Paul Kagame: An African role model?

Kwa sehemu kubwa nakubaliana na uchambuzi wako mkuu Masanja.Ila nahisi unapoteza consistency pale unaposema kuwa "hakuna mahakama iliyosema kuwa Kagame ni guilty...".Nakumbuka siku mkuu Dsm alisema kitu kama hicho kuhusu RA na ulimshukia kwa very strong points.Sasa leo nawe unatokea kulekule.Jamani "tumeanza kumwangalia nyani usoni?".Pls tutumie kipimo kilekile.
 
Kwa sehemu kubwa nakubaliana na uchambuzi wako mkuu Masanja.Ila nahisi unapoteza consistence pale unaposema kuwa "hakuna mahakama iliyosema kuwa Kagame ni guilty...".Nakumbuka siku mkuu Dsm alisema kitu kama hicho na ulimshukia kwa very strong points.Sasa leo nawe unatokea kulekule.Jamani "tumeanza kumwangalia nyani usoni?".Pls tutumie kipimo kilekile.

Mkuu inawezekana kupoteza concistency. Unajua, kuna watu hapa wanataka jamaa aonenekane muuaji tuu..hata yale mazuri ambayo ameyafanya kwa wananchi wake..yafukiwe. Kagame amekuwa villified na public opinions. Kama amefanya makosa basi ashitakiwe just like any other person. Siyo kuleta hizi verdict za UN and Co..kuvillify watu hapa...UN haina credibility kutwambia nani muuaji..wakati walikuwa na nafasi ya kuyaepusha haya mauaji....wakashindwa..just like US has no credibility ya kutwambia eti Iraq kuna democrasia..Its hot air!

Ukweli ni kwamba Muuaji ni muuajai tuu..Kama Kagame aliua basi vyombo husika vimchukulie hatua. Two wrongs dont make it right. Tatizo just like most of the things..this world is full of injustice. Nani anakupeleka mahakamani?

I have to be honest: I dont like French policies in Africa. Leo wanampa silaha Idrisa Deby.. Chad..wakati ndo hao hao wanawapa silaha rebels wanaompinga....Ndo nchi inakumbatia madikteta hapa Africa..guess what France said abaout Madagcasar?..kwamba hawatabadilisha foreign policy yao..ingawa AU, UN nk wameshapigfa kelele mpaka wengine kama US kukata misaada..France yeye..anaona sawa tuu..kwa sababu..maslahi yake yako intact...Its high time..we say no to countries like France...Usipokuwa mfuatiliaji wa hawa jamaa wa magharibi....unaenda na bandwagon..ya CNN na BBC..I tell you..uko kwenye matatizo. Go deep and find out....Its high time..Africa we get our own Aljazeera.

Harafu kikubwa ninachokiona..waswahili wengi...tunaona aibu...nchi ndogo ambayo tumewatunzia wakimbizi thousands and thousands..leo inapiga hatua kubwa..tusiogope challenge. We can do better with right atitude and determination.
 
- Mkuu kuna facts zaidi za kuthibitisha haya, au hizi ni dataz umezitoa huko?

FMES!

Mkuu FMES,

Nimesoma tena na tena post yangu, sikuona mahali ambapo nimeandika jambo ambalo nahitaji kutoa ushahidi kuthibitisha niliyoyaandika. Nimejaribu kuwashirikisha yale ambayo niliyapata wakati mimi na jamaa zangu tulipopata nafasi ya kupunga upepo na kupooza koo, huku tukijadili hili na lile. Nimeomba kueleweshwa. Kama ningekuwa na hizo data, wala nisingejaribu kuuliza haya mambo. Lakini pia nimeendelea kusema kuwa itakuwa vizuri kujadili bila kuangalia upande mmoja tu. Yaani tusifanye kazi ya kumpamba Kagame au kueleza mabaya yake tu. Ningependa tupate picha ya hali halisi ili angalau tujue ukweli wa mambo kuhusiana na huyu jamaa. Hii ni kwa sababu wapo watu wanamwona kama mtu anayetenda mambo ya nguvu katika kuwaletea watu wake maendeleo. Labda tunweza kupata moja au mawili ya kujifunza!

Tayari wewe ni shahidi kuwa watu wametoa michango ambayo binafsi nimefaidika sana katika kumjua jamaa na pia kujua jinsi Rwanda ilivyopiga hatua pamoja na matatizo ya mauaji ya 1994. Jambo la msingi ambalo tunatakiwa kukumbuka ni kuwa wajibu wa kiongozi ni kuleta maendeleo ya watu wake na si kwa majirani. Kwa hiyo kama Kagame anafanya mambo ya maana kwa watu wake apewe sifa. Pia kama anafanya mauaji nje na ndani ya nchi alaaniwe na vyombo vinavyohusika vichukue hatua. Mbona rais wa Sudan anatakiwa The Hague? Baada ya 1994, nadhani nchi kama Rwanda inahitaji Dikteta na kama Kagame anafanya mambo ya maana ninamuunga mkono. Longo longo nyingi ndo mwanzo wa kuleta Somalia nyingine. Hakuna anayehitaji huo upuuzi. Na katika hali kama hiyo lazima watu wengine waumie na hata kufa!
 
Pamoja na kuwa Kagame alishiriki kuua warwanda lakini tuangalie baada ya kuingia madarakani amefanya nini.Africa tunahitaji Raisi mwenye msimamo kama KAGAME
Kama udikteta Moi,M7,Gadafi,Mugabe na wengine wengi nao ni madikteta
 
Masanja said:
Harafu Jokaa Kuu ni aibu..aibu..kubwa......kwa Tanzania nchi kubwa kama sisi kuanza kujicompare na nchi kama Rwanda! Nchi ndogo kuliko zote..imetoka kwenye Genocide ambapo raia zaidi ya million walikufa..nguvu kazi yote ilipotea.....leo Tanzania (more than 40M heads!) unajilinganisha naye eti..tunamzidi? huoni kwamba tuna tatizo somewhere? Ni kama libaba la miaka 50 au 60..lianze kushindana na mtoto wa miaka 20..kisa wote ni graduates... TANZANIA HAS NEVER HAD A WAR WALA UKABILA so we say......Kagame aliichukua nchi ikiwa katika hali mbaya sana..wasomi watakwambia kwamba it was not worthy the name of the state itself...leo tunadiriki kumbeza Kagame? Of all countries..TANZANIA?? Give me a break! Tuache wivu..tukubali kwamba jamaa anafanya kazi na anajua analolifanya kuliko viongozi wetu! ITS SAD BUT TRUE..

Masanja,

..nimesema Rwanda hatulingani nao. vilevile there are better role models when it comes to economic turn arounds than Rwanda.

..chukulia Mozambique: watu zaidi ya millioni 1 walikufa; wakimbizi wa ndani zaidi ya millioni 4; mfumo wa elimu, afya, viwanda, na kilimo uliharibiwa kabisa kabisa; tatizo la mabomu ya ardhini liliendelea kuwepo.

..Tanzania tuna matatizo mengi sana na karibu yote tunaweza kuyatatua ikiwa tutapata uongozi makini. pamoja na kusema hayo sidhani kama Tanzania tunahitaji kiongozi kama Kagame ambaye ana damu ya wananchi millioni 3 wa DRC.

NB:

..vurugu za Kagame dhidi ya wananchi wa DRC zimetuletea wakimbizi wa-Tanzania.

..mkoa wa Kigoma umeathirika sana na vita ya DRC. ujambazi umeongezeka, mazingira yameharibiwa, shughuli za uchumi zimezorota.

..kwamba kuna wa-Tanzania hapa wanamuenzi Paul Kagame ina maana hawajali maisha na usalama wananchi wenzetu wa mipakani kama Kigoma.
 
Masanja,

..nimesema Rwanda hatulingani nao. vilevile there are better role models when it comes to economic turn arounds than Rwanda.

..chukulia Mozambique: watu zaidi ya millioni 1 walikufa; wakimbizi wa ndani zaidi ya millioni 4; mfumo wa elimu, afya, viwanda, na kilimo uliharibiwa kabisa kabisa; tatizo la mabomu ya ardhini liliendelea kuwepo.

..Tanzania tuna matatizo mengi sana na karibu yote tunaweza kuyatatua ikiwa tutapata uongozi makini. pamoja na kusema hayo sidhani kama Tanzania tunahitaji kiongozi kama Kagame ambaye ana damu ya wananchi millioni 3 wa DRC.

NB:

..vurugu za Kagame dhidi ya wananchi wa DRC zimetuletea wakimbizi wa-Tanzania.

..mkoa wa Kigoma umeathirika sana na vita ya DRC. ujambazi umeongezeka, mazingira yameharibiwa, shughuli za uchumi zimezorota.

..kwamba kuna wa-Tanzania hapa wanamuenzi Paul Kagame ina maana hawajali maisha na usalama wananchi wenzetu wa mipakani kama Kigoma.


Nimesoma posts zote kwenye hii thread, sijaona hata mtu mmoja anamuenzi Kagame. Labda utusaidie kututajia mtu anayemuenzi Kagame.

Kwa maoni yangu, watu wamejaribu kuelezea ni mazuri kiasi gani amewafanyia Wanyarwanda na mabaya pia. Kama kuna mtu yuko subjective hayo ni matatizo yake. Mimi naona watu wamechangia objectively. Kwamba Kagame ameua watu DRC haina maana kwamba hajawafanyia mazuri Wanyarwanda. Tumesema sana kuhusu hilo kwenye michango yetu ya nyuma. Kwa hiyo unaweza wewe kujikita kwenye kutuelimisha kuhusu mabaya yake (his dark side) bila kuwatuhumu wale wanaochangia upande wa mazuri yake. Hatuwezi kuwa sawa kwa jinsi tunavyoona mambo. Hata hivyo,hicho hakiwezi kuwa kigezo cha kuonana wabaya (to give names to each other). Namna hiyo tunazuia mchakato kwa kuelimishana!!
 
Bado Data zilizopo hazituonyeshi kuwa Rwanda au hata Msumbiji wanafanya vema kuliko Tz!

Life expectancy, per capital income, uhuru wa vyombo vya habari na kutoa maoni Tz ni kubwa zaidi kuliko hizi nchi mbili!

Sasa mnaposema Rwanda wanafanya vema ni vigezo gani mnatumia? May be wingi wa akina mama ktk Bunge na kupiga vita ufisadi?

Rwanda ni nchi ndogo sana kwa enoe huwezi kulinganisha na Tz! Ni kama tu mkoa wa Kagera au zaidi kidogo!
 
Masanja,

..nimesema Rwanda hatulingani nao. vilevile there are better role models when it comes to economic turn arounds than Rwanda.

..chukulia Mozambique: watu zaidi ya millioni 1 walikufa; wakimbizi wa ndani zaidi ya millioni 4; mfumo wa elimu, afya, viwanda, na kilimo uliharibiwa kabisa kabisa; tatizo la mabomu ya ardhini liliendelea kuwepo.

..Tanzania tuna matatizo mengi sana na karibu yote tunaweza kuyatatua ikiwa tutapata uongozi makini. pamoja na kusema hayo sidhani kama Tanzania tunahitaji kiongozi kama Kagame ambaye ana damu ya wananchi millioni 3 wa DRC.

NB:

..vurugu za Kagame dhidi ya wananchi wa DRC zimetuletea wakimbizi wa-Tanzania.

..mkoa wa Kigoma umeathirika sana na vita ya DRC. ujambazi umeongezeka, mazingira yameharibiwa, shughuli za uchumi zimezorota.

..kwamba kuna wa-Tanzania hapa wanamuenzi Paul Kagame ina maana hawajali maisha na usalama wananchi wenzetu wa mipakani kama Kigoma.

Mkuu,

Hapa nakubaliana na wewe partly.

Mimi nimekaa Kigoma for close to eight years. Ni ukweli usiopingika kwamba Kigoma imesahaulika kabisa katika mipango ya serikali yetu. Social services are just pathetic and at times non existent.

Ndo hapa nawaambia wananchi wenzangu..tujaribu kufanya independent study zetu pale tunapoweza. Kwa kiasi kikubwa Wana Kigoma walisaidiwa na wakimbizi wa hiyo hiyo DRC unayoibeza. Watu tumefanya biashara na DRC..nguo na mazagazaga mengine tumekuwa tukichukua Congo. Maana kipindi hicho hata bia ya Tanzania haifiki Kigoma...tulikuwa tunakunywa Primus za Burundi....Yes, wakimbizi walifanya uharibifu wa mazingira..lakini..hao hao ujio wao ulitoa ajira kiasi...wananchi wakafaidika.. si haba..

Tusiangalie tuu..kauli za wanasiasa..Its easy..kwa Chiligati au Masha kama waziri wa mambo ya ndani kusimama bungeni na kutoa mlolongo wa athari hasi za wakimbizi..lakini huyo huyo anasahau kwamba isingekuwa Wakimbizi..Kigoma auu Ngara..hata zisingesikika...maana I can assure you these places zimetengwa mno..

All in all, Mimi naweza kusema kwamba athari za wakimbizi zimekuwa mixed. Positive na negative. Sema tatizo kubwa la nchi zetu ni kutumia fursa kama hizo..Kigoma..sijui kama itaendelea kama imeshindwa kusonga mbele wakati wakimbizi wakiwepo na mzunguko wa pesa ukiwa Mkubwa..so is Ngara...
 
Ni kweli, Kagame is doing very well.

(a) Kuna mama mmoja wa Kinyarwanda tulikuwa tunafanya naye kazi hapa Marekani, ameamua kurudi kwao ambako amepokelewa kwa mikono miwili na analipwa karibu sawa na alivyokuwa akilipwa hapa ukiachilia mbali unafuu wa maisha ya huko.

(b) Infrastructure ya Rwanda kwa sasa hivi ni nzuri sana kuliko nchi nyingi za Afrika ya Mashariki na ya kati, na zinazidi kuimarika.

(c) Kwa sasa hivi Rwanda wana jeshi imara kuliko nchi zote za Afrika ya Mashariki ya kati, hata rafiki yake wa zamani M7 anaogopa jeshi la Rwanda, lakini waswahili tunajifanya tuko mbele huku tukitumia silaha za miaka ya 40!!
 
Bado Data zilizopo hazituonyeshi kuwa Rwanda au hata Msumbiji wanafanya vema kuliko Tz!
Life expectancy, per capital income, uhuru wa vyombo vya habari na kutoa maoni Tz ni kubwa zaidi kuliko hizi nchi mbili!

Sasa mnaposema Rwanda wanafanya vema ni vigezo gani mnatumia? May be wingi wa akina mama ktk Bunge na kupiga vita ufisadi?

Rwanda ni nchi ndogo sana kwa enoe huwezi kulinganisha na Tz! Ni kama tu mkoa wa Kagera au zaidi kidogo!

Mkuu,

hizo data nani katoa? Jamani..umasikini na maisha tunaishi sisi..harafu wanaokuja kutupimia hali ya maisha yetu ni watu wanaoishi Paris na Washington..wapi na wapi?


Wengi walioandika humu..wameshapita Rwanda....sasa mkuu..utakataa kwamba Kigali si safi..simply because "data hazisemi hivyo" hata kama umetembelea Kigali ukajionea? Au utasema kwamba watanzania ni matajiri simply because statistics za IMF zinasema hivyo hata kama...kijiji kizima hakuna zahanati wala maji ya bomba?

Jamani .....Masikini ana wakati mugumu sana..yaani hakuna anachoweza kufanya kikakubalika..as long ni masikini..duh! Yaani hata umasikini wetu hatuujui? mpaka tuambiwe/tupewe dataz? Kazi tunayo..ila kitaeleweka tuu...
 
Masanja,

..inaelekea damu ya watu waliouawa na Kagame haina thamani kwako. "mema" aliyoyafanya yanafunika kabisa kuhusika kwake na vifo zaidi ya millioni 3.

..kwa msingi huo tutakuwa hatujakosea kujadili rekodi ya Habyarimana na Interahamwe na ikiwezekana tupate role models humo na tuwaenzi.

..je, uliwahi kufika Rwanda wakati wa Habyarimana? Wanyarwanda walikuwa wanaishi maisha ya namna gani wakati na baada ya utawala wa Habyarimana?

..je, infrastructure za Rwanda ziliharibiwa kiasi gani na civil war, pamoja na genocide iliyofuatia?

..SIKUTAKA TUFIKISHANE HAPA. KWAMBA SASA WAAFRIKA TUNAJADILI WAUWAJI. WAAFRIKA SASA HATUJALI MAISHA YA WENZETU AND WE FIND ROLE MODELS IN MURDERERS.

Kichuguu,

..Rwanda wamejenga barabara za lami za urefu gani tangu Kagame aingie madarakani?

..how many clean water, rural electrification,... projects have been completed since he came into power?

..Jeshi la Rwanda linaweza kuwa most efficient katika kuuwa kuliko majeshi yote ya Afrika Mashariki. lakini sidhani kama Jeshi hilo ni efficient ktk shughuli za uokoaji na huduma za jamii, ulinzi wa amani, au uzalishaji mali mfano kama kilimo etc.

..economic and social transformation iliyotokea Mozambique baada ya civil war inaizidi kabisa hayo yaliyofanywa na Kagame. vilevile transformation hiyo imeongozwa na watu ambao hawajachuka kwa damu kama Kagame. kwanini hatutaki kuwaenzi hawa wa Msumbiji tunangangania Kagame tu?
 
- Wewe bwana waulize wa-Ganda, under Idd Amini maisha yalikuwa bora sana kiuchumi kuliko Obote, sasa kwa hii mantiki naona Idd Amini naye awekwe kwenye kundi la Kagame yaani Role Model, au?

FMES!
 
Nimesikia jana kwenye vyombo vya habari Rwanda imejitoa kuwa host wa SULIVAN meeting mwaka kesho kwa sababu wana mipango iliyo na manufaa zaidi kwa taifa lao. Tanzania sisi tuliingia kichwakichwa kuwa host wa SULIVAN meeting bila kuwa na priority!! Mkutano ule haukuwa na manufaa yoyote kwa taifa letu na watu wake, hata wale wa machinga/wajasiriamali waliokwenda pale walipata hasra tupu. Kwa uamuzi huu wa kuachana na kuwa host wa SULIVAN meeting namuona Kagame kkuwa anaweka maslahi ya nchi yake nma watu wake mbele, siyo role model kwa sasa kutokana na kuingia madarakani kiutata utata ila ana sifa za kuingia kwenye role model wa viongozi wa Afrika.
 
DarkCity said:
Nimesoma posts zote kwenye hii thread, sijaona hata mtu mmoja anamuenzi Kagame. Labda utusaidie kututajia mtu anayemuenzi Kagame.

DarkCity,

..mtoa hoja ameuliza kama Kagame ni role model. sasa ukikubaliana na hilo, basi ni sawasawa kabisa na kumuenzi.


FMES said:
- Wewe bwana waulize wa-Ganda, under Idd Amini maisha yalikuwa bora sana kiuchumi kuliko Obote, sasa kwa hii mantiki naona Idd Amini naye awekwe kwenye kundi la Kagame yaani Role Model, au?

FMES,

..umenikumbusha kuna wa-Tanzania waliamua kumsomea hitma Iddi Amini.

..hata wakati wa Hitler Ujerumani ilikuwa na maguvu ya ajabu. they almost concurred the world. labda wa-Tanzania tumfanye Hitler role model.
 
DarkCity,

..mtoa hoja ameuliza kama Kagame ni role model. sasa ukikubaliana na hilo, basi ni sawasawa kabisa na kumuenzi.




FMES,

..umenikumbusha kuna wa-Tanzania waliamua kumsomea hitma Iddi Amini.

..hata wakati wa Hitler Ujerumani ilikuwa na maguvu ya ajabu. they almost concurred the world. labda wa-Tanzania tumfanye Hitler role model.

JK

Hitler hawezi kuwa role model wetu Kwa sababu ameshakuwa villified na dunia. Hivi nikuulize..ingekuwa vipi..kama Hitler angeshinda ile vita ya pili ya Dunia? Unafikiri watu wangekataa kuji-associate naye? Leo Hitler angekuwa ni shujaa sana. LAKINI kwa vile alishindwa vita ndo hapo..yote unayasikia...Hata wajerumani hawataki kumskia..Ingawa Hitler ni kiongozi aliyekuwa na mvuto mkubwa sana na wajerumani walimpa support ya kufa na kupona...GBush alienda Iraq 2003..support ya wananchi ilikuwa over 80%...wengi watakudanganya..ohh..aliudanganya umma..ohh..visingizio kibao..lakini ukweli wengi walijua Sadam hana silaha.....mambo yaliharibika waliposhindwa vita..Unadhani Bush angeshinda ile vita kama walivyotegemea..nani angemuona Bush muongo? Jiulize mbona 2004 alichaguliwa..wakati wanajua silaha za maangamizi hazikuwepo..jamaa alidanganya? Its simple..the guy lost the war! Ndo maana wananchi wakamgekua...But before they new kwamba hakuna cha silaha wala nini..ni maslahi ya taifa mbele...

Same applies...Leo Israel katika kujilinda anajikuta anauwa wapalestina kibao..lakini kwa vile wakubwa wako upande wake..no body makes noise..hata hapa JF..we dont complain..tunaishia kusema Israeli ina haki ya kujilinda..we dont question conventional wisdom....hawa wapalestina hawana haki ya kuishi kama taifa huru?.. Kama US na wenzake wangekuwa against Israel, I can bet myself....wote hapa tungekuwa tunaicondemn Israel.

Binadamu especially waafrika..hatuna independent source of information..ndo maana..ni mara chache kama zipo..umeshawahi kuona wasomi hata hapa JF wanarefer dataz za waafrika..kila mtu kujenga hoja ana-rely kwenye takwimu za magharibi. Ndo maana hata kama kitu kiko Kenya au Burundi..hata gazeti la TANZANIA wata nukuu BBC au CNN..ingawa hawa CNN etc..wako miles away. Thats the way things work bro. If you dont attempt to think outside the box..utadhani things are fine..lakini..wazungu wametulemaza sana..uwezo wetu wa kufikiri umekuwa affected sana..tena sana.

TATIZO LETU WAAFRIKA NI KUBWA MNO THAN MEETS THE EYE. HATA BONGO ZETU ZIMESHAATHIRIKA..IT WILL TAKE AGES TO MAKE A COMEBACK-IF WE EVER WILL.
 
Tumpe muda JK ili afanye nini hicho cha maana au ili asafiri zaidi? Shame on us kwa kweli hivi kwa miaka mi3 tumefanya nn zaidi ya kusafiri na porojo? Three years hata timu ya kazi imekuwa ngumu kuitengeneza!! Hivi kosa gani kubwa tulifanya kwa Mungu mpaka akachukia hivyo na kutuadhibu kwa kutunyima uongozi? Inatia uchungu kwa kweli wakati wenzetu wanasonga mbele kwa speed ss tunabackslide kwa speed pia. Ooh Tanzania pole utajiri wote ulionao lakini unaongoza kwa umasikini pia.
 
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DarkCity,

..mtoa hoja ameuliza kama Kagame ni role model. sasa ukikubaliana na hilo, basi ni sawasawa kabisa na kumuenzi.

Joka, ni vizuri kwamba umeona kuwa mtoa hoja ameleta swali kwetu ili tujadili. Sidhani kama kuna mjadala wowote unaoweza kuitwa mjadala kwa kuangalia upande mmoja tu wa shilingi. Lazima tuangalie pande zote mbili ili wafuatiliaji wenyewe wafikie mahali waamue (to make an informed decision in their minds) kuwa kweli jamaa ni role model au la. Labda niongeze swali jingine hapa, kwani mtu anaweza kuwa role model kwa baadhi ya vitu na hapo hapo akawa bad model kwa mengine? Yaani Kagame anaweza kuwa role model kwa kuendeleza na kujali maslahi ya nchi yake na hapo hapo akawa mfano mbaya wa viongozi wanaosujudu mauaji ya raia wasio na hatia?


FMES,

..umenikumbusha kuna wa-Tanzania waliamua kumsomea hitma Iddi Amini.

..hata wakati wa Hitler Ujerumani ilikuwa na maguvu ya ajabu. they almost concurred the world. labda wa-Tanzania tumfanye Hitler role model.

Binafsi sioni kama wana makosa endapo walifaidi sana wakati wa utawala wake. Pia sidhani kama walivunja sheria kwa kufanya jambo hilo. Lakini pia wanaweza wakawa walimsamehe na kama ni watu wa dini basi hawana sababu ya kutomsomea dua.
 
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- Wewe bwana waulize wa-Ganda, under Idd Amini maisha yalikuwa bora sana kiuchumi kuliko Obote, sasa kwa hii mantiki naona Idd Amini naye awekwe kwenye kundi la Kagame yaani Role Model, au?

FMES!

FMES, tukipata jibu la swali lako na lile la mtoa mda mjadala utakuwa umeisha. Na kwa vile hatujapata jibu ambalo wafuatiliaji wengi tunakubaliana nalo basi tunaendelea na mjadala huku tukielimishana.

Binafsi nawafahamu jamaa wa Uganda ambao walikuwa wanamlaumu sana Nyeyere kwa kumuondoa madarakani Idd Amini. Kuna mambo mengi sana ambayo alikuwa anayafanya na wananchi waliridhika naye. Mfano ni suala la kutokuwa na huruma na watu wazembe pamoja na mafisadi. Pia suala la kuwafukuza Wahindi ni jambo ambalo Waganda wengi walilifurahia. Kwa hiyo, wapo watu wengi waliompenda Amini. Hayo ni maoni yao. Binafsi sikumpenda Amini na siwezi kumwona kama kiongozi bora wa kuigwa. Pia sina mapenzi yoyote na Kagame. Nilichosema ni kuwa, kuna taarifa kuwa anafanya mambo ya maana sana na yenye kuwaletea maendeleo wananchi wake. Hili ni suala la msingi sana. Rais jukumu lake ni ustawi wa nchi yake kwanza. Wachangiaji wengine wametoa mifano mingi tu, ukiwemo wa Marekani na G.W Bush. Kwa hiyo kama mtu ana data zinazoonesha jinsi jamaa alivyo muuaji na anavyoshindwa kuendesha nchi yake basi atupe. Hata tukikosa data siyo kwamba kuna mtu atamtangaza Kagame kuwa role model kwani hili swali si lazima lipate jibu la ndiyo au hapana. Binafsi naendelea kupata shule.
 
Mi nadhani Kagame is a dictator, but a benevolent and enlightened one. Idd Amin was also a dictator but less enlightened. Museveni nae ni kadictator lakini he is somehow benevolent and enlightened. Moi also is made of similar stuff.

Common denominator ya madictator wote ni kwamba ukipinga ideas zake waziwazi they wont take it kindly. Hii ndo weakness yao.

Otherwise, critical mass ya sisi Waafrika, ambao hatuwezi ku-analyse issues, tunahitaji kutawaliwa by benevolent and enlightened dictators kama Kagame. Kagame anasema Africa is not ready for western-style democracy. Mission yake ni "kuwa-andaa" Wanyarwanda ili waweze kujiongoza kwa demokrasia wanayoona itawafaa wao hapo baadae. Anawaelimisha na kuwajengea miundombinu bora.

Nakubaliana nae in principle ndomaana nafikiri he should be a role model for African leaders/rulers. Also watu kama Gaddafi na Mugabe are in this league. I support them.
 
You know, I would rather fan on Kagame who knows how to attract real investment than looking for an opportunity to meet Shaq, Jay Z, 50 Cent or Michael Jordan!

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Article location:http://www.fastcompany.com/magazine/134/special-report-rwanda-rising.html
March 18, 2009
Tags: Innovation, Leadership, Magazine, branding

Rwanda Rising: A New Model of Economic Development

By Jeff Chu
Nobody likes to say "No, Mr. President." So three years ago, when Costco CEO Jim Sinegal got a call from shareholder Dan Cooper, a partner in Chicago's Fox River Financial Resources, asking if he'd have lunch with Rwandan president Paul Kagame, he agreed. That meeting in New York led to a presidential stop at Costco HQ near Seattle. Which led to Sinegal's promise to visit Rwanda. "I made it in a moment of weakness," he says, "before I realized how long it takes to get there." He ended up taking his whole family, and today Costco is one of the two biggest buyers of Rwandan coffee beans -- about 25% of the country's premium crop, by Sinegal's estimation. Without Cooper's introduction, "no way would this have happened. I knew the Rwanda story, but I wasn't intimately involved," Sinegal says. "It took more elbow grease to get this started up, but it has been very profitable. Good for us and good for them."
Very good for Rwanda, in fact. Sinegal introduced Kagame to Howard Schultz, the CEO of Starbucks, now the other top buyer of the country's coffee. On Kagame's last swing through Washington, Sinegal and Schultz cohosted a dinner with Seattle-area execs from companies including Microsoft. And last fall, Sinegal started an internship program for Rwandans at Costco.
The courtship of Sinegal is a clarion example of Rwanda's strategy for development. The country doesn't have much going for it. It's landlocked, largely deforested, and ridiculously packed: About the size of Vermont, it has 16 times more people. Fifteen years after the genocide that killed an eighth of the population, its name still brings to mind death. Nine of every 10 adults are subsistence farmers, and per capita income is less than a dollar a day. Rwanda has no oil and few minerals. But it does have one abundant asset: well-placed friends.
Sinegal. Schultz. Former British prime minister Tony Blair. "Purpose-driven" pastor Rick Warren. RealNetworks founder and CEO Rob Glaser. Google CEO Eric Schmidt. All are part of Rwanda's ever-expanding network of influential supporters. President Kagame's goals are ambitious: to boost GDP sevenfold, find paying jobs for half of Rwanda's subsistence farmers, nearly quadruple per capita income to $900, and turn his country into an African center for technology, all by 2020. The government is doing what it can -- it has, for instance, committed to investing annually 5% of its GDP in science and technology by 2012 -- but to reach those goals, it's going to need outside assistance.
Kagame's strategy relies on wealthy and powerful friends to lure private investment, train a new generation of managers, build a globally competitive economy, and wean the country off foreign aid. Even as troubling questions remain about Kagame's involvement in the region's ongoing conflicts, this unpaid, business-savvy team is marketing the brand called Rwanda.
Just as the Asian Tigers arose as export-led, middle-income economies in the 20th century, Rwanda wants to become the African Gorilla in the 21st. It seems crazily audacious -- and Rwanda's leaders know it. "We're trying to create a new model for fighting poverty. Nobody believes that it's possible," says éliane Ubalijoro, a researcher at Montreal's McGill University who serves as a Kagame adviser. "How do you take a country that's been through hell and bring it to security and prosperity? This is about healing, and this is about hope. We think it can be done."
On a good day, Rwanda sparkles like an emerald. One warm December Saturday, I drove the road from Kigali northwest toward the Congolese border, the tourist route to the country's famed gorillas. The sunshine darted across the steep mountainsides. Even the dull gray-green eucalyptus shone in the late-afternoon light.
Ahead of me, lumbering up the hill, was a big blue truck. On the back, someone had painted happiness is forward. You just have to hope that's right, especially since reminders of the 1994 genocide are omnipresent -- roadside memorials, signs pointing to churches -- turned -- massacre sites, work crews of jailed genocidaires in their shockingly pink prison clothes.
Hutu-versus-Tutsi violence did not begin in 1994: There was 1959. 1962. 1964. 1973. 1992. But 1994 was the worst. In 100 days, 1 million people died, 90% of them Tutsi. Shot in their beds. Bludgeoned in the streets. Smashed against brick walls. Dismembered by grenades ... in their churches. And the world? It did nothing. It left Rwanda to the killers, who turned out to be neighbors, classmates, even relatives.
The tragedy was, as tragedies often are, both formative and transformative. This one brought to power a rebel army composed largely of fighters who had long been exiled; Kagame, its chief, grew up in Uganda. During the 15 years that he has effectively run Rwanda, Kagame has stabilized the country, but he hasn't yet been able to bring prosperity. Despite annual economic growth of about 6%, Rwanda still ranks 194th out of 208 countries on the World Bank's most recent per capita income table. The ramifications of poverty are more than economic: Kagame's desire to transform the economy is rooted in the belief that poverty exacerbated the tensions that erupted into 1994's genocide. "We know that if that past is never going to happen again," the president told Fast Company in an email, "we must grow our economy, create opportunities for higher wages, so that we create the conditions for tolerance, trust, and optimism."
Poverty, president kagame says, contributed to the genocide. "If that past is never going to happen again, we must grow our economy."​
Aid, which still provides nearly half of the budget, is not the answer. The West has spent $1 trillion on aid to Africa over the past four decades. "But no nation has ever attained economic development by aid," says former Goldman Sachs banker Dambisa Moyo, author of the new book Dead Aid. "It's just not productive." Worse, it can be destructive. Corrupt leaders siphon off money; merely inefficient ones squander it. Millions of people end up hooked on handouts.
"No country can depend on development aid forever," Kagame told Fast Company. "Such dependency dehumanizes us and robs us of our dignity." It may also, of course, make him accountable to people outside Rwanda. Last December, following a United Nations report that Rwanda was supporting Tutsi rebels in Congo, the Netherlands and Sweden suspended $20 million in aid. Kagame slammed what he called the donors' "arrogance" -- then arrested the rebel leader and made a deal with the Congolese president.
Businesspeople are seen as less likely to focus on geopolitics, so long as the commercial environment stays secure. "In the future, the engine has to be the private sector," says commerce minister Monique Nsanzabaganwa, who notes that since more than half the populace is under 18, "we need to create jobs to absorb all those young people." The government surely doesn't have the money to hire them all. As Francis Gatare, CEO of the Rwanda Investment and Export Promotion Agency, says, "If you don't have development through investment, you won't have economic growth."
So Kagame sends fact-finding missions to Asia. He pursues the Rwandan diaspora. He speaks at Google and meets American entrepreneurs. He recruits more friends. And it's beginning to look as if his personal strategy -- selling people on Rwanda's story and its promise, telling them that this is a place where they can make a difference as well as profits -- just might work.
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Another bunch of crooks. That was what Clet Niyikiza thought in 1994 as he read about Rwanda's new regime. Half-Hutu and half-Tutsi, he had left in 1983, seeing no future for himself, no matter who was in power. Most of his family "thought I was crazy nuts," he recalls, but he immigrated with his wife and children to America, where he built a career as a distinguished drug researcher. (He helped create Aleve.) He became a Hoosiers fan. (His PhD is from Indiana.) He didn't go home. ("Especially after 1994 -- I lost too many people. It was too much pain.")
Then, in 2006, the Rwandan ambassador to the United States introduced him to Kagame. "He put on the table his belief in self-reliance: If you're not prepared to take it in your own hands and move forward, you don't deserve to make any progress," says Niyikiza, a VP of medicine development at GlaxoSmithKline. "I thought, This guy could really change the country."
The following year, Niyikiza visited Rwanda for the first time in nearly a quarter-century. At the end of the trip, Kagame, headed to the U.S., offered Niyikiza a ride home in the presidential jet. On board, Kagame handed Niyikiza a proposal for a presidential commission -- and asked him to join. "He wanted advocates for the country to the rest of the world so Rwanda could effectively bypass the traditional development model," Niyikiza says. "The idea was to do that through relationships."
Since its launch in September 2007, the Presidential Advisory Council has become a high-level, low-profile dispatch team and brain trust. All 16 members -- 10 are non-Rwandan -- are stars in their sectors, from life sciences to telecom to economic-development consulting. They meet twice yearly, once in Kigali and once in New York, for strategy sessions. One member observes wryly that "it's the consultants" -- Monitor Group cofounder Michael Porter, Aslan Global founder Kaia Miller, and OTF Group cofounder Michael Fairbanks -- "who do the most talking."
It isn't just talk; the council has delivered visible results. Tony Blair established a program that sends civil servants from Whitehall to work in Kagame's office. Arkansas investment banker Dale Dawson created a scholarship for Rwandans to study in the United States. McGill's Ubalijoro helped broker a multimillion-dollar deal with Canada's Ecosystem Restoration Associates and Germany's Ecolutions to reforest denuded land and develop alternative energy; the plan is to sell credits on the global carbon markets and split the profits with the Rwandan landowners. Christian Angermayer's Frankfurt-based financial-services company launched an East Africa private-equity fund that has invested in a Kigali bank and a Rwandan banking-IT company. "Rwanda is a place [where] we can make money and also make a huge difference," says Angermayer, the only council member who has significant investments in Rwanda. "The best thing we can do is not to give charity, but to treat it as a normal economy."
Like the chain that led from Cooper to Sinegal to Schultz, the council is a network of personal relationships -- the link in several cases being a shared Christian faith. Rwanda's conservative Anglican bishop John Rucyahana reached out to a supporter, banker Dawson, who brought in former Alltel CEO Scott Ford. Kagame himself recruited the council's most prominent evangelical, Rick Warren, who claims Jesus and Peter Drucker as major influences (in that order) and calls himself a "spiritual entrepreneur." The two had been introduced a few years earlier by presidential adviser Joe Ritchie.
Kagame's closeness to evangelicals, especially his support of Warren's campaign to turn Rwanda into a "purpose-driven country," has unnerved some observers. Back in 2005, Alan Wolfe, director of Boston College's Center for Religion and American Public Life, expressed some concern in The Wall Street Journal about Warren's "missionary zeal" in Rwanda. But now Wolfe seems unworried. Evangelical Christians, he says, are "much more interested today than 10, 15, 20 years ago in Africa and in justice. From the African end, if you're desperate for help and attention, it doesn't matter where it comes from."
Kagame would agree. Pragmatic, even opportunistic, he told Time in 2005 that he's not very religious but has "a good sense of what faith is about and the usefulness of it." What he wants are partners who let him map the mission. "We do appreciate support from the outside, but it should be support for what we intend to achieve ourselves," he writes in an essay in the book In the River They Swim. "No one can assume that he or she knows better than we what is good for us."
There was no clearer sign of that than a startling investment Rwanda made last summer. The country plowed an eight-figure sum into a small U.S. biotech company. (Officials declined to name the company, citing its pre-IPO quiet period.) The money came from the nation's social-security funds, which led the company's CEO to fret that if the FDA doesn't approve the firm's therapies, he won't be losing the money of just another multimillionaire investor but of an entire country -- and one of the poorest at that. An adviser to Kagame -- who personally gave his approval and even increased the amount of the investment -- responded sharply: "You're going to tell this man about risk?"
This is typical. Rwandan officials often defend decisions not with arguments about merit, but with incredulity. You're going to question this president? The one who rebuilt a country and created one of Africa's few relatively corruption-free havens? It's a clever silencing tactic at that moment. But later, the memory of it only magnifies the enormous daring -- and risk -- of the venture that is Rwanda Inc.
One of Rwanda's fiercest advocates is a mustachioed Chicagoan with a crushing handshake. Joe Ritchie, who made his fortune building and then selling a company called Chicago Research & Trading and is now Cooper's partner in Fox River, cochairs the Presidential Advisory Council. Last summer, after the council suggested that Rwanda needed to streamline its bureaucracy and have just one go-to agency for development, President Kagame created the Rwanda Development Board and named Ritchie CEO.
Ritchie, 68, is a lifelong adventurer. He flew a chase plane for the late Steve Fossett, and before the September 11 attacks, he and his brother sunk millions into fighting the Taliban in Afghanistan, where they spent part of their childhood. (Their father was a civil engineer who taught in Kabul and was buried there.) He first heard about Rwanda from one of his daughters, who did volunteer work in the country.
So far, the biggest payoff of his advocacy may come from a partnership with the U.S. rail titan Burlington Northern -- Santa Fe. Rwanda's poor transport links boost the prices of both its imports and its (few) exports. After Ritchie spoke with BNSF chairman Matt Rose, the company agreed to advise on design and construction of a rail link between Kigali and Tanzania's Indian Ocean port of Dar es Salaam. Rwandan officials say the ability to use the company's name has opened doors with potential rail builders and operators.
Ritchie repeatedly emphasizes his desire to "stay low profile." So why take on such a significant role, and even move to Kigali? "Who wouldn't jump at the chance to play for the 1985 Bears?" he replies. "And if you tell me I can pick between being second-string left guard or quarterback -- well, yeah, I'm gonna take QB."
If only Rwanda's depth chart were half as strong as the '85 Bears'. Ritchie says that a major part of his job is identifying and training a generation of deal makers and strategists. "The quality of the leadership here is stunning," he says. "The government is long on dedication and commitment -- that's not learnable. I'm teaching how to wheel and deal. That is learnable. That is the missing ingredient. Don't change the soup. Just add the ingredient."
The model for the agency is Singapore's development board. In 2007, Kagame took a team to Singapore to study how the country turned itself from a regional trading post into a global business capital. But while there are parallels between the two nations -- both are run by strong, postcolonial governments whose democratic credentials are widely questioned -- Singapore has advantages that Rwanda does not, from its outstanding education system to its geography to its fastidious reputation. (It annoys President Kagame that foreigners often don't know that Rwanda, too, is tidy. At a speech in Boston last year, an American rose during the Q&A time and praised Kigali for being surprisingly safe and clean. Those in the audience recall that the president called the guy out. "What did you expect?" he said. "Did you expect us to be violent and dirty?")
Then there's the lingering taint of the genocide. "Rwanda's biggest challenge is reputational. It's associated with war. It's seen as so poor that people think of it as a place to do charity. The opportunities are there, but it hasn't been taken seriously as a place to do business," says economist Jean-Louis Warnholz of Oxford's Center for the Study of African Economies. Commerce minister Nsanzabaganwa agrees: "One of the development board's priority projects is to devise an image-building strategy so that the genocide image is replaced by something else." But this is tricky. Part of Rwanda's appeal is the compelling story it can (very carefully) tell and sell: Come invest, and be a part of our amazing renaissance.
In the dozens of conversations I had with investors and donors, the genocide and Rwanda's awe-inspiring recovery from it inevitably came to the fore -- and these supporters were unanimously thrilled to participate in the rebuilding of the country. The words of RealNetworks' Glaser, who has created internships at his company and given more than $6 million to build health centers in Rwanda, were typical: "If we can make this place a beacon of hope -- a place where just 15 years ago, an eighth of the country was murdered in the most brutal way possible -- then that hope should be possible anywhere."
Asked about 1994 and Rwanda's image, President Kagame responded, "We will not forget the genocide, but we will not be defined by it, either. Each year, we use the memory of the genocide to convene a national discussion, but then we use the discussion to talk about the future." Many Rwandans I spoke with expressed the wish that outsiders see the country through a lens other than that of 1994, but not one articulated just how they could or would make that happen.
Kigali," one aid worker explained to me, "is Africa that Americans can handle." There's little crime. There are plenty of small, shabby houses with rusty corrugated-metal roofs, but the neat streets, many fringed with careful landscaping, are remarkably free of honking or traffic jams, at least by the standards of a developing country. Plastic bags don't clog the drains -- the government banned them for environmental reasons -- nor do odors of street food compete with the mingled scents of frangipani and diesel, since hawkers were outlawed too. Several cafés offer free Wi-Fi. Downtown, there's even a new 24-hour supermarket.
Bugesera, by contrast, is the Africa that most Americans expect. About 40 minutes' drive south of Kigali, down a road paved two years ago, this dusty district has unreliable rains, scarce jobs, and enormous families. It was one of the areas hardest hit by the genocide -- nearly 10,000 people died in the Nyamata parish church alone. This is where you can find the sad-faced moms in African wax prints and American T-shirts holding wailing, malarial babies.
It's places like Bugesera where Rwanda most needs the help of nongovernmental organizations. The country will never be prosperous if the countryside remains poor, but it's not appealing for private investment. "We have opportunities for investors, but we are facing big problems here. You can't do anything when you don't have health security," says Berthilde Mukantwali, the top government official in Ngeruka, a slice of Bugesera on the Burundian border. She pauses and holds her head. "You have to excuse me. I have malaria."
Later this year, construction will begin on a health center -- the first for Ngeruka's 26,000 people. This is a pretty traditional NGO project: Foreigners provide where the government can't, especially in the building and equipping of medical facilities and schools. In Ngeruka, $500,000 in funding will come from singer Garth Brooks's Teammates for Kids charity.
But Rwanda still does things differently. Its oversight of not-for-profits is tighter than in many other developing countries. In a modern spin on imihigo -- a traditional Rwandan concept in which two people or groups publicly pledge to work toward a stated task -- organizations must file annual action plans and reports, and they're continually reminded to align their plans with the government's. Failure to do so can mean expulsion. "The government has taken on a very forceful role -- coordinating without bludgeoning," Jessica Price, country director for U.S.-based Family Health International, says carefully.
Staci Leuschner, who heads local operations for the not-for-profit PSI, says the government "has been particularly encouraging of innovation," especially health services. Two years ago, for instance, PSI created new packaging for Coartem -- a drug cocktail from Novartis that is the most effective malaria treatment available -- with graphics that show even illiterate moms how to dose their infants and toddlers. The government quickly agreed to test it, not in one district or two, but everywhere. The packaging helped spike the drug's usage and cut the number of deaths from malaria. Novartis now plans a similar venture in Kenya.
Several NGOs are experimenting with rural job-creation programs. What's particularly interesting about Rwanda Community Works -- started in 2007 by Columbia University public-health professor Josh Ruxin -- is that its strategy is similar to Kagame's: It focuses on building coalitions of rich people to help the poor. David Bonderman, founding partner of private-equity giant TPG, provided Ruxin's organization with $750,000 in seed funding. Ruxin corralled Garth Brooks's Ngeruka donation as well as hundreds of thousands of dollars from the Schmidt Family Foundation -- Google CEO Eric Schmidt's personal philanthropy -- for another Bugesera health center.
"When people stop dying, they want to create wealth," Ruxin says. "We're going to demonstrate, in one district, that through a variety of business-driven approaches, they can achieve it." Ruxin's team, which includes a former National University of Rwanda business lecturer and an ex-ING project manager, has launched experiments in agribusiness and partnerships with basket-weaving and knitting cooperatives. (The co-op model is one of the government's pillars for rural development.) The goal is to build what would essentially be a Bugesera conglomerate, with all the profits reinvested in new businesses.
"When people stop dying, they want to create wealth," says josh ruxin. his ngo is building businesses -- but are they sustainable?​
The first fully-to-market product from Ruxin's organization was a line of $85 silk-mohair knitted scarves for Whitney Port, star of the MTV reality show The City. The project's startup funds and the connection to Port came from Megan Chernin, wife of News Corp. president Peter Chernin. Each knitter is paid about $5 per scarf, and the remaining profits -- about $45 -- are reinvested in other projects. "That we're able to produce something with extraordinary levels of profits here is a huge accomplishment," Ruxin says. "The question is, Can something be left behind that becomes organic, that grows on its own?"
Terrific question. The scarf project's chief virtue is that it provides income from previously inaccessible markets. But it risks creating new forms of dependency. Rwanda Community Works has a PR person in New York and a master salesman in Ruxin, who has generated so much press that both government officials and some in Kigali's NGO community voiced concerns to me that it's too much about him and not enough about Rwanda. The big issue, though, is that RCW isn't building a bridge that Rwandans can use for generations to come -- it is the bridge. On their own, the knitters have no more access to TV starlets than they did before. And surely nobody believes that this business would have come to Bugesera's women if not for their tear-jerking story. But pity is not a renewable resource that anyone wants to cultivate.
One afternoon, I stood in chicken poop with Marta Mukakalisa, 30. We were in the chicken coop, which doubles as her kitchen -- a perverse reminder to the birds of their destiny -- and she was telling me about her four kids, plus an orphan she supports. She wants to make enough to pay their way through school; she never got past fourth grade. Her husband is off in the army, so she's basically on her own. She has had some help. The government gave her a cow, and RCW extended credit so she could buy higher-quality feed, which helped boost the cow's milk production from 6 liters a day to 12. But it's her ingenuity and entrepreneurialism that turned those inputs into much more lucrative outputs.
She calculated that if she saved some milk for the kids and sold the rest to the dairy collection center in town, she could net about 1,500 francs a day, about $2.75. "It wasn't fair," she says, "because the collection center pays 170 francs a liter but sells for 250." So she went to a nearby military camp and offered to sell them milk. She wasn't going to undersell the collection center -- the per-liter price would still be 250. But here's what she offered: Free delivery. Full liters (since the collection center notoriously skimps). And freshness. Since she has no refrigeration, her milk has to be delivered immediately, so it's fresher than the collection center's -- an advantage spun from an apparent disadvantage.
Today, Mukakalisa sells 60 liters a day. She employs two bicycle deliverymen. She shares the wealth with neighbors, paying them nearly 20% more per liter than the collection center. And she has lifted herself out of extreme poverty -- her annual income is roughly double the government's $900-per-capita goal.
"Tell the people in America that I am the best businesswoman. I expect to make a lot of money. Some people here, they're reluctant to take risks," she says, one hand planted on her hip and the other waving dismissively in the air. She looks at me. "I like to take risks." May Rwanda find millions more just like her.
 
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