Hii ndiyo Tanzania tunayoitaka

Tanzania kila kitu tuko chini na tunapitwa na hata nchi zilizokuwa vitani kwa muda mrefu. Unaambiwa bajeti za Burundi, rwanda, DRC ni kubwa kuliko ya Tanzania!

Unaweza pia kushangaa kuwa bajeti ya Tanzania ya wizara ya ulinzi ni kubwa kuliko nchi zinazopigana!!

Mwaka jana nilimskia Mkapa akiongelea kuuza umeme Kenya mara tu tutakapounganisha na Grid ya ZAmbia!!

Nikajiuliza utaanzaje kufikiria kuuza umeme nje ya nchi wakati kuna baadhi ya wilaya na siyo vijiji hazina umeme!!

Biashara hadi ikulu! Ninakubaliana na nanyi kuwa wakati umefika wa kuweka mbele interest za wananchi kwanza.
Ukiamua kulinganisha bajeti ya elimu ya Tanzania na nchi tuzosema ziko vitani utaishia kuugua pressure. Kwanza miaka 50 anayosema ES inaweza kufika na kukuta hiyo gas haijatumiaka katika nyumba zote dar!
 
Ndugu Mkira,

Tatizo kubwa sio kukosa fedha. Ni namna tunavyozitumia. Kiasi cha bajeti yote ya Kenya ya mwaka 2006/2007 (US$ 4.98 billion) kinakaribiana sana na cha kwetu (US$4.85 billion), lakini Kenya wanatumia kwenye Elimu (zote kwa pamoja) mara 4 zaidi ya sisi tunavyotumia kwenye elimu (zote kwa pamoja).

Kiasi cha fedha ambazo serikali ya Kikwete imetenga kwa ajili ya Wizara ya Elimu na Mafunzo ya Ufundi katika bajeti ya 2006/2007 ni (US$ 239.65 million). Hii ni 4.9% ya bajeti yote.

Kwa kulinganisha, fedha zilizotengwa kwa ajili ya Wizara ya Elimu, Sayansi na Ufundi ya Kenya katika bajeti ya 2006/2007 ni US$1,345.108 million. Hii ni 27% ya bajeti yote ya Kenya.

Ukijumlisha fedha zilizotengewa Wizara za Elimu (Mungai) na Wizara ya Elimu ya Juu (Ngwandu) katika bajeti ya mwaka 2005/2006 zinafika US$ 313.493 million. Hii maanake ni kwamba mwaka jana, katika kila dola tuliyowekeza kwenye Elimu, Kenya iliwekeza dola 4. Vile vile Kenya imekuwa ikitumia 25% ya bajeti yake kwenye Elimu, kwa miaka mingi hapo nyuma.

Uganda vile vile imekuwa ikiwekeza zaidi kwenye Elimu kuliko sisi. Matokeo yake, kwa sasa Tanzania inatoa 19,000 college graduates kwa mwaka, Kenya inatoa 50,000 to 60,000 college graduates kwa mwaka, na Uganda inatoa 24,000. Hizi takwimu za idadi ya graduates zipo kwenye magezeti yaliyopo ippmedia.com leo, lakini nilivyokuwa naelewa ni kwamba idadi ya college graduates wote wa Kenya inafika 80,000 kwa mwaka.

Wanaoamua kubaki nyuma kwenye elimu wanabaki nyuma kwenye maendeleo. Hili tunaliona hata tunapolinganisha maendeleo katika mikoa ya Tanzania. Maendeleo ni matokeo ya elimu.

Kuna kutofautiana sana ubora wa Elimu vile vile. Shule za Kenya zina waalimu, madawati na vyoo zaidi kabisa kuliko shule za Tanzania. Mtoto ambaye hana hata mahali pa kujisetiri anapozidiwa hawezi kusoma vizuri. Atamsikilizaje mwalimu na huku amezidiwa?

JK, acha kuzungukia hao ma Miss Utalii ukae chini uzingatie maendeleo ya elimu nchini Tanzania. Huo Urais sio wa kuvinjari tu!

Augustine Moshi
 
What lesson can Tanzania learn from Malawi?
Telesphor R. Magobe - 8/30/2006


I have a habit of waking up early in the morning and reading. A few days ago I happened to read about jurisdiction and immunity to prosecution in Tanzania. The morning was too short for me to read more about this enthralling area but I managed to cover topics like presidency, diplomats, judicial officers, minors and parliamentary immunities.

It was very interesting to see how certain classes of people, especially those in high positions are protected by the law unlike the majority of people who often experience inadequate protection. For instance, the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania (1977) prohibits any criminal and civil proceedings whatsoever against the President during and after his tenure of service [Article 46 (1-3)]. Of course, a similar immunity goes to MPs as well, while judicial officers have a limited one. The latter can be charged in courts of law if there is evidence that they have acted fraudulently or maliciously.

When I arrived in the office, I coincidently read on the front page of a Kiswahili daily paper, Mwananchi, Muluzi akamatwa kwa rushwa (Muluzi arrested for corruption) something one will not think of happening in Tanzania. The article drew my attention and I started reading it, for I know a bit about Malawi and its politics since 1993 (the time I went there) to date and because I prefer equality before the law to immunity.

Malawi's Dr Bakili Elison Muluzi came into power after Life President Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda was defeated during the first democratic election in May 1994. Dr Banda ruled Malawi since independence, 1964.

However, in 1992 the Roman Catholic Bishops wrote a pastoral letter titled Living Our Faith and was read in every Catholic Church on Sunday, March 8, 1992. The letter addressed the plight of Malawians, for the government had kept people believe they lived peacefully and dignifiedly, while in reality they were indigent, repressed and in great fear. Obviously, the people were denied freedom of thought and _expression and the brave ones were murdered, exiled or imprisoned.

Those, of course, were caused by a despotic, totalitarian and unjust regime of Dr Banda and his Malawi Congress Party (MCP). Through the Malawi Young Pioneers (MYP), Dr Banda managed to control the population from the grassroots level. The MYP were his machinery to promote political propaganda and check any political criticisms and resistances in the country. This made people burry their heads in sand (ostrich spirituality)!

So the Bishops' letter of March 1992 sparked a commotion in the country, not because it was really negative (actually it was very constructive) but because people did not know how to respond to the message delivered. It was only that it was the first criticism made public in a well protected repressive regime and it needed bold people to do so.

After the letter was read in all churches, the government banned it and the seven Bishops who had signed it were under house arrest. They were called to see Dr Banda and one of them, Mgr John Roche, an Irish national, was singled out as a mastermind behind the content and publication of the letter and was thus given a 24-hour notice to leave the country for his safety.

In 1993 I was still new to the country but I had virtually mastered the Chewa (national) language. I was lucky to listen to a few tapes about the MCP secret meeting, which discussed about the fate of the seven Bishops. How were the discussions disclosed? No body knew but some people believed a high-tech device was used to tape discussions, as the international community had been informed about the situation in the country and so it sought ways to save the Bishops. If there were no interventions from the international community most probably the poor Bishops would disappear for ever, as nobody knew their whereabouts at the time and no news was given about them afterwards!

Disappearances seemed to be used by MCP as a means to deal with political opponents of the time! To be brief, the MCP meeting was about: "Let's do as we normally do to people like these ones, we just make them disappear and nobody will be able to trace them again. No, let us exile them because another bishop (name withheld) was also exiled under similar circumstances. No, bring them here and we'll ask all men to leave the place and we'll know what to do to them (women members). How can they make such blasphemies? Who do they think they are to belittle Ngwazi (Dr Kamuzu), the Messiah?"

Apparently, a few Catholic Church members disowned their Church membership just to show how infuriated they were to hear the Bishops message! Were the bishops really wrong or the MCP members just wanted to show their allegiance to Dr Banda at any cost?

So when Dr Muluzi became president, at the beginning he became very popular, a man of the people, one would say, and a liberator from a tyrannical regime. He portrayed himself as the people's true choice. He became very famous regionally as well as internationally. But it did not take him long before he fell victim of criticisms either from within or without, especially on his use of government money. Wherever he would go he dished out money and gave people a picture that he was really concerned with their suffering.

Unfortunately, many African politicians do not run the whole race. They get tired just half way after they have accumulated enough wealth for themselves and don't see any reason to go any further! That is why the people lose confidence in them.

The good thing with Malawi though is that the country's Constitution (2002) is not as protective towards the President as Tanzania's as regards to immunity. For instance, it states that the President shall be immune to civil proceedings but not to orders of the court as regards rights and duties as stipulated in the Constitution [Article 91 (1)].

Likewise, the President shall be immune to criminal proceedings during his or her tenure of service except when charged with an impeachment offence [Article 91 92)]. After finishing the tenure of presidency, "he or she shall not be personally liable for acts done in an official capacity during his or her term of office but shall not otherwise be immune" [91 (3)].

Suggestions to amend Tanzania's Constitution to perfect and make it suit current needs and global developments are of considerable importance. This means that our leaders need to listen more to the people than to cling to power and tell people what to do and how they are committed to bringing about development in future (and not now)! It is time that we amend our Constitution to make it more comprehensive and suitable for our current situation and even to review the immunities it gives to high ranking officials.

Telesphor R. Magobe is a Roman Catholic Missionary Priest of the Society of the Missionaries of Africa, traditionally known as White Fathers. He has completed university studies in an international settings in Tanzania, Zambia, Malawi, and England. He’s working with Daily Times and is heading the features desk. He’s also currently working on his LLB from the Open University of Tanzania.
 
Zamani Tanzania tulikuwa na gesi nyingi sana Songosongo. Hiyo gesi bado ipo, lakini sio mali yetu tena. Alikuja mtu aitwaye Mwekezaji toka Marekani, na tukakubaliana naye hiyo gesi inaweza ikawa yake, mradi akubali kutupa asilimia 12 yake. Alikubali, lakini kwa masharti kwamba huo umilikaji wake hatuna ruhusa kuulizia sisi. Tukiwa na tatizo, itabidi tukalalamike Uingereza.

Mtu ambaye 88% ya gesi ya Songosongo ni yake ndiye mwenye gesi ya Songosongo. Watanzania wanaodhani kwamba bado gesi ya Songosongo ni ya Tanzania ni watu tu wenye ndoto za mchana.

Zamani baadhi ya mababu zetu waliwauzia wakoloni ardhi kwa malipo ya chumvi. Walifanya vizuri kuliko sisi, kwani angalau waliuza mali. Wangekuwa wanafanya kama sisi sasa, wangetoa ardhi iwe mali ya wageni, kwa ahadi kwamba ekari chache (kama ekari 12 kati ya kila 100) ziwe zetu. Hii ni kusahau kwamba ardhi yote ni yetu.

Tumetoa gesi ya Sosngosongo kwa ahadi kwamba 12% yake itakuwa yetu. Ilikuwa yetu yote, lakini kwa mazingaombwe ya rushwa na ujinga, tumeikabidhi kwa ahadi kwamba tutapewa 12% yake.

Almasi yetu tunapewa 5% yake, dhahabu yetu tunapewa 3% yake na gesi 12%. Wenye sehemu kubwa ziliyobaki ndiyo wenye mali. Ukweli unauma, lakini ni kweli kwamba Watanzania tulikuwa na gesi, dhahabu na almasi, lakini hivyo vitu sio vyetu tena. Bado viko Tanzania lakini sio mali yetu. Ni kama lilivyo jengo la Ubalozi wa Marekani; liko Tanzania, lakini sio mali ya Watanzania.

Songosongo ipo Tanzania, lakini gesi ya Songosongo sio ya Watanzani. Ilikuwa yetu 100% zamani. Hatukuiza, tumeitoa kwa makubaliano ya kupewa 12% yake. Mwenye mali anatuuzia, na siku akiamua kutotuuzia tena hakuna tunaloweza kufanya. Kwa sasa anatengeneza umeme kutoka na gesi yake na anatuuzia huo umeme kwa bei yake. Kama hampendi acheni; kwanza mmezoea kukaa gizani.

Augustine Moshi
 
The graft is Tanzania is shocking, and real stinking, mie nilikuwa najua tu a tip of iceberg!
Hiyo narrative yako kwanza sikuielewa lakini nimeielewa, think how much we had lost: Angalia kule BOT wanavyo-guarantee kiholela, kuna watu wanakuja wakavu kabisa )bila pesa) ku-invest Tanzania, wanacheza na mikataba, wanatumia mali asili zetu na market zetu, vilevile tunawapa guarantee kwenye BOT au government! Nimegundua 99% hawakuleta pesa, bali wamekuja wakavu, wamecheza michezo na serikali yetu tukufu, wakapewa na pesa either na World Bank, au na hata guarantees wakope pesa wanakotaka.
Think our resources, our money, our guarantees, their MINDS!
Mwl Moshi ahsante sana kwa hiyo!
 
PS
Hivi hawa waliosaini hii mikataba hatuwezi kuwatafuta tuwatoboe vichwa vyao kuona walikuwa na akili gani?
 
Jasusi, hilo ndilo nimelipigia kelele.. haitoshi kuangalia mikataba tu.. nataka tuwajue hawa wanaotuingiza kwenye mikataba ni kina nani?
 
Hii ndio Tanzania yetu!! Jamani, mgao wa umeme ndio umeongezeka baada ya mtambo wa umeme wa SONGAS ( formerly owned by TANESCO) kuharibika. Je, malipo ya capacity charges yanabaki pale pale au yanapungua? Mitambo yote ya SONGAS (na IPTL for that matter) ikiharibika, tutaendelea kulipa capacity charges hiyo hiyo hata kama hawawezi kutoa umeme wa kuwasha hata balbu moja ya tochi? Naomba ufafanuzi kwa anayejua but I bet mikataba inasema tutalipa tu.
 
Chama Chetu cha Mapinduzi kina jenga nchi na sisi CCM tulipata 80% pamoja na kuwachuuza Watanzania lakini wanajua sisi ni namba moja.
 
Kwenye magazeti ya leo (September 1, 2006) kuna habari kuhusu serikali kuongeza fedha kwa ajili ya mikopo ya wanafunzi. Naposti hapa chini taarifa toka gazeti la Nipashe.

Kwa taarifa ya Prof. Msola, zitatumika shilingi bilioni 111.3 kukopesha wanafunzi 51,064. Ukigawanya 111.3 bn/= kwa wanafunzi 51,064 unakuta zinafikia shilingi milioni mbili, mia moja na sabini na tisa elfu, mia sita kumi na saba (2,179,617/=) kwa kila mwanafunzi.

Kwa kawaida wamekuwa wakimkopesha kila mwanafunzi kiasi gani (kwa wastani)?

Kwa urahisi kabisa, serikali ingeweza kongeza bilioni mia nyingine kutoka kwenye fungu la zaidi ya shilingi bilioni elfu walizotengea Wizara ya Fedha. Zitatumika vibaya wakati Elimu inapunjwa fedha.

Augustine Moshi

===============================
Serikali yaongeza bil.47/-

2006-09-01 10:21:06
Na Frank Mbunda

Serikali imeongeza Sh. bilioni 47.8 kwa ajili ya mikopo ya wanafunzi wa vyuo vya elimu ya juu nchini.

Waziri wa Sayansi, Teknolojia na Elimu ya Juu, Profesa Peter Msolla, alitangaza hayo jana ofisini kwake jijini Dar es Salaam, mbele ya waandishi wa habari.

Profesa Msolla alisema nyongeza hiyo itajumuishwa na Sh. bilioni 63.5 zilizoidhinishwa na Bunge mjini Dodoma, wakati wa kikao cha Bajeti ya Serikali kwa mwaka wa fedha wa 2006/07.

Nyongeza hiyo sasa inafanya jumla ya Sh. bilioni 111.3.
Alifafanua kuwa, fedha hizo sasa zitawawezesha wanafunzi 51,064 wa vyuo vya elimu ya juu kupata mikopo kutoka serikalini, ambao ni sawa na asilimia 19.5 ya wanafunzi 42,729 waliokopeshwa mwaka 2005.

Hata hivyo, Waziri Msolla alisisitiza kwamba, wanafunzi watakaopewa mikopo hiyo ni wale waliofaulu kwa kiwango cha Daraja la Kwanza kwa wavulana; na Daraja la Kwanza na Pili kwa wasichana.

Aidha, alisema wanafunzi wanaondelea na masomo, wataendelea kupata mikopo hiyo pasipo kujali kama walifaulu kwa kiwango gani, kwa kuwa kama ni makosa, yalikwishafanyika.

Hata hivyo, alifafanua kuwa, wanafunzi wa miaka ya nyuma ambao awali walipewa mikopo hiyo kwa asilimia 90, sasa watapewa kwa asilimia 60 na asilimia nyingine 40, watalazimika kuchangia na wazazi wao.

Profesa Msolla alisema kwa wanafunzi wa mwaka kwanza, watapewa mikopo hiyo kwa asilimia 100 katika nyanja za chakula, malazi, vitabu na utafiti.

Alisema Serikali pia itaendelea kuwapa mikopo wanafunzi wote waliosajiliwa kwa ajili ya programu ya ualimu, kwa lengo la kupunguza uhaba wa wanataaluma hao nchini.

Hali kadhalika, alisema wale wanaochukua taaluma za sayansi, kilimo, uhandisi na uganga, pia watapewa mikopo hiyo kwa asilimia 100, hususan katika vyuo vya umma.

Vile vile, Profesa Msolla alisema wanafunzi wote wanaojiunga vyuoni chini ya utaratibu wa kujilipa wenyewe, sasa watalazimika kuendelea na utaratibu huo hadi watakapomaliza masomo yao.

Waziri Msolla aliongeza kuwa, kwa wale wanafunzi waliokopeshwa miaka ya nyuma kuanzia mwaka 1994 hadi mwaka jana, wanapaswa kuanza kuerejesha mikopo hiyo haraka, ili fedha hizo zitumike kwa wanafunzi wengine wanaotaka kujiunga na masomo ya elimu ya juu.

Aliwataka watu hao kurejesha mikopo hiyo kwa kuweka katika akaunti namba 201100205.

Profesa Msolla aliwahimiza waajiri wa umma na binafsi, kuhakikisha kwamba wanawakata kwenye mishahara yao na kwamba kwa yule ambaye hatalipa, atachukuliwa hatua za kisheria.

"Tutawafuatilia hata wale waliojiajiri huko huko," alisisitiza Waziri Msolla.

Hata hivyo, alisema siyo msimamo wa kudumu wa Serikali, bali hali itakuwa ikibadilika kutegemeana na hali ya uchumi wa Taifa.

SOURCE: Nipashe
 
Kuna uwezekano mkubwa tukapoteza urithi wetu wa mbuga za wanyama vile vile. Nasikia tayari mtu mmoja aitwaye Mwekezaji amepewa ruhusa ya kujenga uwanja wa ndege kwenye mbuga yetu mashuhuri. Lengo lake ni kuwachukua watalii na kwashushia kwenye uwanja wake wa ndege. Toka hapo atawapeleka kwenye hoteli yake, na wataangalia wanyama na kuondokea hapo hapo kwake.

Kuna mbuga nyingine zinachukuliwa kwa ajili ya uwindaji, nyingine kwa ajili ya kujenga mahoteli. Kwenye mbuga ya wanyama, ukishachukua sehemu ya kujenga hoteli na sehemu ya kujenga kiwanja cha ndege, basi kinachobakia ni kudai sehemu iliyobaki ukabidhiwe kama sehemu ya usalama ya kiwanja cha ndege. Unachukua Serengeti yote au Ngorongoro yote, pole pole.

Nadhani urithi wa mwisho tutakaoupoteza ni Mlima Kilimanjaro. Hili litaanza kwa Mwekezaji kusema kama tukikubali, basi atauchukua halafu atupe 3%. Nadhani tutakataa na kudai 4% kama tunavyopewa kwenye tanzanite. Hoja yetu itakuwa kwamba tanzanite na Mlima Kilimanjaro vyote vinapatikana Tanzania peke yake. Kama kimoja tumewapa watu kiwe mali yao mradi tu watupe 4%, kwa nini hicho cha pili kichukuliwe kwa 3%? Watakubali 4%, na Mlima utachukuliwa.

Mbingu na nchi zitapita lakini maneno yangu hayatapita.

Augustine Moshi
 
Ishu imezungumzwa kwenye house of LORDS lakini taarifa sio nzuri kwa nchi..

link ya story iko hapa:

http://www.tzuk.net/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1831&Itemid=39

taarifa kamili hii:

Tanzania. Is It a Safe Place to Invest?

The Tanzanian government have embarked on a major campaign to attract foreign investors into Tanzania stating it to be a 'Haven for Investors,' but is Tanzania a safe place to invest?

(PRWEB) August 25, 2006 --The Tanzanian government have embarked on a major campaign to attract foreign investors into Tanzania stating it to be a 'Haven for Investors,' but is Tanzania a safe place to invest?

The UK is a major investor in Tanzanian and is its largest bilateral development partner. Tanzania enjoys preferential debt status vis-à-vis the UK government based on ‘good governance'. Eager to attract foreign
investment and promote a diversified and reformed economy led by the private sector particularly, the agricultural sector the Tanzanian government has recently engaged in an aggressive and vocal campaign to portray Tanzania as an investor friendly country committed to the rule of law. However, the investor friendly rhetoric does not sit comfortably with the realty of life in Tanzania for the foreign investor.

It is the issue of security that should pose serious concerns for investors in Tanzania particularly issues of widespread corruption in the police and the judiciary. Can investors rely on any consistent protection from those who seek to abuse their lawful interests? The indications are that they cannot and that corruption, particularly in the police and the judiciary and district administrations now often crosses international boundaries.

A recent worrying illustration was the arrest of British investor Stewart Middleton a bona fide investor in Tanzania in all respects. Mr. Middleton operates in the agricultural sector and his company; Silverdale Tanzania Ltd employs 120 staff bringing much needed financial independence to the local community. He purchased an assignment to a lease to a farm, Silverdale & Mbono Farms, Hai, from Tanzanian hotelier Benjamin Mengi legally and, transparently. Subsequent to the money being paid to Mengi, he demanded the lease back. When refused, Mengi is alleged to have engaged in an unlawful campaign to terrorise Mr.

Middleton into leaving Tanzania despite a High Court ruling (Hon. Kileo. Revision 1. 2006) denying Mengi's application to evict Mr. Middleton from the farms.

In November 2005 armed police seized Mr. Middleton from the streets of Moshi on the instruction of RCO Kighondo. He was not told why he had been arrested, charged, cautioned or given legal representation. Taken before a district court he was asked to plead to ‘trumped up' charges (CC. 24-25, 2005), which do not appear in the Penal Code and, were dropped by the Director of Public Prosecutions as soon he was informed of the circumstances.

Since November 2005, the IPP Media Group, (the CEO of which is Reginald Mengi, Benjamin Mengi's brother), have engaged in a libellous campaign defaming Mr Middleton in newspapers printed in English and Swahili and published on the internet. No right to reply is given. See particularly but not exclusively, The Guardian 23/11/2005, Nipashe 3/1/2006, Guardian 19/1/2006, Mwananchi 22/11/2005, Nipashe 22/11/2005, Guardian, 23/11/2005, Nipashe, 2/2/2006, Alhamisi 19/1/ 2006 and the Guardian 19/1/ 2006.

In July 2006, Mr. Middleton was again arrested RCO Kighondo and committed to prison for two weeks by magistrate Temu (CC-635/2006). Prior to the hearing, he was placed in a public cage for four hours. The arrest was sanctioned by Regional Police Commissioner Tossi. Mengi watched outside the cage laughing at Mr. Middleton's incarceration.

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A representative of the British High Commission stated Mr. Middleton's committal was a foregone conclusion with armed police waiting in vehicles outside the court to take him to prison before he had a chance to speak. He was denied bail on the grounds that he had previously failed to appear at court.

Hearing a Revision of the committal (No.1. H.C. 2006) on the 21st July, Judge Mwakugile at the High Court in Moshi released Mr. Middleton immediately stating there was no evidence to support Mr. Middleton's arrest and refusal of bail and no evidence that he had any history of disobeying court orders. He dismissed magistrate Temu from the case stating she was ‘not free from bias' and, that the case contained ‘irregularities'. The principle State Attorney Lyimo offered no evidence stating the arrest was a travesty of justice and obtained by corruption. Little comfort to Mr. Middleton as he rotted in an African jail for three nights.

Whilst Mr. Middleton was in prison Benjamin Mengi and Anold Kimaro attended Silverdale Farm and threatened Mr. Middleton's staff screaming that he had put the ‘Masungu' (foreigner) in prison and that anyone that challenged him would be put them there to. Mr. Middleton has reported Mengi for Conspiracy To Murder, RB No BNG/RB/1585/2005, Threats To Kill, RB No BNG/RB/155/2006 and RB No MOS/RB/1787, 2305/06, Criminal Damage, RB No MOS/RB/1787, 2305/06 and Fraud, RB No MOS/RB/1787, 2305/06. Not one criminal charge has yet been brought against Benjamin Mengi.

With the above events resembling daily life in neighbouring Zimbabwe rather than ‘investor friendly' Tanzania, how can Tanzania proclaim to be investor friendly? Amidst the rhetoric of assurances from the Tanzania government that it is, lurks a frightening reality that smacks of racism and intimidation not dissimilar to the Zimbabwe regime. To dismiss individual cases such as Mr. Middleton's under a ‘small fish in a big pond' response is not appropriate when citizens of the UK are donating aid to Tanzania on the basis of ‘good governance'. Mr. Middleton's situation is now so serious that British M.P. Roger Gale has laid a motion before the British Parliament for the immediate suspension of all ‘preferential debt' aid to Tanzania until such time as Mr. Mengi is brought to task for his activities and Mr. Middleton's land tenure secured.

How then can Tanzania move forward and provide a more secure environment for foreign investors? What is clear is that this cannot be obtained by rhetoric alone no matter how convincing that might be. To date, there is no manifest commitment from the embryonic new Presidency to apply the rule of law to Mr. Middleton's situation by which his commercial interests are being destroyed.

Until Tanzania, demonstrates a ‘fact' rather than fantasy' commitment to good governance, the UK government and public should be questioning Tanzania's ‘privileged debt' status and investors, should be asking the question, ‘is Tanzania a safe place to invest'. At this point in time, the evidence suggests it may not be. In any case, if relying on the Investment Guide to Tanzania be aware, ‘Caveat Emptor', this is Africa.

http://pdfserver.emediawire.com/pdfdownload/427377/pr.pdf#search=%22Paul%20Harple%20%2BTanzania%22


Contact Information
Paul Harple
0777834403
 
Ndugu DrWHO hapa hakuna kuangaliana usoni .Huyu mzungu ndiye aliwahi kuonesha dharau hata kwa Mahakama Kuu ama ni nani ? Sheria mbele hakuna cha kuogopa loote . Tanzania inapashwa kuifunza na kusimamia maliasili zetu vyema kwa kuiendeleza Nchi kama kusingalikuwa na rushwa na Serikali na mipango kipofu mwandishi asingalianza kuogpa na kulia na misaada ainayo tuumiza .Misaada ni ukoloni huu tunatishwa kila mara .Nasema sheria inaunguruma tu wako wengi wenye mikataba feki na wako Nchini dawa ni kuwaliza ili waje kwa uwazi .
 
sasa hizo ni facts au ushabiki?

maana niliambiwa kuwa website hii kidogo watu wanaangalia mambo kwa kina kirefu sasa iweje jibu la kwanza limekuwa na mashabulizi yasiyo anagalia undani wa ishu?

you can do better than that
 
Mzee Mwanakijiji said:
hapa ndipo ningetaka "This Day" wafanye uchunguzi......
Click to expand...

Yeah, Wakilivalia njuga na hili watajenga heshima kubwa kuwa ni pure and professional investigative journalism.. but with hopes kuwa hata kama the reality is true and harsh wataweka kama zilivyo .. bila kumuangalia mtu usoni.

By the way, industrialist wetu Mengi naona lately confrontations hazishi .. ugomvi kila kona? Manji, Malima, huyu mzungu ... eh!
 
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