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- Aug 2, 2010
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By Frederick Golooba-Mutebi
Posted Saturday, August 31 2013 at 11:44
IN SUMMARY
It all began as a big puzzle for East African political analysts and ordinary citizens alike.
As Tanzanians were celebrating US President Barack Obama's visit to their country and basking in yet more confirmation of their country's growing popularity with the leaders of the big powers and their president's growing status as a major player on the African scene, back in Kampala, the presidents of Uganda, Kenya and Rwanda were also meeting.
It struck many as strange that they would choose to caucus at that particular moment, when their Tanzanian counterpart could not possibly attend.
Cynics tried to reduce the event to a "sour grapes" gathering, where leaders not considered to be politically kosher by the democracy-promoting Americans chose to show that they too had important business to attend to during the time.
But was it?
Well, it soon became clear that the three presidents had been up to some very important business, discussing how to speed up integration among their countries. Why, though, were they leaving out Tanzania?
And now they have met again, this time in Mombasa, again without Jakaya Kikwete.
There is much speculation about why the three countries are operating outside the framework of the EAC Treaty, and excluding Tanzania. Two reasons stand out.
One is that Tanzania is responsible for the slow pace of integration, and that other three countries have chosen not to be detained by its filibustering of the process.
The other is that Tanzania is far more committed to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) than to the EAC. Both are false.
Tanzania, experts and informed observers contend, is not any more responsible for the slow integration process than the other members. Detailed analysis of what is happening shows that each of the five member countries bears some responsibility.
However, Tanzania bears more responsibility than the others. On the economic front, it is the most reluctant to implement measures designed to open up its economy.
A Tanzanian businessman with interests in Uganda and Kenya is critical of "its cumbersome entry visa and work permit requirements for East African citizens at a time when Rwanda, Uganda and Kenya have all but done away with them."
A Dar es Salaam-based Ugandan confirmed this. His work permit cost him $2,050 and took three months to get.
Speculation about Tanzania showing more commitment to SADC is simply not well informed, according to the frustrated businessman: "If you ask businessmen from other SADC member states, you will hear the same complaints about Tanzania as the ones made by those from the EAC."
So what is behind all this?
There is no question that Tanzanians love the idea of economic and political integration within the EAC. Studies prove this. It is also true, however, that many ordinary Tanzanians are not keen on fast-paced integration.
The lack of enthusiasm is deeply embedded in their fear and suspicion of especially Kenyans and Ugandans.
Tanzanians find Kenyans frightening in as far as their nose for moneymaking opportunities goes. There is a feeling that once economic integration is realised, they will have no chance against them, and that their country will be turned into a market for Kenya's industries.
While Ugandans are less frightening than the Kenyans with their ujanja (trickiness), they too are viewed with suspicion.
With their "sophisticated English" that, thanks to Nyerere's promotion of Kiswahili as the country's lingua franca, Tanzanians feel they cannot match, there is a feeling Ugandans would grab all the jobs if they were let in without restriction.
As for Rwandans and Burundians, Tanzanians believe they will flood their country in search of land and grab what they can. And in this, Rwanda's commitment to integration and demonstrable capacity to fulfil its obligations to the EAC is a source of both fear and a degree of envy.
Fear stems from the suspicion that Rwanda's eagerness proves its desire to send some of its excess population to countries where there is plenty of land. The envy comes from what one is guaranteed to hear in both countries about their respective leaderships.
While Tanzanians decry what they claim is lack of leadership in their country, Rwandans, opponents and supporters of the government alike, attribute their country's achievements to its "capable leadership."
Thoughtful Tanzanians agree that the fear of East Africans is alive and well in their country. However, they blame their political elite for pandering to it rather than providing leadership that would prepare Tanzanians to accept and prepare for deeper integration with confidence.
Can the EAC do without Tanzania and can Tanzania do without the EAC?
The answer is that each needs the other, and that what is happening is simply intended to allow others to move ahead while Tanzania prepares itself.
With the new developments already causing much unease in Dar es Salaam, it may not be long before a new attitude emerges in the community's largest member.
Frederick Golooba-Mutebi is a Kampala- and Kigali-based researcher and writer on politics and public affairs.
E-mail: fgmutebi@yahoo.com
Posted Saturday, August 31 2013 at 11:44
IN SUMMARY
- There is much speculation about why Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda are operating outside the framework of the EAC Treaty, and excluding Tanzania. Two reasons stand out, and both are false.
It all began as a big puzzle for East African political analysts and ordinary citizens alike.
As Tanzanians were celebrating US President Barack Obama's visit to their country and basking in yet more confirmation of their country's growing popularity with the leaders of the big powers and their president's growing status as a major player on the African scene, back in Kampala, the presidents of Uganda, Kenya and Rwanda were also meeting.
It struck many as strange that they would choose to caucus at that particular moment, when their Tanzanian counterpart could not possibly attend.
Cynics tried to reduce the event to a "sour grapes" gathering, where leaders not considered to be politically kosher by the democracy-promoting Americans chose to show that they too had important business to attend to during the time.
But was it?
Well, it soon became clear that the three presidents had been up to some very important business, discussing how to speed up integration among their countries. Why, though, were they leaving out Tanzania?
And now they have met again, this time in Mombasa, again without Jakaya Kikwete.
There is much speculation about why the three countries are operating outside the framework of the EAC Treaty, and excluding Tanzania. Two reasons stand out.
One is that Tanzania is responsible for the slow pace of integration, and that other three countries have chosen not to be detained by its filibustering of the process.
The other is that Tanzania is far more committed to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) than to the EAC. Both are false.
Tanzania, experts and informed observers contend, is not any more responsible for the slow integration process than the other members. Detailed analysis of what is happening shows that each of the five member countries bears some responsibility.
However, Tanzania bears more responsibility than the others. On the economic front, it is the most reluctant to implement measures designed to open up its economy.
A Tanzanian businessman with interests in Uganda and Kenya is critical of "its cumbersome entry visa and work permit requirements for East African citizens at a time when Rwanda, Uganda and Kenya have all but done away with them."
A Dar es Salaam-based Ugandan confirmed this. His work permit cost him $2,050 and took three months to get.
Speculation about Tanzania showing more commitment to SADC is simply not well informed, according to the frustrated businessman: "If you ask businessmen from other SADC member states, you will hear the same complaints about Tanzania as the ones made by those from the EAC."
So what is behind all this?
There is no question that Tanzanians love the idea of economic and political integration within the EAC. Studies prove this. It is also true, however, that many ordinary Tanzanians are not keen on fast-paced integration.
The lack of enthusiasm is deeply embedded in their fear and suspicion of especially Kenyans and Ugandans.
Tanzanians find Kenyans frightening in as far as their nose for moneymaking opportunities goes. There is a feeling that once economic integration is realised, they will have no chance against them, and that their country will be turned into a market for Kenya's industries.
While Ugandans are less frightening than the Kenyans with their ujanja (trickiness), they too are viewed with suspicion.
With their "sophisticated English" that, thanks to Nyerere's promotion of Kiswahili as the country's lingua franca, Tanzanians feel they cannot match, there is a feeling Ugandans would grab all the jobs if they were let in without restriction.
As for Rwandans and Burundians, Tanzanians believe they will flood their country in search of land and grab what they can. And in this, Rwanda's commitment to integration and demonstrable capacity to fulfil its obligations to the EAC is a source of both fear and a degree of envy.
Fear stems from the suspicion that Rwanda's eagerness proves its desire to send some of its excess population to countries where there is plenty of land. The envy comes from what one is guaranteed to hear in both countries about their respective leaderships.
While Tanzanians decry what they claim is lack of leadership in their country, Rwandans, opponents and supporters of the government alike, attribute their country's achievements to its "capable leadership."
Thoughtful Tanzanians agree that the fear of East Africans is alive and well in their country. However, they blame their political elite for pandering to it rather than providing leadership that would prepare Tanzanians to accept and prepare for deeper integration with confidence.
Can the EAC do without Tanzania and can Tanzania do without the EAC?
The answer is that each needs the other, and that what is happening is simply intended to allow others to move ahead while Tanzania prepares itself.
With the new developments already causing much unease in Dar es Salaam, it may not be long before a new attitude emerges in the community's largest member.
Frederick Golooba-Mutebi is a Kampala- and Kigali-based researcher and writer on politics and public affairs.
E-mail: fgmutebi@yahoo.com
