiki.
Uzi huu unafupisha ujumbe wa makuhani Katoliki kulingana na yaliyosikika kwenye sala na mahubiri husika.
Mwongozo wa kifikra kwa ajili ya kusanisi mahubiri ya TEC kuhusu haki na amani
Mfundisho ya Kanisa Katoliki Kuhusu “Haki na Amani” ni sehemu ya Mkusanyiko wa Mafundisho ya Kanisa Katoliki Kuhusu Maisha ya Jamii ya Kisasa.
Hivyo, “Sala na Mfungo” wa tarehe 23-24 Agosti 2025, vina kiini chake katika Mafundisho haya yanayoweza kufupishwa katika kanuni kumi.
Kuna (1) ufuatiliaji wa manufaa ya watu wote; (2) kusukuma gurudumu la maendeleo ya binadamu kimwili na kiroho; (3) kukuza na kuhami ikolojia shirikishi ubinadamu akiwa ni sehemu muhimu ya mtandao wa kiikolojia; na (4) kupigania mshikamano kuelekea manufaa ya wote.
Pia, kuna (5) kanuni ya usaidizi wa mpito katika mchakato wa utoaji wa huduma za kijamii ambapo ngazi za juu zinapaswa kusaidia ngazi za chini bila kuzinyima ngazi za chini fursa ya ushiriki wa moja kwa moja katika kujihudumia pale wanapoweza (subsidiarity);
Aidha, kuna (6) kanuni ya hisani yenye kuwataka watu kuwatendea majirani zao wema bila kudai malipo yoyote (charity/gratuity); (7) kanuni kwamba binadamu nitarishi wa maliasili za ulimwengu kwa ajili ya kuhakikisha kwamba zinatumika kwa manufaa ya wote; na (8) kanuni ya upendeleo maalum kwa jamii zilizoko pembezoni katika usambazaji wa huduma za kijamii;
Hatimaye, kuna (9) mfumo wa haki na wajibu binafsi unaotokana na asili ya kibinadamu, haki ya kwanza ikiwa haki ya kuishi (human rights and duties); na (10) na kanuni za “justika” (justice), zenye kusisitiza nidhamu katika kubadilishana huduma na bidhaa, kugawana rasilimali na fursa, na kuchangia maslahi ya wote.
Ni katika muktadha huu, kupitia “sala na mfungo,” TEC wamefundisha kwamba, kwa kuwa Wakristo wanamwabudu “Mungu wa Haki,” na kwa vile Nabii Yesu Kristo, aliye “Mfalme wa Amani,” ni mpatanishi kati ya wanadamu na Mungu, basi kuombea “Haki na Amani” ni ajenda halali iliyo sehemu ya uhuru wa kidini.
Kwa ufupi, maudhui ya sala, nyimbo na mahubiri yaliyosikika wakati wa “sala na mfungo” yaliibua maana tano za neno “haki.”
Mosi, TEC walifundisha kwamba haki ikitafsiriwa kama "mgao halali" (“desert”) ni wazo ambalo humaanisha kuwa haki hupatikana pale “watu wengine wanapopata mgao wanaoustahili" kulingana na "kipimo cha uhalali" wa mgawanyo kinachofahamika na kukubalika kwa jamii.
Pili, TEC walifundisha kwamba haki ikitafsiriwa kama "utaratibu halali" (“fairness”) ni wazo ambalo humaanisha kuwa haki hupatikana tunapohakikisha kwamba “changamoto za kijamii zilizo sawa zinashughulikia kwa kutumia utaratibu ule ule mmoja kulingana na "kiwango cha uhalali" wa kiutaratibu kinachofahamika na kukubalika kwa jamii.
Tatu, TEC walifundisha kwamba haki ikitafsiriwa kama "usawa wa watu wanaolingana kwa kila sifa" (“arithmetic equality”) ni wazo ambalo humaanisha kuwa haki hupatikana tunapohakikisha kwamba “changamoto za watu wote walio sawa zinatatuliwa kwa kutumia utaratibu ule ule mmoja tu kulingana na "kiwango cha uhalali" wa kiutaratibu kinachofahamika na kukubalika kwa jamii.
Nne, TEC walifundisha kwamba haki ikitafsiriwa kama "usawa wa watu wanaotofautiana kwa baadhi ya sifa" (“geometric equality”) ni wazo ambalo humaanisha kuwa haki hupatikana tunapohakikisha kwamba “changamoto za watu wote walio sawa zinatatuliwa kwa kutumia utaratibu ule ule mmoja, na changamoto za watu wote walio tofauti zinatatuliwa kwa kutumia utaratibu tofauti” kulingana na "kiwango cha uhalali" wa kiutaratibu ulio maalum kwa kila kundi la wahusika na chenye kufahamika na kukubalika kwa jamii.
Na tano, TEC walifundisha kwamba haki ikitafsiriwa kama "ukamilifu wa kimaadili" (“righteousness”) ni wazo ambalo humaanisha kuwa haki hupatikana pale "tunapowatendea watu wengine kwa uadilifu" kulingana na "kiwango cha uhalali" wa kimaadili kinachofahamika na kukubalika kwa jamii.
Katika tafsiri hizi tano za neno “haki,” tunaona ulazima wa kujua "kiwango cha uhalali" ili tuweze kutoa hukumu halali juu ya kuwepo au kutokuwepo kwa "mgao halali," "utaratibu halali" na "ukamilifu wa kimaadili" mahali fulani.
Katika milenia ya tatu, "kiwango cha uhalali" wa tabia za watu kinachoongelewa hapa, yaani “kizio cha haki,” sasa kinaitwa "haki za binadamu."
Maneno kwamba “kizio cha haki” ni "haki za binadamu" yanaweza kuonekana yanao utata.
Lakini kama tukifahamu kuwa neno “haki” linazo maana mbili, yaani “justice” Kwa upande mmoja na “rights” Kwa upande mwingine, utata huo unaondoka.
Ndio maana, kwa ajili ya kusawazisha utata huu, hapo mwanzo nilianza kwa kupendekeza kwamba Mafundisho ya Kanisa Kuhusu Jamii ya Kisasa yanaongelea mambo makuu kumi yakijumuisha “justika, haki na amani,” ili kumsaidia msomaji kutofautisha dhana hizi mbili za neno “haki.”
Kihistoria, sehemu ya utata huu inaweza kutokana na ukweli kwamba, Kanisa Katoliki lilichelewa kukumbatia dhana ya “haki za binadamu wote.”
Kwa mfano, katika karne ya kumi na tisa, bado Kanisa Katoliki lilikuwa limesimama upande wa wanaharakati wa kifalme ambao walikataa uhalali wa “haki za binadamu wote” kama vile demokrasia, uhuru wa vyombo vya habari, na uhuru wa kukusanyika.
Lakini pia, sababu nyingine ya utata huu ni kwamba dhana ya “haki za binadamu wote” ni change sana. Hapo zamani, watu na makundi daima walidai haki, lakini haki hizi zilikuwa mahususi na zenye muktadha maalum.
Kwa mfano, mkulima wa enzi za kati angeweza kudai haki ya kuchunga wanyama wake kwenye ardhi ya kawaida, huku kabaila wa enzi za kati akidai haki ya kusisitiza kwamba wapangaji wamtumikie kwa kufanyia kiasi fulani cha kazi ya bure kila mwaka. Hizi zilikuwa haki maalum kwa watu maalum, katika nyakati na maeneo maalum.
Lakini kizio cha “haki za binadamu wote” zinazotokana na heshima ya utu wa binadamu tuliyo nayo kwa usawa hakikuwa kiwango cha kupima tabia za watu katika jamii za kale. Na Kanisa Katoliki liliathiriwa na njia hii ya kufikiri kwa muda mrefu.
Kwa hiyo, wanazuoni wengi ndani ya Kanisa Katoliki, walizungumza machache kuhusu “haki za binadamu wote” wakiwa wanasisitiza zaidi kuhusu “wajibu wa binadamu,” hasa wajibu wa kukidhi mahitaji ya wote.
Bahati nzuri, Kanisa Katoliki pia lilikuwa na nyenzi za kifikra zilizoliwezesha kusoma alama za nyakati taratibu hadi likakumbatia dhana ya “haki za binadamu wote.”
Nyenzo kuu iliyotumiwa na Kanisa Katoliki kufanya mabadiliko haya ya kifikra ni dhana ya “heshima ya utu wa binadamu,” yaani “human dignity.”
Leo hii, ndani ya Kanisa katoliki, dhana kwamba “haki za binadamu wote” zinatokana na utu ni kiwango kizuri cha tabia, kwa sehemu kubwa.
Hata hivyo, wazo hili ni jipya kabisa, na linalotokana na mapokeo ya kiakili ya Kikatoliki katika miaka ya 1930 na 1940.
Kabla ya hapo, mazungumzo ya “haki za binadamu” yalijikita zaidi katika kukosoa kanuni za mapinduzi ya Kifaransa, jambo ambalo linaeleza woga wa Kanisa Katoliki juu ya Mapinduzi haya.
Kwa ufupi, kumekuwepo na awamu nne katika ushirikiano wa Kanisa Katoliki na “haki za binadamu wote.” Kuna awamu ya kuzikataa haki, kuzitambua haki, kuzijadili haki na kuzitangaza haki.
Katika awamu ya Kuzikataa haki za binadamu wote (Papa Pius VI - Pius IX), msimamo wa awali wa Kanisa Katoliki mara nyingi ulikuwa wa kukataliwa au kushuku dhana ya “haki za binadamu wote” kama inavyoeleweka na mifumo ya kilimwengu ya wakati huo, hawa kwenye tangazo la mapinduzi ya kiliberali ya Ufaransa (1789).
Katika awamu ya kuzitambua haki za binadamu wote (Papa Leo XIII - Pius XII), Kanisa Katoliki lilianza kutambua jinsi “haki za binadamu wote” zingeweza kueleweka na kuunganishwa ndani ya mfumo wake wa kiteolojia, likichunguza upatanifu wake na mafundisho ya Kikatoliki.
Katika awamu ya mazungumzo kuhusu haki za binadamu wote (Papa John XXIII - Vatican II), Kanisa Katoliki lilifanya mazungumzo amilifu na ya wazi na dhana mpyaza haki za binadamu, kutafuta maelewano na njia za kushirikiana na vuguvugu na mashirika ya kiulimwengu.
Na katika awamu ya kuzitangaza haki za binadamu wote (Papa Paul VI - Sasa), yaani awamu yake ya sasa, Kanisa Katoliki linasonga mbele kwa msimamo wa kutangaza na kutetea haki za binadamu kama kipengele cha msingi cha utume na mafundisho yake.
Kanisa linazigawanya haki za binadamu katika kafungu saba, yaani: (1) haki za kibayolojia kuhusu uhuru wa kuishi, (2) haki za kiuchumi, (3) haki za kisiasa, (4) haki za kijamii, (5) haki za kiakili-na-kiroho, (6) haki za kisaikolojia-na-kimwili, na (7) haki za kijinsia.
Na kila sekta ya haki za binadamu iliyotajwa hapo juu inaongozwa na kanununi sita. Kuna (1) kanuni ya mgao stahiki, (2) kanuni ya mchango stahiki, (3) kanuni ya mabadilishano stahiki, (4) kanuni ya adhabu stahiki, (5) kanuni ya fidia stahiki, na (6) kanuni ya utaratibu stahiki.
Hata hivyo, katika Kiswahili, bado kuna changamoto ya kimisamiati inayohitaji kufanyiwa kazi ili umma ujue ni wakati gani Kanisa Katoliki linaongelea “haki” kwa maana ya “justice” na lini linatumia neno “haki” kumaanisha “rights.”
Usanisi wa mafundisho ya TEC Kuhusu Haki na Amani
Ufuatalo ni muhtasari wa ujumbe wa makuhani Katoliki katika sala na mafungo husika.
1. Amani ni tunda la mti wa haki
TEC wametoa elimu ya uraia kwamba "Amani" ni mtoto wa "Haki,"
Kwamba "amani" ni tunda katika mti wa "haki,"
Kwamba "amani" ni tunda la "usawa,"
Kwamba "amani" ni zao la "ukweli,"
Kwamba "amani" ni mavuno yaletwayo na "mshikamano,"
Kwamba "amani" ni faida itokanayo na "ustawi wa wote,"
Kwamba "amani" hutokana na uwepo wa "haki,"
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
2. Mti wa haki huzaa tunda la amani
TEC wametoa elimu ya uraia kwamba "Haki" ni mzazi wa "Amani,"
Kwamba "haki" ni kikonyo cha mti wa "amani,"
Kwamba "haki" ni chimbuko la "amani,"
Kwamba "haki" ni alama ya "amani,"
Kwamba "haki" ni sababu ya "amani,"
Kwamba "haki" ni chanzo cha "usawa,"
Kwamba "haki" husababisha "mshikamano,"
Kwamba "haki" huleta "ustawi wa wote,"
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
3. Upendo ufukuzao chuki na kuleta mazungumzano
Wametaka “chuki ishindwe na upendo” unaozingatia heshima ya kiutu,
Wameshawishi “kisasi kiuachie nafasi msamaha” uletao amani,
Wamehimiza “ugomvi ugeuzwe kuwa urafiki” wa kudumu,
Wamehamasisha "maadui warejee kwenye mazungumzano,"
Wamehanikiza "wapiganao wapeane mikono" ya amani,
Yaani, wamefundisha kwamba kila mtu anayo haki ya kupendwa na jirani yake,
Badala ya kutumiwa kama mnyama hayawani, roboti au mwanasesere asiye na akili wala utashi,
Kwamba, haki ya kupendwa na jirani ni haki ya kutendewa mema na kuepushwa na mabaya,
Kwamba, haki ya kutendewa mema na kuepushwa na mabaya inamaanisha jukumu la jirani kutenda mema na kuzuia mabaya,
kwamba, kwa sababu hii, haki ya kupendwa na jirani ni kikonyo cha haki zingine zote,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
4. Uhuru wa kujitawala dhdi ya mabavu ya madikteta na wakoloni
TEC Wamepigania "uhuru wetu huu usipokonywe" na mamluki,
Yaani wale ndumilakuwili wanaocheza kotekote,
Wanatumiwa na maadui zetu wa kihistoria,
Kuna kuna mamluki ambao ni makuwadi wa utumwa,
Utumwa huu ulioendeshwa na Waarabu kwa miaka 1,000,
Yaani tangu 900 BK mpaka 1,909 BK,
Pia kuna mamluki ambao ni makuwadi wa ukoloni mkongwe na ukoloni mamboleo,
Huu ni ukoloni ulioendeshwa na Wazungu,
Ukoloni niongee ulishamiri kwa kipindi cha miaka 77,
Yaani tangu mwaka 1884 hadi mwaka 1961,
Hawa walitoka Ureno, Uhispania, Ujerumani na Uingereza,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
Watumwa wa Kibantu walivyoathiriwa na biashara ya utumwa kupitia Bahari ya Hindi chini ya Waarabu kwa miaka 1,000 tangu mwaka 900 BK mpaka mwaka 1909 BK (Trans-Arabean Sea Slave Trade of African people)
5. Kashfa ya upotezwaji wa watu wasio na hatia
TEC Wamewaombea watu "waliopotea wapatikane,"
Tena "wapatikane" wakiwa hai,
Lakini kama watu "waliopotea" wamekufa,
Maiti zao ili zirejeshwe uraiani,
KIsha wazikwa kwa heshima zote,
Kulingana na mila na desturi za kiutu,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
6. Kashfa ya utekwaji wa watu wasio na hatia
TEC Wamewatetea "waliotekwa wapate uhuru wao" Tena,
Yaani "uhuru wao" dhidi ya utumwa unaoratibiwa na Serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania,
Wamewaombea waweze kurudi uraiani wakiwa raia huru,
Pia wameombea watekaji wao wahukumiwe kwa haki,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
7. Kashfa ya kujeruhi watu wasio na hatia
TEC Wamewafariji "walioumizwa wapone" haraka,
Kusudi warejea katika majukumu yao,
Kisha wameombea wale waliowaumiza wahukumiwe kwa mujibu wa sheria,
Yaani Sheria zinazofahamika katika Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
8. Kashfa ya mauaji ya watu wasio na hatia
TEC Wameomboleza kwa ajili ya "waliouwawa wapate uzima wa milele,"
Uzima upatikanao mbinguni mbele ya kiti cha enzi ya MUngu,
Wamewaombea wajane na yatima wapate faraja moyoni,
Na wameomba wauaji wao wasakwe na kupata adhabu stahiki,
Tena wameomba wauaji wahukumiwe kwa mujibu wa sheria,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
9. Jukumu la kutenda mema na kupinga uovu
TEC Wamekemea "uovu ukome katika nchi yetu,"
Kwa kuhakikisha watenda maovu wanaadhibiwa,
Tena kwa mujibu wa sheria za nchi yetu,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
10. Jukumu la kufukuzia maisha mema ni ustawi wa kiutu
TEC Wameweka mkakati wa kufukuzia "maisha mema zaidi,"
Yaani, ustawi wa kibinadamu,
Kulingana na hulka asilia ya kiutu,
Tena "kadiri iwastahilivyo wana wa Mungu,"
Yaani Mungu aliye kilele cha wema wote,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
11. Jukumu la kutafuta ukweli na kuukataa ujinga
TEC Wamehubiri juu ya "hekima ya kutafuta ukweli,"
Tena "ukweli katika mambo yote" maishani.
Yaani kisiasa, kiuchumi, kujamii, kimaadili, kisayansi na kitekinolojia,
Wameombea Tuweze kujitenga na uwongo, na upotoshaji,
Tuweze kuachana naulaghai na utapeli wa kisiasa,
Utapeli huu hutumiwa na watu wahuni,
Wahuni hawa hukweza maslahi binafsi juu ya maslahi ya umma wote,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
12. Tunu chanya za kidemokrasia
TEC Wameomba Taifa lipate viongozi waadilifu,
Hasa "watakaosimamia na kuiishi demokrasia ya kweli,"
Kulingana na kanuni za demokrasia ya vyama vingi vya Siasa,
Kama zinavyotambuliwa katika Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania,
Kanuni hizi hukataza uendeshaji wa nchi kihuni,
Kwa kutumia kanuni haramu za utawala wa kiimla,
Kanuni zile zitumiwazo kwenye dola za kisultani na kichifu,
Pia hutumika katika dola za kifalme na kimwami,
Kadhalika hutumika katika nchi za kikomunisti na kijeshi,
Kanuni hizi hukataza matumizi ya tekinolojia kuhujumu michakato ya uchaguzi,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
13. Nafasi ya viongizi walio chaguo la Mungu
TEC Wamesisitiza kwamba "nchi hii iongozwe na viongozi" makini,
Hasa viongizi "ambao ni chaguo la Mungu,"
Yaani yule Mungu wa Haki, Amani na Ukweli,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
14. Changamoto ya maovu yanayotekelezwa na mtandao wa wahuni
TEC Wamepanda mbegu za ujasiri endelevu,
Kwa ajili ya "kupambana na maovu" yote,
Hasa maovu "yawezayo kutufikia kutokea nje na ndani" ya nchi,
Vyanzo vikuu vinajumuisha maadui zetu wa kihistoria,
Kuna maadui zetu waliokuwa makuwadi wa biashara ya utumwa,
Utumwa huu uliendeshwa na Waarabu wakatili kupitia Bahari ya Uarabuni,
Yaani, tangu 900 BK mpaka 1,909 BK, sawa na miaka 1,000.
Pia kuna maadui zetu waliokuwa makuwadi wa ukoloni mkongwe,
Ukoloni huu uliendeshwa na Wazungu wakatili,
Hasa kutoka Ureno, Ujerumani na Uingereza,
Walitutawala kwa miaka 77 tangu 1884 hadi 1961,
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
Picha: Bahari ya Uarabuni (Arabian Sea). Inaonyesha njia za biashara ya watumwa kutoka Afrika kwenda Mashariki ya Kati ambapo: Njia ya rangi ya chungwa ni Warabu; Kijani ni Wahindi na Bluu ni Wafaransa, na Njano ni Wabrazili
15. Tunu hasi za utengano, ukanda, ukabila na udini
TEC Wametafuta nguvu ya "kushinda utengano" na kuhimiza umoja,
Nguvu ya kutokomeza hulka ya "ushindani" wa kidini na kuhimiza ushirikiano kati ya madhehebu yote ya dini,
Nguvu ya Kukomesha "chuki ya ukabila,"
Na nguvu ya kuangamiza ubaguzi kwa misingi ya "utaifa,"
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
16. Umuhimu wa mabadiliko ya ndani ya nafsi kwanza
TEC Wameombea mabadiliko ya ndani ya nafsi,
Hasa katika "nyoyo za watenda maovu,"
Pamoja na "washirika wao katika uovu,"
Wamewaombea kusudi wapate ujasiri wa kujisahihisha,
Waachane na itikadi ya jino kwa jino na kuambatana na itikadi ya utu,
Waachane na itikadi ya ubabe unaosindikizwa na jambia na kuambatana na itikadi ya ushawishi,
Wakubali kwamba mbinu haramu hazipaswi kutumika kutafuta matokeo mazuri,
Wafahamu kuwa mbinu halalai ndio zinapaswi kutumika kutafuta matokeo mazuri
Wanatarajiwa kutubu kwa mawazo, kwa maneno na kwa vitendo.
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
17. Kona sita za boma la haki na amani
TEC Wamefundisha kwamba mfumo wa "haki ya kijamii" ni kama boma lenye kona sita, yaani "heksagonia" yenye kona za commutative justice, distributive justice, procedural justice, contributive justice, retributive justice na restorative justice.
Kwamba, katika kila kona ya boma hili tunawajibika kuwatendea watu wote walio katika tabaka moja kwa kutumia kigezo kimoja, na kuwatendea watu wote walio katika tabaka tofauti kwa kutumia kigezo tofauti (using the same standard to treat similar cases, and using a different standard to treat different cases).
Kuna kona ya kanuni za haki ya kijamii zinazoweka utaratibu wa kuhakkisha kwamba kuna usawa katika mabadilishano kati ya watu wawili (commutative justice),
Kuna kona ya kanuni za haki ya kijamii zinazoweka utaratibu wa kuhakkisha kwamba kuna usawa katika kugawana matunda ya kisiasa, kiuchumi na kijamii yaliyomo katika kapu la Taifa (distributive justice),
Kuna kona ya kanuni za haki ya kijamii zinazoongoza utaratibu wa kuhakikisha kwamba kuna usawa katika michakato ya maamuzi yetu kulingana na sheria halali zilizokubaliwa na jamii (procedural justice),
Kuna kona ya kanuni za haki ya kijamii zinazoongoza utaratibu wa kuhakikisha kwamba kuna usawa katika michango inayotolewa na mtu mmoja mmoja au taasisi kwa jamii yake (contributive justice),
Kuna kona ya kanuni za haki ya kijamii zinazoongoza utaratibu wa kuhakikisha kwamba kuna usawa katika adhabu zinazotolewa kwa wakosaji (retributive justice),
Na kuna kona ya kanuni za haki ya kijamii zinazoongoza utaratibu wa kuhakikisha kwambana kuna usawa wa fidia zinazotolewa kwa wakosewaji (restorative justice).
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
18. Kulipa bei sawa katika mauziano ya huduma na bidhaa zilizo sawa (commutative justice)
TEC wamefundisha kwamba, katika sekta ya mauziano tunawajibika kuwatendea watu wote wanaonunua bidhaa na hudumua zilizo sawa kwa kutumia kigezo kimoja cha bei kulingana na nguvu ya soko, na kuwatendea watu wote wanaonunua bidhaa na hudumua zilizo tofauti kwa kutumia kigezo tofauti cha bei kulingana na nguvu ya soko.
19. Kufanya mgawanyo halali wa keki na kero za kitaifa (distributive justice)
TEC wamefundisha kwamba, katika kugawanya keki na kero zinazohusiana na rasilimali na fursa haba katika Taifa (national benefits and burdens), kama vile mapato, mali, kodi, vyeo vya kisiasa, na ajira, tunawajibika kuwatendea watu wote walio katika tabaka moja kwa kutumia kigezo kimoja kilichotamkwa kwa mujibu wa sheria, na kuwatendea watu wote walio katika tabaka tofauti kwa kutumia kigezo tofauti kilichotamkwa kwa mujibu wa sheria.
Distributive justice is concerned with just allocation of benefits, opportunities and resources etc to ensure equality of outcome by the state based on various factors like need, equality and desert.
The demands for distributive justice arose in response to utilitarianism which focused on quantity as it stood for greatest happiness of the greatest number.
The idea was opposed by socialist, communist and anarchist movements which favoured some economic levelling or allocation according to the need to ensure quality of happiness as well.
Distributive justice is important for a society’s efficient functioning and welfare of its members. True equality gives members a sense of membership in a society, especially the sections which are marginalised.
This is important to avert political violence and avoid challenges to the state authority from internal threats.
Unequal distribution can be a cause of social unrest and redistribution of benefits can help in relieving tensions. Aristotle believed that unequal distribution of property is one of the causes of injustice and civil war in a city.
He further stated that men desire equality and hence, honour and rewards should be distributed as fairly as possible to avoid a revolution.
For example, India resorted to land reforms after independence to eliminate social injustice and ensure equality in the agriculture sector.
The most influential theory of distributive justice over the last half century has been John Rawls’s theory termed as ‘justice as fairness’ given in his 1971 book, A Theory of Justice.
He developed a rival to utilitarianism, a dominant theory of his times which Rawls saw as a morally flawed theory. The flaw is that utilitarianism justifies sacrificing the good of some individuals for the sake of the happiness of the greatest number.
Utilitarians believe in aggregate happiness produced by justice and not the welfare of each individual.
Rawls was inspired by Immanuel Kant’s moral idea that gave due importance to equality and freedom of each human being (liberal-egalitarian).
Kant argued that each human being should be seen as an end in himself and not as a means to an end.
Through his theory of justice, Rawls gave central place to the moral principle of equality and freedom of each individual.
Justice as Fairness: Justice as Fairness (Distributive Justice) After the Second World War, there was the emergence of behavioural approach and emphasis on value-neutral and fact-based political theory.
Hence, normative principles and values became a scarce commodity in political science at large.
It was John Rawls who brought them back in the discipline through his theory of justice. His theory stood for distributive justice and just distribution of primary goods in a society.
Rawls supported a contract based theory of justice that was based on the original position (state of nature earlier envisioned by Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and J J Rousseau), individual rationality (making a choice amongst various means for optimum result) and decision making (social contract).
Rawls combined liberty and equality (liberal egalitarian) in his conception of distributive justice that he called justice as fairness.
In opposition to the utilitarian theory of justice that dominated Western liberal thought since the 19th century, Rawls tried to formulate his theory to meet needs of the liberal democratic welfare state that emerged after the Second World War.
He described justice as the first virtue of social institutions and all political and legislative decisions should be based on justice to determine the distribution of primary goods.
Primary goods are the ones for which it is rational for a person to want more rather than less. These are of two types.
- Natural goods: These are goods like intelligence, health, talent that are affected by social institutions but not distributed by them.
- Social goods: These include income, wealth and opportunities etc that are directly distributed by social institutions and are affected by them directly.
In this state of nature, he has said that the individuals are in an original position. To eliminate selfish interests and biases of different kinds, he assumes that the original position means the following:
- Individuals are mutually indifferent, self-interested but not egoists.
- They seek to maximize their own interests like liberty, income etc by agreeing to form the society.
- There is a veil of ignorance between the individuals which prevents them from knowing details like skill, social background, income etc about others.
Under the above mentioned conditions, each individual would want to maximize his own self-interest, but since he does not know the details of others, everyone is likely to choose a society that would minimise his potential losses.
Individuals would make sure that even the worst of persons is not too destitute, in case he turns out to be one such person. It is called the maximising principle as it maximises their minimum welfare.
The negotiators or the individuals will choose the least dangerous path and would hypothetically place themselves in the least advantageous position while recommending the criteria of allocation of the primary goods. They will choose two principles according to Rawls.
- Principle 1: Each person to have an equal right to the most extensive basic liberties compatible with similar liberties of others.
- Principle 2: Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that both are:
- (a) to the greatest benefit to the least advantaged members of the society,
- (b) attached to positions offices open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity.
The basic liberties to be protected include political liberty (right to vote and to hold public office), freedom of speech and assembly, right to hold personal property, right against arbitrary arrest etc.
Rawls has argued that the first principle has an absolute priority over the second one and 2a has priority over 2b so that individual liberty is not compromised for liberty of others.
In his general conception of justice, Rawls holds that social and economic advantages must be arranged to ensure greatest benefit to the least advantaged members of a society.
Why should Rawls’s principles be accepted? There can be two arguments. One, the idea is to refine the social contract tradition.
Justice is conceived to be what persons would agree to under conditions for choosing principles to regulate basic social structure that is fair.
The original position given by Rawls is an example of fair proceduralist standard of justification as something is believed to be fair only after an ideal procedure would accept it as right.
Second, Rawls discards the idea of natural talent, saying skills and talents are the result of naturally and socially acquired advantages. These social advantages should extend to the least advantaged sections for fair justice.
After deciding about the principles, the individuals decide on the constitution that protects liberty of conscience and freedom of thought, liberty of the person and equal political rights.
In legislations and policies by the state, laws that favour the privileged sections are excluded unless they lead to benefits for the least advantaged sections.
Thus, Rawls marked a departure away from classic liberalism that stood for individual liberty, but left the individual alone to face the market risks.
He also departed from the socialist ideas that made individual subservient to social equality. Rawls’s theory of justice was in line with the needs of the liberal democratic welfare state.
In the Indian context, the idea of justice propounded by Rawls has a lot of relevance. The Indian Constitution makes systemic departures from norms of equality to achieve justice.
Such modification is required to eliminate discrimination against the deprived sections in order to promote national integration.
Dr B R Ambedkar, as the Chairperson of the Drafting Committee of India’s Constitution argued that political democracy could not be sustained on the basis of social inequality.
In line with the ideas of Aristotle, Dr Ambedkar argued that if social inequality is not addressed, there could be political instability in India. He said:
“On the 26th of January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality. In politics we will be recognising the principle of one man one vote and one vote one value.
In our social and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic structure, continue to deny the principle of one man one value. How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions?
How long shall we continue to deny equality in our social and economic life? If we continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our political democracy in peril.
We must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible moment or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy which this Assembly has laboriously built up.”
Hence, the Indian Constitution has many provisions that depart from the principle of formal equality to ensure benefit of the least advantaged sections, mainly the Schedules Castes, the Schedules Tribes and the Other Backward Classes.
There is a provision for reservation for the deprived Justice as Fairness (Distributive Justice) sections in education, administration and legislative bodies as well.
Limitations of Rawls theory: Rawls’s conception of justice has been criticised on the following grounds.
Brian Barry in his 1973 book, The Liberal Theory of Justice, has doubted the rationality of individuals as argued by Rawls in the original position. He further says that it is very difficult to define the least advantaged sections in any society.
Communitarians have criticised Rawls’ liberal-egalitarian conception of justice as it gives more importance to the individual at the cost of the community or society.
Michael Sandel in his 1982 book, Liberalism and the Limits of Justice, calls Rawls’ individual as disembodied who is not a part of the society.
Another communitarian theorist, Charles Taylor criticises Rawls’ atomistic conception of the individual.
For Rawls, individual comes ahead of society while for the communitarians, the society is first and then the individual.
Communitarians further argue that individual choices have a social context and they may not choose Rawls’s principles in the original position.
Michael Walzer in his 1983 book, Spheres of Justice, argues that we cannot distribute goods to men and women until we understand what the goods mean; what parts they play, how they are created, and how they are valued, among those same men and women.
Distributions flow out of and is relative to social meanings. Hence, he says that justice can be understood only as a community principle and not as an individualistic one.
Libertarian thinker, Robert Nozick’s entitlement theory of justice is in response to Rawls’s distributive theory given in his 1974 book, Anarchy, State and Utopia.
He said each individual has the moral right as one chooses on any mutually agreed terms with others so long as the person does not thereby harm non-consenting other people in ways that violate their rights. Nozick was influenced by the ideas of John Locke.
According to him, the moral authority of state to coerce people without their consent even just to maintain minimal public order appears problematic.
The idea that society has the right to redistribute property to achieve more fair distribution is against natural rights of individuals.
Property is owned by people, and the state, acting as the agent of society, has no more right to take from some and give to others than a robber does.
Nozick justifies private property as long as it has been acquired by just means.
In sum, Nozick defends market freedom and is against welfare policies of the state achieved by redistributive taxation schemes. Such scheme of taxation is inherently wrong which violates people’s rights according to Nozick.
Marxists have criticised liberal egalitarians for their failure to address inherent exploitative inequalities between capitalists and workers by solely focusing on fair distribution within a capitalist system.
They have also argued that Rawls idea of veil of ignorance is a hypothetical condition as any deliberations without the knowledge of social and economic conditions of each other is meaningless. Justice can be analysed in the light of class relations and ownership of private property.
Ronald Dworkin has given importance to choices made by people or luck instead of distribution of primary goods to attain justice.
Dworkin argued that people with equal resources could end up with unequal benefits due to their choices. He distinguished between option luck and brute luck.
If somebody suddenly goes blind due to a genetic problem, it means bad brute luck and if someone wins a lottery, this means good option luck. In other words, option luck is a deliberate choice made by individuals while brute luck means unforeseen problems.
Some bad events are such that they can be avoided like losses suffered in gambling. Dworkin feels that inequality arising out of such choices should be part of any conception of justice.
Nobel laureate Amartya Sen addresses the question of what metric egalitarians should use to determine the degree to which a society could realise its ideal of equality.
He has addressed the debate over two candidate metrics, welfare (utility) on one hand and Rawlsian primary goods on the other.
He introduced the concept of ‘capability equality’ between these two extremes where capability means what various goods do for people, apart from the welfare they achieve. Rawls believed that just institutions would distribute primary goods in a fair manner.
The fair distribution, according to him is the one in which the worst off are as well off as possible according to the primary social goods measure.
Sen, on the other hand, objects arguing that persons born with different physical and psychological propensities will generally be unequally efficient transformers of resources such as primary social goods into whatever goals they might seek.
He considers two individuals with the same allotment of primary goods but one is fit, hardy and quickwitted while the other is lame, illness prone, slow-witted lacking in physical coordination.
Although the two individuals have different conditions but primary social goods metric will not show this disparity. Hence, Sen believes that we should look beyond the distribution of opportunities, income and other primary goods allotments given the circumstances of different individuals.
The basis of interpersonal comparisons for a theory of justice should, according to him, be a measure of people’s real freedom to achieve functionings they have reason to value.
Capability thus, represents freedom whereas Rawlsian primary goods are just means to this freedom.
People have varying capabilities due to genetic, age or other factors to convert resources into actual freedoms. These variations influence people in different ways to build freedom in their lives, despite having the same primary resources.
Feminist scholars have also criticised Rawls theory of justice on a number of counts. Susan Moller Okin’s 1989 book, Justice, Gender and the Family argues that family should be considered as a main unit for any discussion on justice.
The family is considered as a private sphere while as an idea; justice has a bearing on the public sphere which is outside the family.
Rawls is unable to address oppression that surfaces in the so called private sphere of government non-interference.
Okin argues that any theory of justice that does not address inequalities in a family is incomplete.
There is unequal division of labour in the family where women have no option but to do things like cooking, child bearing and rearing with little or no help from the male members.
Hence, they face similar inequality in public sphere as well backed by social customs and ultimately, women are robbed of any desire to enjoy active life outside the family.
She argues that justice as fairness articulated by Rawls is not fair to women and hence, lacks credibility.
Some other feminists have argued that the model of autonomous, self-interested, rational and individualistic person is a typically male conception of human behaviour and it leaves very less or no scope for values such as care, nurturing, empathy and cooperation that are typically female qualities.
Hence, they argue that female qualities are not represented in Rawls original position.
20. Kutumia utaratibu sawa kwa watu wote walio na hadhi sawa (procedural justice)
TEC wamefundisha kwamba, katika vikao vya maamuzi yoyote, tunawajibika kuwahukumu watu wote walio katika tabaka moja kwa kutumia kigezo kimoja cha utaratibu uliowekwa kisheria, na kuwahukumu watu wote walio katika tabaka tofauti kwa kutumia kigezo tofauti cha utaratibu uliowekwa kisheria.
21. Michango sawa katika kapu la maslahi ya pamoja kutoka kwa wote walio sawa (contributive justice)
TEC wamefundisha kwamba, katika kutekeleza jukumu la kufanikisha maslahi ya wote, watu wote walio katika tabaka moja la kipato tunawajibika kutoa michango kwa kutumia kigezo kimoja kwa mujibu wa sheria, na watu wote walio katika tabaka tofauti la kipato tunawajibika kutoa michango kwa kutumia kigezo kimoja kwa mujibu wa sheria.
22. Kutoa adhabu sawa kwa watu wote wenye makosa yaliyo na uzito sawa (retributive justice)
TEC wamefundisha kwamba, katika kila mchakato wa utoaji wa adhabu kwa wakosaji, tunawajibika kuwaadhibu watu wote walio katika tabaka moja la makosa kwa kutumia kigezo kimoja kilichowekwa kisheria, na kuwaadhibu watu wote walio katika tabaka tofauti kwa kutumia kigezo tofauti kilichowekwa kisheria.
23. Fidia sawa kwa watu wote waliofanyiwa dhuluma zinazolingana (restorative justice)
TEC wamefundisha kwamba, katika kila mchakato wa ulipaji wa fidia tunawajibika kuwalipa watu wote walio katika tabaka moja la madhara kwa kutumia kigezo kimoja cha fidia iliyotamkwa kisheria, na kulipa fidia tofauti kwa kutumia kigezo tofauti cha fidia iliyotamkwa kisheria.
24. Uhuru dhidi ya utumwa wa KIarabu
TEC wamefundisha kwamba katika karatasi nyeupe za kitabu cha historia ya ubinadamu, sura ya utumwa ulio kinyume cha "uhuru" wa kiutu huwa imeandikwa kwenye kurasa zenye rangi nyeusi ili kuonyesha ubaya wake unaopaswa kulaaniwa kila siku iendayo kwa Mungu.
Kwamba, kwa sababu zisizozifahamika hadi leo, Biashara ya Utumwa katika Afrika Mashariki kupitia Bahari ya Hindi ni nadra sana kujadiliwa katika mitaala yetu na vitabu vya kiada ambamo Biashara ya Utumwa Katika Afrika Magharibi kupitia Bahari ya Atlantiki ni mada ya kawaida ya mjadala.
Kwamba, ni kwa sababu hii taarifa chache sana zinajulikana kuhusu Biashara ya Utumwa wa Afrika Mashariki kupitia Bahari ya HIndi.
Kwamba, kwa sehemu kubwa, utumwa wa siku hizi unaweza kuitwa kwa majina tofauti, kama vile biashara ya ngono, ajira ya watoto, askari watoto, utumwa wa mshahara hafifu na hata utumwa wa ajira ya kulazimishwa, lakini utumwa chini ya Waarabu ulikuwa mbaya zaidi.
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
25. Uhuru dhidi ya ukoloni wa Kizungu
TEC Wamefundisha kwamba Bara la Afrika limepitia katika biashara ya utumwa inayodhalilisha utu yenye sura mbili, sura moja ikiwa ni biashara ya utumwa kupitia Bahari ya Atlantiki na biashara ya utumwa kupitia bahari ya Kiarabu.
Kwamba, haja ya kuepuka kutokea tena kwa utumwa wa Kiafrika ni sababu mojawapo iliyoleta kuzaliwa kwa Jumuiya ya Umoja wa Nchi Huru za Afrika (OAU), mwaka 1963, na baadaye Umoja wa Afrika (AU), kukiwa na maono ya Afrika yenye hadhi kwa kutumia itikadi ya Umajumuhi (Pan-Africanism) kama nyenzo ya kuondoa utumwa na ukoloni.
Kwamba, kitendawili cha itikadi ya Umajumuhi ni kuhusu mvutano kati ya rangi au ubinadamu.
Kwa upande mmoja, ni itikadi inayozingatia hatima ya pamoja ya watu wa asili ya Kiafrika, ambayo hapo awali inafafanuliwa kwa utambulisho wa pamoja wa watu Weusi katika historia ya ukandamizwaji kupitia utumwa na ukoloni.
Kwamba, katika muktadha huu, mizizi ya vuguvugu hilo inafungamanishwa sana na uzoefu wa pamoja wa watu Weusi, hasa wale waliokuwa chini ya utumwa na ukoloni, ambapo, uzoefu wa pamoja wa ubaguzi wa rangi na ukandamizwaji ulikuwa nguvu ya kuunganisha watu, na kusababisha vuguvugu lililozingatia hatima ya jamii ya watu Weusi.
Kwamba, hata hivyo, kwa upande mwingine, Umajumuhi ni falsafa ambayo kimsingi inatafuta kukuza utu wa binadamu, demokrasia, na mshikamano kwa watu wote, kwa kiwango cha kuvuka mipaka ya rangi.
Kwamba, mvutano huu unatokea kwa sababu mafanikio ya vuguvugu hilo yanategemea kuwaunganisha watu kwa misingi ya urithi wa pamoja na mapambano ya pamoja dhidi ya dhuluma, wakati lengo lake kuu ni kuunda bara ambalo kila binadamu anapata uhuru, heshima na ustawi, ambayo ni maadili ya kibinadamu ya ulimwengu mzima ambayo yanavuka mipaka ya rangi.
Kwamba, kitendawili hiki sio ukinzani usioweza kusuluhishwa, kwani ni mvutano kati ya vipengele viwili vyenye kuunganishwa na harakati sawa, yaani, kipengele cha mbinu na kipengele cha malengo.
Kwamba, kama mbinu, Umajumuhi hutumia uzoefu wa pamoja wa watu wa asili ya Kiafrika kuunda umoja na kusisitiza thamani ya urithi wao wa pamoja.
Kwamba, kama lengo, Umajumuihi unajitahidi kupigania lengo la ulimwengu wote la kuunda ulimwengu wa haki na ustawi ambapo watu wote wanaweza kustawi, bila kujali rangi au asili yao.
Kwamba, kwa kiwango hiki, mtu yeyote anayekubaliana na ajenda ya ukolonuzi na utumwanuzi wa Waafrika (decolonization and de-enslavement of Africans) bila kujali rangi yake ya ngozi ni mfuasi wa kweli wa Umajumuihi. Na kinyume chake ni kweli.
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
26. Haki za kiuchumi (economic rights)
Economic justice has been the basis of the socialist movement. It pertains to just distribution of economic resources, benefits and opportunities to achieve a just economic order.
The liberal and welfare perspectives treat economic justice in terms of fair and adequate chances to earn livelihood and economic benefits.
It is mainly redistributive justice supported by neoliberals like Harold Laski, L T Hobhouse and John Rawls.
They advocate state intervention to protect weaker sections. The Anarchists, Socialists and Marxists, on the contrary, relate economic justice to the abolition of private property.
The Marxist position is that all other dimensions of justice are a reflection of economic justice and without realisation of economic justice, other types of justice cannot be achieved.
Economic justice also stands for the end of alienation and exploitation as per the Marxist tradition.
Economic justice stands for equal pay for equal work and provision of social security to ensure development of the needy ones.
27. Haki za kijamii (social rights)
Social justice stands for reconciling individual interests with those of the society. It stands for equal opportunity without discrimination based on caste, class, religion and gender etc.
Social justice demands that the interests of the deprived sections are safeguarded by the state.
The overall belief here is that the community interests as a whole will be better served if development of the marginalised sections is ensured.
The idea of social justice became more popular with proliferation of liberal and democratic ideas and introduction of legal and political justice.
28. Haki za kisiasa (political rights)
Political justice means that politics should have representative character, ensure political participation, equal political rights and association of citizens in the decision making process.
Political justice exists when there is political equality through rights such as universal adult franchise, right to contest elections etc.
It also ensures accountability by giving the final authority to the citizens who elect the government.
People’s participation is also ensured in the decision making process which can be direct or indirect through their elected representatives.
29. Haki za kiakili na kiroho (intellectual-spiritual rights)
TEC wamefundisha kwamba raia wote wanayo haki ya kutafuta ukweli wa kidunia,
Kwamba wanayo haki ya kuutafuta ukweli wa kidini,
Na kwamba, wanayo haki ya kuutafuta ukweli ama binafsi au kwa njia ya kujumuika pamoja.
30. Haki za kisaikolijia-kimwili (psycho-somatic rights)
TEC wamefundisha kwamba raia wote wanayo haki ya kuwa huru dhidi ya mateso ya kimwili,
Kwamba wanayo haki ya kuwa huru dhidi ya majeraha na ulemavu wa kimwili,
Na kwamba, raia wote wanayo haki ya kuwa huru dhidi ya mateso ya kiakili,
31. Haki ya kuishi maisha marefu ya kibayolojia (biological right to life)
TEC wamefundisha kwamba raia wote wanayo haki ya kuishi maisha marefu ya kibayolojia.
Kwamba, raia wanayo haki ya kuwa huru dhidi ya mauaji ya kisiasa yanayotekelezwa kwa kuua mtu mmoja mmoja nje ya mfumo wa sheria za nchi.
Kwamba, raia wanayo haki ya kuwa huru dhidi ya mauaji ya ksiasa yanayotekelezwa kwa kuua makundi ya watu nje ya mfumo wa sheria za nchi.
32. Majumuisho
According to TEC justice and peace are premised on respect for human rights, and there about seven sectors of human rights.
- A human person is a living being, hence there is a biological life factor in each human person, signifying the existence of a right to biological life;
- Each human person is a psycho-somatic being, hence there is a physical-psychological factor in a human person, signifying the existence of psycho-somatic rights;
- Each person is a rational being with an embodied spirit, hence there is an intellectual-spiritual factor in a human person, signifying the existence of intellectual-spiritual rights;
- Each person is a political being, hence there is a political factor in a human person, signifying the existence of political rights;
- Each person is an economic being, hence there is an economic factor in a human person, signifying the existence of economic rights;
- Each person is a social being, hence there is a social factor in a human person, signifying the existence of social rights.
- Each hetero-affective person is a sexual being, hence there is a sexual factor in hetero-affective human persons, signifying the existence of hetero-affective sexual rights.
- contributive,
- distributive,
- commutative,
- procedural,
- restorative, and
- retributive.
Hitimisho: Maandalizi ya tiketi za safari za wageni wa Mungu
TEC Wamefundisha kwamba ni muhimu "kuikabidhi nchi yetu ya Tanzania" kwenye mikono salama.
Yaani kuiweka "nchi yetu" mikononi "kwa Mungu,”
Kusudi mtu yeyote atakayejaribu kuchezea rasilimali zetu,
Au kumomonyoa ukuu wa dola yetu,
Au kupora ardhi yetu na kuigawa kihuni kwa wageni,
Akatiwe tiketi ya kuwa mgeni wa Mungu mara moja,
Na bendera ipepee nusu-mlingoti kumsindikiza kwa huzuni.
TEC wamefundisha kwamba Haki na amani ni pande mbili za sarafu ya Utanzania.
