Here is why Tanzania is a cold EAC member

Here is why Tanzania is a cold EAC member

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The Observer - Here is why Tanzania is a cold EAC member

[h=1]Here is why Tanzania is a cold EAC member[/h]
Guest Writers
Thursday, 14 November 2013 21:24
Written by CHARLES KAZOOBA 1 Comments


The media, all over East Africa, has been awash with press reports of disagreements between the five EAC member states with three of them—Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda—toeing a progressive line by deciding to fast-track the integration process in preparation for a political federation. The other two, Tanzania and Burundi, have, meanwhile, been left by the roadside as observers, to the chagrin of Tanzanians, who host the EAC headquarters in Arusha. Three fundamental decisions, made in the past in Arusha, should, however, make us understand the origin of the rift and whether on November 30, the summit sitting in Kampala will be made up of all the five heads of state. Around 2004, a survey was carried out amongst the EAC member states to determine the progress of the integration process. Fast-tracking the formation of a union government for the EAC was one of those issues consulted about. It is only the Tanzanians that overwhelmingly embraced the idea of a political federation compared to other member states. But when it came to the issue of fast-tracking the federation, the Tanzanians surprisingly shied away. Tanzanians reasoned, rather boldly, that they were suspicious of Kenyans and Ugandans, who could allegedly grab their land in a federal state. After that, Tanzania was seen as a cold member of the family, which created cracks within the EAC. Another incident that fuelled bad blood between Tanzania and the other member states was a court case involving John D. Lamba, a Tanzanian businessman, who sued the East African Development Bank (EADB) and attempted to attach the bank’s assets to recover $137m, an amount that exceeded EADB’s capital base. Mr Lamba’s Blueline transport firm sued EADB, an institution of the EAC, in 1997 after the bank put his business under receivership for failing to pay the remaining $1.5 million of a $2.3 million loan, extended to him in 1990. When the Tanzanian court of Appeal cleared Lamba to attach the bank’s assets, a diplomatic and legal crisis arose within the community. Fortunately, the case was later dismissed after the intervention of the heads of state of the EAC. However, treachery was all over the face of Tanzanians. In another case, Timothy Alvin Kahoho, a Tanzanian journalist, sued the EAC secretary general for deciding to embark on the political federation without consulting the people. The journalist, basing on late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere’s popular quote “No person has the right to say, ‘I am the people’,” argued that a federation had to be determined through a referendum. Kahoho also asked court to rescind the summit decision granting the community employees diplomatic immunity. In essence, Kahoho wanted the staff and politicians in the community to only acquire diplomatic immunity after negotiating with Tanzania in respect to sovereignty. Those decisions, coupled with Tanzania’s latest role in the DRC as the lead contingent of the new, aggressive UN force intervention brigade, forced the other EAC member states to take very radical measures. The ruling in Kahoho’s case allowed the majority of member states to legally decide on fundamental issues in the community under the principle of variable geometry. In the past it was by consensus—all member states had to reach a common position. And this gave birth to the ‘coalition of the willing’ by Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda, whose leaders in three meetings so far have agreed on more fundamental development projects to drive the integration process forward. But fortunately, President Jakaya Kikwete has insisted Tanzania is not about to pull out of the EAC. This means Tanzanian has conceded that the EAC is a market they cannot afford to lose.
 
The writer has tried his best to narrate the reasons why the other three countries decided to go their own way leaving Tanzania by the roadside. Some of the reasons such as individuals suing some EAC institutions do not seem to have contributed much to the problem if we believe in the right of individuals to seek justice by legal means.

The issue of Tanzania being the leader in the war to get rid of M23 and other insurgents in DRC could have contributed to the sideling of Tanzania as the whole process was accompanied by some rants from Kigali, and maybe no wonder M23 decided to cross the border into Uganda after being outgunned. Their move speaks volumes on the relation between the two parties.

The interests of Kenya in the coalition of the willing are purely commercial while those of Uganda and Rwanda are not. That is why immediately after the speech of Kikwete Kenya sent its Foreign minister to Dar for talks with the Tanzania government. Kenya would like to increase trade through the Mombasa port but not at the expense of no trade with Dar. On the other hand Uganda and Rwanda, especially their leaders are direct beneficiaries of the chaos in DRC and would like to keep it the way it is.
 
The writer has tried his best to narrate the reasons why the other three countries decided to go their own way leaving Tanzania by the roadside. Some of the reasons such as individuals suing some EAC institutions do not seem to have contributed much to the problem if we believe in the right of individuals to seek justice by legal means. The issue of Tanzania being the leader in the war to get rid of M23 and other insurgents in DRC could have contributed to the sideling of Tanzania as the whole process was accompanied by some rants from Kigali, and maybe no wonder M23 decided to cross the border into Uganda after being outgunned. Their move speaks volumes on the relation between the two parties.The interests of Kenya in the coalition of the willing are purely commercial while those of Uganda and Rwanda are not. That is why immediately after the speech of Kikwete Kenya sent its Foreign minister to Dar for talks with the Tanzania government. Kenya would like to increase trade through the Mombasa port but not at the expense of no trade with Dar. On the other hand Uganda and Rwanda, especially their leaders are direct beneficiaries of the chaos in DRC and would like to keep it the way it is.
Well said mkuu.
 
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