Fredrick Sanga
JF-Expert Member
- Jan 27, 2011
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- #81
Hiyo unaiongeza wewe bila ridhaa ya wenye chama, ni vizuri ikiingeza katika chama chako.
na ile ya ukaskazini
Ni Ujamaa gani na Azimio lipi la Arusha mnalolisema? ni ule mliounajisi kwa kuweka Azimio la Zanzibar na kuanza wimbi jipya la uporaji mali za serikali na nchi? Ni kichaa tu ndiye anayeweza kuaamini CCM ya sasa ni ya falsafa za kijamaa kutokana na yanayojiri ambayo yanathibitisha jambo moja tu, nalo ni kwamba falsafa ya Ujamaa ilishauwawa muda mfupi tu tangu mwasisi wake alipoachia ngazi yaani alipong'atuka.
Mwenyewe alifahamu hivyo na alisema waziwazi na mara nyingine kukemea alipoona CCM na serikali wanaenda arijojo. Baada ya kuuua ujamaa chama kilikabidhiwa wafanyabiashara na mafisadi walioliibia taifa na kuifilisi nchi katika kila nyanja. CCM imekuwa na tabiaya kuwaua au kuwanyanyasa "Manabii" walioibuka kuitetea. Tumeshuhudia kifo cha kutatanisha cha Kolimba na hata Nyerere mwenyewe, na wengi tu ambao sasa ni mashahidi wa CCM kupoteza mwelekeo. Mimi naona Falsafa za CCM ni umafia na ufisadi unaofunikwa na blanketi zito la ulaghai uluoundiwa idara maalum chini ya mwanafunzi msaliti wa Nyerere - Kingunge Ngombale Mwiru anayeongoza idara ya Propaganda! Nasikia sasa amemrithisha kijana mwingine msaliti - Nape Nauye ambaye kwa vyovyote vile ni msaliti wa baba yake aliyekufa akiwa mjamaa wa kweli na Tanzania ikiwa ndani ya damu yake! Sasa kijana wake ameshanunuliwa na mahasidi wa ujamaa na anazurura akifoka kuwa tetea wezi na vibaka mpaka povu linamtoka! Wakati CCM imeingiwa na virusi vya ufisadi katika nyanja zote yeye anasema idadi yao inajulikana! ukweli ni kwamba CCM nzima sasa imeoza kwa kuwa chaka la wezi, waporaji wa rasilimali za Taifa na vibakauchumi kiasi cha wote kutoaminika; kuanzia Rais hadi tarishi.
enzi za mwalimu: ujamaa na kujitegemea
Siku hizi: ubinafsishaji na kujilimbilizia.
Interview with Edwin Mtei, Chairman of the Opposition party Chadema
Interview with Edwin Mtei, Chairman of the Opposition party Chadema
Goverrunent commitment to democracy doubtful
Sixty-one-year-old Edwin MTEI is the founder and chairman of Chadema (Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo), one of Tanzania's growing opposition parties. Once a member of the country's sole legal party (CCM), he has held a number of important positions both nationally and internationally, among them Governor of the Bank of Tanzania ( 1965-74), Minister of Finance and Planning (1977-79) and Executive Director, International Monetary Fund (1982-86).
What is it like setting up as an opposition party in Tanzania? What has Chadema got to offer ? The Courier spoke to Mr Mtei. First, we asked him why he broke away from CCM to form his own political party.
My breakaway from CCM occurred very early in my career. I was Minister for Finance from 1977 to end of 1979. As a result of differences between the then President Julius Nyerere and myself over the management of the economy, I resigned. And I decided to go into farming instead of remaining in public service.
·What clearly distinguishes Chadema from other opposition parties?
- Chadema is not afraid of saying that the best way of running our economy is to adopt an approach that follows market forces. But it appears that CCM and many other parties here are hesitant and they are ambivalent as far as that is concerned. We are not afraid of saying that socialism as such will not work in this country.
· You have said that because you were a member of CCM you can easily point out its weaknesses. Apart from socialism, would you care to outline just a few of those weaknesses ?
- Yes, actually my own assessment of the CCM leadership is that even their idea about democracy is muddled. They do not believe in genuine freedom and even in genuine democracy at this moment. In fact they have almost confessed that the reason they adopted the multiparty system is because of their desire to secure financial aid for this country. The president himself has actually confessed that publicly. Furthermore, their lack of commitment is demonstrated by the fact that, following the introduction of multipartyism, they have actually tried to muzzle us by restricting us from being heard by the public and allowing the public to make their own decision as to what political affiliation they want. Right now we are not allowed, for example, to air our views on the radio. And in a large country like this, where people are poor and unable to read newspapers, you cannot just depend on newspapers to spread your ideas. You have to be heard over the radio. We have had to sue the Government so that Chadema and the other political parties can be heard so as to enable the people to choose their political affiliation.
· The matter is still in court?
- Yes. The court has not yet ruled.
·Many Tanzanians, though, believe that opposition parties are just simply serving as vehicles for personal political ambition. Are you using Chadema to advance your own political career?
- That is a very uncharitable thing to say. I don't think Chadema is a vehicle for political ambition. Chadema is led by people who are prepared to sacrifice their timeand their resources, people who believe they have a mission to establish freedom and improve the living standards of our people. We are not out to make money. The founders of our party are not people who are looking for jobs; they are self-employed people in the professions or in business.
·Are you confident then, when it comes to defending your own personal record, that you will not be painted with the same brush as with CCM? After all, you were a member of that party and you held responsible positions.
- No. Actually I can claim to have a good record of public service of which I am proud. After holding various positions and resigning as I mentioned earlier, I sold my house in Dar es Salaam and bought a coffee farm in Arusha where I lived for about three years, before the governors of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank elected me executive director of the IMF to represent English-speaking African countries on the board of the IMF.
· You have already indicated some of the cliff culties you are encountering setting up as a political party. Are there more? The Constitutional Commission has recommended the repeal of 40 laws to make life easier. Would that do ?
- We have said that genuine democracy cannot be established without the repeal or the substantial amendment of the 40 obnoxious laws which are in our statute books. And some of them, like the Preventive Detention Act, is a sort of sword of Damocles hanging over us all the time. If you are making a public speech and all the time you are looking over your shoulder, wondering whether the soldiers are about arrest you, you cannot be as free as you would like to be. And there are many laws on our statute books which threaten various freedoms - of speech, of movement, etc.
We have also discussed the question of involving all the political parties and the civil organizations, like Chambers of
Commerce, trade unions and religious organizations, in a participatory manner, in rephrasing and reframing the Constitution of Tanzania. The party in power says we have no mandate to discuss the Constitution, but our argument is that, since a substantial number of people have left CCM to form or join other parties and there is so much disgruntlement with the system, it is good that all of us should be involved in the design of the sort of social contract applicable under a multiparty system.
· From what you have already said, it is very easy to see where you stand on the political spectrum. You stand for market oriented development, for liberalization as well as for foreign investment. In other words you do support the reforms being carried out by the Government. But you have also spoken publicly about indigenisation, warning against foreign domination of the economy. That smacks of xenophobia, doesn't it, at a time when Indians are being accused of domination ?
- I think there is a little bit of misunderstanding about the way in which our party, Chadema, advocates the non marginalisation of the indigenous people. The indigenous people of this country have been marginalised in the sense that even prior to independence they were not even allowed to borrow from the banks, let alone put money in them. To open an account, you had to go and get a DC's permission. The indigenous people were only used as clerks or supervisors of the coffee and sisal estates.
At the time of independence there was in fact an attempt to Africanise the civil service. And incidentally I was appointed the chief Africanisation officer of the civil service by President Nyerere in 1962. Unfortunately he did not remember that there was a need to Africanise the industrial and the trade sectors. He only Africanised the administration. What happened was that, after the Arusha Declaration in 1967, he thought he could involve the bulk of the people by nationalizing - ie ensuring that companies are owned by the State so that the indigenous people could be partners in them. But the result has been that even the institutions which were created under the Arusha Declaration, the financial institutions especially, have been extensively used by parastatals which have proved rather to be parasites. They have collapsed and they are no longer of any use, even to the local people, as they are no longer producing anything. They are all bankrupt now. The Arusha Declaration, literally, was even worse; it prescribed that only people who are within certain salary levels could invest in the private sector. You could not have two salaries, you could not have shares and things like that. Even people who got senior positions as a result of Africanisation were unable to acquire any wealth. So we have been marginalised all along.
The intention now is to ensure that Africans, at least the indigenous people, are involved in the mainstream of the economy so that we cease to be marginalised. And we will do it by involving the international community, the local people who happen to be non-indigenous who are in industry and in commerce now, and the Government itself. We would use techniques such as favourable terms of credit, allocation of land licences. We are not going to pick up stones and spears and guns and chase people away from this country. We are going to involve everybody to bring people who have long been marginalised into the mainstream of the economy. You cannot call that discrimination.
· Given what you have just said, how do you see privatisation ?
- Privatisation is in fact what we have been advocating, even now as a party. We have to privatise because it is not possible to run anything efficiently with bureaucracy. Privatisation is necessary, but we have to do it in such a way that we do not make our economy too foreign at the same time. What we can do is to have some sort of caveats in the negotiations in such a way that, as the new shareholders take over the parastatals, they reserve either a portion for local people now or a portion of the shares to be sold at a later date to local people when they are available. It is a question of looking at each industry during negotiation and arriving at an appropriate agreement before privatisation.
Interview by A.O.Now tell me where is nguvu ya umma??...All I see here is nguvu ya soko!!!
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Kolimba alishasema zamani sana kuwa hawa jamaa wameshapoteza dira
Una maana hawana kabisa, duh:embarassed2:
Ujenzi wa ujamaa si lelemama bali ni mapambano, mapambano ya kudumu dhidi ya ubepari na unyonyaji, dhidi ya wapinga maendeleo na wababaishaji wa kisiasa, dhidi ya wahujumu uchumi, majambazi, wezi, wazururaji na wazembe. Msimamo sahihi wa mapambano unaotokana na nadharia sahihi ya ujamaa ungelituepusha na maamuzi na vitendo ambavyo vimerahisisha kuoteshwa kwa
mizizi ya ubepari, kinyume cha msimao wa mapambano dhidi ya ubepari. Leo ubepari, una vishawishi vingi zaidi nchini kuliko ulivyokuwa kabla ya Azimio la Arusha kwa sababu pamoja na kwamba sasa tuna sekta kubwa ya umma lakini kutokana na udhaifu wa kutopambana nao, ubepari umefaulu kujipanua na
kujipenyeza hata ndai ya sekta yenyewe ya Umma. Na ndiyo maana ubepari sasa unathubutu kujitokeza hadharani kuukashifu ujamaa, kubabaisha baadhi ya viongozi na kututaka tubadilishe siasa yetu.
Hii inanichanganya saidia wana JF.
Baba yake NaPe yaani marehemu Mzee Moses Nnauye, hakuwa msafi kihivyo, na nape amemrithi baba yake. Tujikumbushe miaka ya 80 ambapo mzee aliongoza ujumbe wa wanafunzi wa elimu ya juu kwenda ughaibuni ambapo alitokomea a allowance za wanafunzi hao. Narudia tena mzee NnaUyE hakuwa msafi.
Falsafa ya Chama
- Falsafa ni fikra na mtazamo wa Chama ambayo ni kuamini katika Nguvu na Mamlaka ya Umma (The Peoples Power) katika kumiliki, kuendesha, kubuni, na kuendeleza maamuzi, mawazo, rasilimali, uchumi na siasa ya nchi yao.
- Aidha falsafa ya Nguvu na Mamlaka ya Umma ndiyo msingi na chimbuko la kuundwa dola ya nchi, na kuwa, Umma ndiyo wenye madaraka ya mwanzo na ya mwisho katika kuamua hatima ya nchi na taifa pasipo kuingiliwa, kudanganywa au kughilibiwa na viongozi, watawala au wageni.
- Ujenzi na udumishaji wa Demokrasia na Maendeleo nchini vitatokana na Nguvu na Mamlaka ya Umma wa Watanzania. Nguvu na Mamlaka ya Umma itabainishwa, kuainishwa na kulindwa katika Katiba ya nchi na Umma ndiyo utakuwa chimbuko la Katiba hiyo.
- Historia inaonyesha kuwa UMMA wa Watanzania haujawahi kuwa na sauti, mamlaka na madaraka juu ya maamuzi ya hatima ya maisha ya watu. Uhuru, nguvu, mamlaka na madaraka wakati wote, tokea enzi za ukoloni mpaka leo, vimekuwa vikihodhiwa na kumilikiwa na watu wachache ambao wana mamlaka ya kuongoza SERIKALI na kuwakandamiza wananchi.
- CHADEMA tunaamini kuwa mifumo na miundo ya utawala wa nchi yetu havijawapo kwa ajili ya kuutumikia umma, bali umma ndiyo huzitumikia serikali hizo ambazo ni mali ya watu wachache wanaopoka Nguvu ya Umma. Sambamba na hilo, umma wa Watanzania umekuwa hauna mamlaka ya mwisho ya kuhoji maamuzi ya serikali yanayowaathiri watu, na hivyo kujikuta hauna mamlaka juu ya rasilimali, sheria, utawala, na uendeshaji wa nchi. Aidha, Katiba ya Nchi imekuwa miliki ya Serikali kwa kutumia Bunge ambalo linatawaliwa na mawazo kongwe ya ukiritimba wa enzi za mfumo wa Chama kimoja cha siasa nchini.
- CHADEMA tunaamini na kutambua kuwa kuchaguliwa kuunda utawala wa kuongoza nchi hakumaanishi wachaguliwa kujitwalia mamalaka ya UMMA na kisha kuyatumia mamlaka hayo kuwakandamiza waliowachagua kwa sababu tu ya kutetea maslahi binafsi badala ya maslahi ya umma.
- Hivyo basi, falsafa ya Nguvu na Mamlaka ya Umma ndiyo njia ya msingi ya kubadilisha fikra na uongozi unaokandamiza umma, ili kuibua fikra mpya na kuweka uongozi unaoweza kumilikiwa, kuhojiwa, na kuwajibishwa na umma kwa kutumia vyombo vilivyopatikana kwa utashi wa wengi kupitia chaguzi huru na za haki.
- Falsafa ya Nguvu na Mamlaka ya Umma inalenga kuwaamsha, kuwahamasisha, kuwaelimisha, kuwashawishi na kuwaandaa Watanzania wachukue hatua ya kuimiliki, kuitawala, kuilinda na kuifaidi nchi yao tofauti na kipindi cha miaka mingi chini ya mfumo wa chama kimoja cha siasa na miaka kumi na nne ya mwanzo ya mfumo wa vyama vingi.
Kama hili suala la madaktari, lingeshatatuliwa mapema kabla ya huu mgomo kurudiwa. Ubinafi wa watawala waliopo ndio unaotufikisha hapa. Umma inabidi ushike hatamu, umma unaogopa.
Hakuna falsafa yoyote hapo! hizo ni gear ya kuingilia Ikulu, baada ya hapo hamna pombe itakayoitwa pipoz pawa! hebu onyesheni kwenye sayari hii iitwayo dunia nchi inayoongozwa kwa Pipoz pawa, dunia nzima ni "rule of law and order!, period" hiyo ni gear aliyotumia Adolf Hitler pamoja na baadhi ya mafashisti kama musolin na stallin! so acheni kudanganya watu! hakuna nchi inayoongozwa hivyo hata wa-communist hawapo hivyo siku hizi wala sijui mna-copy wapi pombe hizi, stop dreaming and wake up!
"Nguvu na Mamlaka ya Umma (The Peoples Power) ni matumizi ya nguvu ya umma katika jitihada za kuiondoa serikali halali iliyoko madarakani kinyume na taratibu zilizowekwa kikatiba za kidemokrasia. Kauli hii ina kila dalili ya uchochezi. Ingawa mimi si muumini wa nyinyiemu, vilevile siungi sana mkono kauli kama hizi. Hivyo ningependa kutoa ushauri wa bure kwa wadau wa kauli hii waiache, waje na song nyingine, pia iwe tofauti na m4c.
Mkuu, nakushukuru kwa kuona matatizo yangu ya uelewa, ingawa nilikutegemea kama great thinker uje na ufumbuzi wa tatizo langu na siyo "attacking." Mimi naamini tuko pamoja katika msimamo, ingawa tunaweza kutofautiana katika mawazo. Hivyo njia mwafaka, siamini kuwa ni kujihami kwa ku-attack, bali kueleweshana kwa upole pale mawazo yanapohitilafiana. "MUNGU AKUBARIKI SANA"Wewe una matatizo ya uelewa. Hebu nitafsirie maana ya democracy.
Mkuu, nakushukuru kwa kuona matatizo yangu ya uelewa, ingawa nilikutegemea kama great thinker uje na ufumbuzi wa tatizo langu na siyo "attacking." Mimi naamini tuko pamoja katika msimamo, ingawa tunaweza kutofautiana katika mawazo. Hivyo njia mwafaka, siamini kuwa ni kujihami kwa ku-attack, bali kueleweshana kwa upole pale mawazo yanapohitilafiana. "MUNGU AKUBARIKI SANA"