gaspar kauki
JF-Expert Member
- May 17, 2014
- 578
- 194
Mnasema ameshindwa kumchapa hamasi halafu kila siku unapiga kelele hapa Israel akiishughulikia hamas mbona unanichekesha.
dogo nimeisha kuambia Israel hawezi kupigana na Hamas aweze kupigana na nchi za kiarabu, huyo bila USA hana kitu.
Kama hawajipendi walipize kisasi, watashehelekea ushindi baada ya Raia wao 2000 kuuawa, na Wayahudi 15 kuuawa
Maeneo ya Golan waliuwa wanatafuta nini?
dogo Israel hawezi kuwashinda Hamas hata siku moja, unakumbuka vita iliyo pita Israel alisema anaingia Gaza kuwamaliza Hamas, amini usiamini aliingia km 1.5 akatolewa mkuki, na hakuzivunja silaha za Hamas, na kila siku zilivyo kuwa zikienda anarushiwa missile za kila aina. Israel anacho jua nikuvunja majumba tu na kuwa watoto, afu anajidai eti majumba hayo kuna silaha za Hamas, kama kweli Hamas anaweka silaha kwenye majumba, angeisha shindwa zamani kama silaha zake ziko kwenye majumba. Hamas/Hezbollah ya Lebanon ni moto wa kuotea mbali kwa Israel.Mnasema ameshindwa kumchapa hamasi halafu kila siku unapiga kelele hapa Israel akiishughulikia hamas mbona unanichekesha.
dogo Google ni kitu gani? au face book yani hapo ndio umeona deal kubwa sana? kumbuka hivyo bila internet havifanyi kaz sa hio ndio elimui. Kweli ukiwa mjinga ni noma sana. Kuhusu atomic bomb Iran anabembelezwa na USA asitengeneze na USA yuko tayari kumuondolea vikwaza na Iran bado anamzungusha USA si ajabu mpaa Iran kakubali deal kasha kuwa nayo.wanaotazama akhera ndo hao wanaoshinda mkekani wanaiashia kupambana na mtu mwenye kifaru kwa kutumia mawe, elimu ya myahudi huijui? unaijua google? unaijua facebook? unaijua atomic bomb?
Inasemekana tarehe 29-09 au 1-02 Hezbollah atarudisha kichapo na Israel sa hivi kijasho kinamtoka anaogopa Hezbollah asiripue Haifa refinery, one of only two such installations in Israel.
dogo Israel hawezi kuwashinda Hamas hata siku moja, unakumbuka vita iliyo pita Israel alisema anaingia Gaza kuwamaliza Hamas, amini usiamini aliingia km 1.5 akatolewa mkuki, na hakuzivunja silaha za Hamas, na kila siku zilivyo kuwa zikienda anarushiwa missile za kila aina. Israel anacho jua nikuvunja majumba tu na kuwa watoto, afu anajidai eti majumba hayo kuna silaha za Hamas, kama kweli Hamas anaweka silaha kwenye majumba, angeisha shindwa zamani kama silaha zake ziko kwenye majumba. Hamas/Hezbollah ya Lebanon ni moto wa kuotea mbali kwa Israel.
dogo nimeisha kuambia Israel hawezi kupigana na Hamas aweze kupigana na nchi za kiarabu, huyo bila USA hana kitu.
Kitu gani nilicho sema ni porojo imefika tarehe 29-01-2015 au 01-02-2015 mpaa useme ni poroja. Afu sikusema na uhakika lazima uwe unasome between the line, nilicho sema nimesikia. Sa poroja zangu zipi tena.Waislam ni watu wa porojo tu.... Hakika Mtafaace irony Hand
Wale wakipiga wao wanalenga ma camp ya jeshi la Israel au Industries area za Israel au Air port, mara moja moja sana missile zao zinapiga majumba. Sio hao jamaa zako kila kukicha wao kupiga majumba, Hospital na shule.Kwani Hamas na Hezbollah huwa wakupiga makombora ndani ya Israel huwa wanalenga nini? Achana na kitu kiitwacho vita; vita haina macaho, mengineyo ni propaganda tu.
Wale wakipiga wao wanalenga ma camp ya jeshi la Israel au Industries area za Israel au Air port, mara moja moja sana missile zao zinapiga majumba. Sio hao jamaa zako kila kukicha wao kupiga majumba, Hospital na shule.
dogo warabu kila wakipigana wanapigana na Israel bila msaada wa nchi yoyote ile. Israel kuwa na nguvu kuliko warabu ni ndoto tu ya wakristo, kama mlivyo daganywa na Paulo kuwa Prophet Jacob kapigana na malaika wa Mungu akamshinda ndio akaitwa Israel. Ni kichaa tu ndio anaweza kuamini maneno hayo, Israel na Jacob ni watu wawili tofouti kabisa hata bibilai zenu zinasema vile. Isaiah 9:7 and 14:1 Utaona hao ni watu wawili tofauti.Hapa unachobisha hakieleweki. Hamas san a teknolojia ya kutengeneza silaha gani ambazo Israel hawawezi?
Kama hoja yako ni kuwa Israel hawezi kupigana bila msaada wa USA, Waarabu wao wanaweza kupigana dhidi ya Israel bila msaada kutoka nje?
Nijuavyo mimi, na huu ni ukweli, hata pande zote zinazohasimiana yaani Israel au Waarabu wataingia kupigana bila kutegemea silaha za misaada ya nje, kila Taifa likitumia teknolojia take ya ndani bado Israel wana nguvu kuliko Waarabu.
Sikulazimishi kukubali lkn ukweli ni kuwa Israel wana uwezo wa kusimama na kupigana vita bila msaada kutoka nje lkn Waarabu hawawezi kuingia vitani bila msaada kutoka nje. Hutaki unaacha.
Hapa unachobisha hakieleweki. Hamas san a teknolojia ya kutengeneza silaha gani ambazo Israel hawawezi?
Kama hoja yako ni kuwa Israel hawezi kupigana bila msaada wa USA, Waarabu wao wanaweza kupigana dhidi ya Israel bila msaada kutoka nje?
Nijuavyo mimi, na huu ni ukweli, hata pande zote zinazohasimiana yaani Israel au Waarabu wataingia kupigana bila kutegemea silaha za misaada ya nje, kila Taifa likitumia teknolojia take ya ndani bado Israel wana nguvu kuliko Waarabu.
Sik
hata wewe una ushabiki tu,juzi hapa israel hawajapigana na gaza mpaka silaha zikawaishia?ama ulikua hufuatilii?.
waliishiwa makombora ya iron dome hadi ikabidi america ifanye resupply.
waliishiwa makombora ya kufyatua toka kwenye ndege ikabidi wakachukua kwenye maghala ya wamarekani bila hata ikulu ya marekani kutoa ok.
jumla ya makombora ilitumia israel gaza ni tani elfu 20,ama kilo milioni 20.
na bado hawakutimiza lengo zaidi ya kuuwa raia na kubomoa majengo
Hebu nionyeshe nyumba walizo piga Hamas kule Israel kama utazipata basi ni mbili au tano tu. Israel yeye anapiga siku zote majumba, vita ya Hezbollah na Israel kavunja majumba tu, na vita yeye na Hamas kavunja majumba tu, sijaona kavunja silaha za Hezbollah au Hamas.Naona umejikamua kujibu, japo kwa aibu. Unajibu uongo huku ukweli unakusuta. Pole Mkuu ila ukweli utakuweka huru.
Hebu nionyeshe nyumba walizo piga Hamas kule Israel kama utazipata basi ni mbili au tano tu. Israel yeye anapiga siku zote majumba, vita ya Hezbollah na Israel kavunja majumba tu, na vita yeye na Hamas kavunja majumba tu, sijaona kavunja silaha za Hezbollah au Hamas.
dogo warabu kila wakipigana wanapigana na Israel bila msaada wa nchi yoyote ile. Israel kuwa na nguvu kuliko warabu ni ndoto tu ya wakristo, kama mlivyo daganywa na Paulo kuwa Prophet Jacob kapigana na malaika wa Mungu akamshinda ndio akaitwa Israel. Ni kichaa tu ndio anaweza kuamini maneno hayo, Israel na Jacob ni watu wawili tofouti kabisa hata bibilai zenu zinasema vile. Isaiah 9:7 and 14:1 Utaona hao ni watu wawili tofauti.
dogo warabu wanatengeneza wao weneywe silaha siku nyingi wewe umelala sana. Hebu soma kisa cha Egypt na Iran kuhusu silaha zao.Hizo silaha wanazotumia Waarabu vitani zinatengenzwa na nchi gani ya Kiarabu?
http://www.merip.org/mer/mer144/arms-industries-middle-eastEgypt Egyptian arms production dates back to the period of Muhammad Ali's rule in the 1820s. Comprehensive and of high quality, it included warships, artillery, rifles, bombs and ammunition. Both resources and market were strictly domestic. But under European pressure, facilities were disbanded in the 1840s.
Egypt began modern arms production after World War II with help from German, Swedish and French experts. The government built ammunition and small arms factories in the mid-1950s. An aircraft factory was set up at Helwan, near Cairo, in 1950 to produce primary trainers and prototypes of fighters, and the Helwan Engine Company was set up in 1960 to produce aircraft engines. The Sakr Factory for Developed Industries, set up in 1953 in Heliopolis, another Cairo suburb, was a munitions works which began to develop missiles in the 1960s. All of these efforts were based on imported technology. During the 1960s, Egyptian industry built several hundred aircraft; some were exported. But the Soviets, by then Egypt's main arms supplier, discouraged local arms production. The arms factories ran into financial difficulties and many had closed by the end of the 1960s. Apart from light arms manufacture, Egypt's military industry worked only on repair and maintenance of imported weapons.
Egypt broke its special relations with the Soviets after 1973 and turned to the West. The 1973 October war and the increase in oil prices spurred plans for expanded Egyptian military industries. So did the new economic program of infitah, with its goal of opening of the Egyptian economy to foreign companies and expanding exports. The Sadat regime proposed construction of a military-industrial complex called the Arab Organization of Industries (AOI). AOI was based on the idea that the Saudis and their partners would provide the capital; Washington, London and Paris would provide the technology and capital equipment; Egypt would contribute its four existing arms factories -- the aircraft and engine factories in Helwan, the Sakr munitions factory in Heliopolis and the Kader factory (aircraft and armor) -- and some 15,000 trained workers. AOI was formally set up in 1975 and some assembly and licensing agreements were reached in 1977-1978, but Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf states cut off funding in 1979 in response to the Egyptian-Israeli-US peace treaty. Egypt assumed total control of the consortium at that point, with credits from the US and France and some money from arms exports. Since 1984, there have been reports of renewed Saudi funding.
AOI annual production was about $100 million in the early 1980s. Most of this output was for Egyptian forces, though Egypt exports to Iraq and some other Arab and African states as well. Military Production Industries (MPI) is a government-run arms complex under the Defense Ministry that is separate from AOI. MPI has 15 factories, mainly in Cairo's suburbs. Its $240 million annual output of small arms and ammunition is mostly for local use. Together the two consortia oversee 24 factories and have a labor force of between 70,000 and 100,000.
AOI projects have built up the Egyptian aerospace industry. Between 1982 and 1985, the Helwan plant assembled some 37 French Alpha jets with almost half local components including flaps, rudders, tailcones and some avionics. Helwan is now assembling Chinese F-7 (MiG-21) fighters, and is beginning to assemble Mirage 2000 fighters. The Kader factory, perhaps with Saudi financing, is producing 110 Brazilian EMB-312 Tucano trainers, 80 of them for Iraq. The new privately financed Arab-British Helicopter Company is assembling two or three Gazelle light helicopters per month, and Aerospatiale has also agreed to provide technology for assembly of the Super Puma helicopter. Three factories at Helwan assemble, repair and overhaul aircraft engines. Benha Electronics Factory, in a co-production arrangement with Westinghouse, is assembling radar systems. It has a work force of 3,000 and annual turnover of 70 million Egyptian pounds. Egypt designed and developed the Walid armored personnel carrier in the 1960s. A new version, the Fahd, came off the assembly lines in 1984 and several Arab states have placed orders. General Dynamics, the US firm, won a contract in 1984 to build a tank factory outside Cairo. US and British firms have competed for contracts supplying tools for upgrading Soviet artillery. In 1982, Egypt sold Iraq $1 billion worth of refurbished Soviet military hardware, and the arms trade to Iraq has remained brisk.
Egypt currently assembles the British Swingfire anti-tank missile, and versions of the Soviet SA-7 and SA-2 portable surface-to-air missiles, as well as several kinds of air-to-air and air-to-ground missiles. These missiles are mostly built at the Sakr works. Egyptian factories are also turning out increasing quantities of guns and ammunition, some for export. And they are producing military electronics such as radios and telecommunications. France is Egypt's major partner in developing more sophisticated assembly and production facilities. According to one French executive, "Egypt has become a profitable relay between France and the other countries in the region." At a time of declining foreign exchange revenues, Egypt is counting on increasing its arms exports. Since Iraq takes two thirds of Egypt's military exports, an end to the Gulf War could affect Cairo's export plans significantly. Egypt also needs to increase arms exports to make its military industries cost-effective. Gamal al-Sayyid Ibrahim, minister of state for military production, discussing which main battle tank Egypt might assemble, remarked that the choice would not only have to meet Egyptian army requirements but would also have "to satisfy the market around us." Apart from Iraq, some of Egypt's main clients have been Somalia, Oman, Sudan and North Yemen. Shipments to these countries, including Chinese jet fighters and Soviet and US tanks, have been financed by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Other important customers have been the Afghan mujahidin and the Washington-backed forces of Hissene Habre in Chad.
Iran
Iran is a textbook case of a country whose small industrial base and determination to acquire state-of-the-art weaponry combined to ensure that it would remain overwhelmingly dependent on foreign manufacturers. With the exception of some aircraft assembly begun in the 1930s and terminated with the outbreak of World War II, Iran has imported most of its weapons from the United States.
Iranian production of small arms and explosives dates back to the 1920s. An ammunition factory at Parchin, in the north of the country, has operated continuously for more than 50 years. By the late 1970s the Royal Armaments Factories in Tehran were manufacturing a wide variety of small arms, including basic infantry rifles and machine guns. Today the production of these and other plants supply Iranian forces in the war with Iraq.
When the Shah decided to expand Iran's military might, he emphasized the air force. In 1969, the parliament obliged by decreeing that a portion of the country's oil revenues be put in a fund for arms imports. In 1970 the Shah established Iran Aircraft Industries (IACI) as a joint venture with Northrop. A repair facility for US-made missiles also was set up at Shiraz.
Between 1970 and 1974, the military's share in total capital expenditures in the country rose from 25 percent to 41 percent of the total, and many different industrial sectors -- automotive, chemical, mechanical -- had some military dimension to them. A huge military-industrial complex was begun near Isfahan, and by 1978 spare parts for tanks and helicopters were being manufactured there. The Military Industries Organization was the single largest importer of machine tools in the mid-1970s.
Iran's sizable automobile assembly industry had a military component. Three foreign auto licensers, Jeep (US), British Leyland (maker of the Land Rover) and Daimler-Benz (West Germany) manufactured military vehicles. While tank maintenance and repairs remained a completely military project, the private sector took on the production and repair of military vehicles. In small arms production, French, German and Swedish companies licensed factories owned by Iranian entrepreneurs.
The purchase agreements made by the Shah's government for advanced weapons systems usually included provision of repair facilities and training programs for Iranian technicians. Most of these operations involved replacing rather than repairing defective parts. The IACI experience illustrates the limits of these measures. In 1975, the Iranian government bought out Northrop, and then contracted with Lockheed and General Electric for similar services. By 1977, IACI had a work force of 2,600 in five Iranian cities. Three quarters of these were Iranians, but they were concentrated in management and unskilled jobs. At the core of IACI were some 600 skilled workers from Pakistan, South Korea and the Philippines and 50 technicians from the US.
Other repair and assembly contracts were extensions of sales contracts, giving multinational arms companies easy access to the Iranian market through these local subsidiaries. The Iranian state firms producing and repairing weapons were grouped under the Military Industries Organization and, one step removed, the War Ministry. Many of the same middlemen close to the Peacock Throne who profited handsomely on contracts for importing weapons also had financial interests in these enterprises.
At the time of the revolution in 1979, several of these different arms projects were incomplete. One was the Bell Helicopter joint venture in Isfahan to train 1,500 pilots and 5,000 mechanics and then to assemble a military transport helicopter. This was canceled. The Islamic Republic has continued arms production at a reduced level, but the war with Iraq has been fought largely with imported weapons and ammunition. And the regime has no doubt extended and expanded the local maintenance and repair capacity begun under the Shah.
Hebu nionyeshe nyumba walizo piga Hamas kule Israel kama utazipata basi ni mbili au tano tu. Israel yeye anapiga siku zote majumba, vita ya Hezbollah na Israel kavunja majumba tu, na vita yeye na Hamas kavunja majumba tu, sijaona kavunja silaha za Hezbollah au Hamas.
dogo hizo ni akili za wajinga tu, Hamas wakipigana vita wao wanavuruga vifaru, camp za jeshi wanajeshi wa Israel hizo ndio tabia zao, wao hawavunji majumba na kuwauwa watoto wadogo. Hamas si vichaa ni vichaa tu ndio wanaenda vunja majumba na kuwauwa watu wasio na hatia.Huwezi kupata picha kwa kuwa Hamas hawajawahi kufanikiwa kuwapiga Israel
Kwa chuki ya Hamas dhidi ya Israel, na kwa jinsi Israel anavyopiga, na kuharibu miji ya Palestina; kama hao Hamas na Hizbollah wangekuwa na uwezo wa kuipiga Israel, Israel leo isingekuwepo kama alivyotamani Ahmednajad alipokuwa Rais wa Iran.