Yusufu R H Sabura
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 26, 2020
- 740
- 828
The Betrayal of Africa
The African continent was never truly decolonized. Colonialism did not end; it merely shifted form. Today, it is masqueraded in liberal democracy, privatization, Western aid conditionalities, and imperialist media narratives. We—the revolutionary youth of Africa—have to declare: not to no longer dance to their drumbeats. From Temeke to the grassroots of Buswelu , we have to reject the lie that multipartism is freedom. It was never meant to liberate us.
Western liberal democracy is the most cunning tool of modern-day colonialism. Under the guise of “freedom of choice,” we are divided into camps of tribal politics and dollar-sponsored candidates.
The Myth of Multipartism – A Western Invention
Multipartism is not African. It is not liberation. It is sabotage. It was designed in Paris, Washington, and London to break African unity. When Julius Nyerere, Kwame Nkrumah, and Patrice Lumumba called for unity under one ideological system, the West sent coups, bullets, and dollars. They knew: a divided Africa is a controlled Africa.
Even single-party systems were Western inventions. But in the absence of monarchies and indigenous consensus governance, the single-party socialist path was the closest mechanism to unity. We, the youth, have to recognize that while even this is not purely indigenous, it is the last available tool to mobilize collective energy. Not every foreign concept is evil, but multipartism is a Trojan horse.
CCM – The Last Liberation Movement Standing
The youth must understand: CCM is not a perfect party, but it is the last remaining revolutionary structure on the continent that still connects us to our post-colonial mission. It is not to be voted out, as Lissu commands from Brussels, but to be healed, strengthened, and radicalized. Like a sick warrior, we do not abandon him. We treat him.
Under Magufuli, CCM returned to its socialist spine. The revival of railways, the Julius Nyerere Hydropower Project, the Air Tanzania fleet, Stiegler’s Gorge, the revival of TAZARA, Mwambani Port, and local drug manufacturing plants—these were not capitalist dreams. They were revolutionary moves to restore economic dignity. When President Samia Suluhu Hassan picked up that torch and balanced diplomacy with industrial momentum, the West took note. This is why propaganda increased.
The Collapse of CHADEMA – A Cautionary Tale of Elite Politics
The youth must open their eyes: CHADEMA was never a people's party. It was a long-standing fiefdom, ruled by Freeman Mbowe for decades with an iron grip that avoided any real intra-party democracy. Under the pretense of opposition, he centralized power, ignored internal demands for accountability, and muzzled emerging voices.
When CHADEMA finally held intra-party elections, the results exposed the truth. Tundu Lissu, long backed by Western embassies, displaced Mbowe—but instead of healthy transition, the party split like a dry branch. In a panic, Mbowe loyalists defected to Rungwe's CHAUMMA, hijacking not just people but resources. Even the campaign helicopter once seen flying CHADEMA flags now graces CHAUMMA rallies. The online TV channels, once branded as CHADEMA’s mouthpieces, are now parading under CHAUMMA. What resilience? What vision? This is not politics. This is opportunistic scavenging.
To Smuggle in an Enemy’s Culture During Liberation Times Is Treason
Worse still, Tundu Lissu’s advocacy for Western moral codes, including his open support for homosexuality, is a direct attack on African sacred values. In Brussels, he speaks their language, serves their agenda, and sells our dignity. But here in Africa, we still remember Moses and Pharaoh. We are a continent of prophets. Europe had no prophets, only philosophers and emperors. We were visited by divine messengers. They were visited by colonizers.
This is not advocacy. It is not freedom. It is betrayal. When our people are fighting for factories, clean water, and education, we do not have the luxury to debate imported sexual ideologies. This is a sacred war for our survival—not a playground for foreign experiments.
Lissu does not speak for Buswelu’s elders or Temeke’s mothers. He speaks for Brussels. He represents a new colonial priesthood—one that wears suits, not cassocks, and preaches foreign grants, not real liberation.
The Kenyan Question – A Mirror of Where Multipartyism Leads
Kenya is Africa’s cautionary tale: a country with resources, a strategic coastline, and brilliant people—but trapped in endless cycles of tribal electoral conflict, foreign military cooperation, and IMF bondage. Since the return of multiparty politics in the 1990s, Kenya has become a laboratory of Western-controlled “democracy” where elites rotate power like relay batons—with no real shift in policy, only surnames.
From Moi to Kibaki, from Uhuru to Ruto, each regime inherits debt, worsens inequality, and depends more on Western loans than on internal production. Every election is violent. Every government is owned by donors. The parliament is a theatre, and the people are merely spectators. Kenya is what happens when the West gets to design your system.
The rise of militarized police, foreign bases in Lamu and Manda Bay, and an open embrace of LGBTQ+ narratives through donor pressure shows that Kenya’s political elite no longer answers to Nairobi, but to Washington, London, and Geneva.
Let the youth understand: Kenya is not a model. It is a warning. It is what happens when a country trades revolutionary ideology for electoral arithmetic. It is the ghost of what Tanzania would become if we ever abandon the one-party ideal and surrender to liberal fragmentation.
The Case of Iran – A Warning to Africa
Iran’s story is Africa’s warning. Every time Iranians attempted to rise and reclaim their wealth, the West destroyed them—not for ideology, but for oil.
1. First Betrayal – The 1901 D’Arcy Concession: In desperation, Muzaffar al-Din Qajar, the Shah of Persia, signed away Iran’s oil to the British—giving them 60 years of exclusive rights for a laughable upfront payment. Britain became rich. Iran became poorer.
2. Second Betrayal – The 1919 Anglo-Persian Agreement: When Iranian nationalists demanded economic sovereignty after World War I, the British forced another deal through bribery and intimidation, effectively turning Iran into a protectorate under the guise of “technical assistance.” National institutions were bypassed. Resistance was ignored.
3. Third Betrayal – The 1953 Coup Against Mossadegh: When Mohammad Mossadegh, a nationalist Prime Minister, democratically rose to power and nationalized Iran’s oil in 1951, the British panicked. With American help, they launched Operation Ajax in 1953—a CIA and MI6-backed coup that overthrew Mossadegh and restored the Shah’s autocracy. Iranian democracy was killed in broad daylight because it threatened British Petroleum.
This is what the West calls “defending freedom.”
The lesson for Africa is clear: you can have elections, but if you touch their oil, gas, lithium, or cobalt—your democracy will be overthrown. They will call you a dictator, slap on sanctions, fund opposition movements, or fly in drones.
Let this be a prophetic warning. When Tanzania under Magufuli reclaimed its natural gas, minerals, and ports—the same narrative began: “authoritarianism,” “human rights,” “lack of democracy.” These are the weapons used to make Africa doubt itself just like they did to Iran.
Sudan and the Russian Naval Base – Civil War as a Tool of Sabotage
Sudan is a recent and chilling example of what happens when an African nation attempts to shift its military and geopolitical alliances away from Western control.
In 2020, Sudan’s transitional military council, led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, initiated a historic naval base agreement with Russia. The deal offered Moscow access to Port Sudan on the Red Sea for a planned 25-year lease—marking what would have been Russia’s first major deep-sea military foothold on the African continent. This directly challenged American, French, and NATO dominance over the Red Sea and Horn of Africa.
Almost immediately, the deal attracted intense Western pressure. Sudan was offered debt relief and re-entry into the Western financial system—on the condition that it abandoned the Russian naval arrangement. By 2021, diplomatic narratives shifted. Washington and Brussels warned of “fragile governance,” and Western-funded media began reporting on deepening divisions within Sudan’s military establishment.
By 2023, a catastrophic civil war broke out between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under Burhan and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) under Mohamed “Hemedti” Dagalo. The two men, once allies in toppling Omar al-Bashir, turned into bitter enemies. The war destroyed the functioning of the state and paralyzed Port Sudan, the very site proposed for Russia’s base.
Coincidence? No. This is the same formula used in Iran, Libya, and elsewhere. When a sovereign African state attempts to align with Moscow, Beijing, or Tehran, it suddenly faces "internal unrest." Foreign NGOs, rival militias, media campaigns, and diplomatic isolation are activated like a well-oiled machine. Civil wars are no longer spontaneous—they are engineered.
Let the African youth understand: Sudan’s war was not just about internal power. It was about stopping Africa from breaking free. The message from the empire is clear—you are free to choose your leaders, but not your partners.
A Call to Revolutionary Unity
Africa is not poor. Africa is not weak. Africa is not confused.
Africa is under siege.
The siege is ideological, cultural, economic, and spiritual. It is enforced through liberal democracy, Western-funded opposition, sexual cultural imperialism, fake civil society, IMF chains, and NATO threats. From Buswelu to Temeke, we see the signs. From Iran to Sudan, we read the pattern.
We, the youth of Africa, let us declare:
Multipartism was never designed to liberate us. It divides us along tribal, religious, and foreign-sponsored lines. It is a colonial tool in new packaging.
CCM must not be abandoned. It is wounded, yes—but it remains the last post-independence structure that still carries the fire of Nyerere, the vision of Ujamaa, and the industrial spirit of Magufuli.
To smuggle in an enemy’s culture during liberation times is treason. Foreign sexual ethics, donor ideologies, and rainbow diplomacy must be repelled. Our culture is not for sale.
Western powers have destroyed every country that tried to control its resources: Iran, Iraq, Libya, Congo, Sudan, Venezuela. If Africa is to rise, we must protect our sovereignty—by any revolutionary means necessary.
We must forge new alliances with Moscow, Beijing, Istanbul, New Delhi, and the Asian Tigers. The West has had 500 years to prove its friendship—and has only delivered chains.
Magufuli’s Tanzania stood firm. It built railways, revived Air Tanzania, dug out the Julius Nyerere Hydropower Plant, and pushed for mineral ownership. But when Kibiti militants emerged, slaughtering civilians in the coastal regions, we must ask: who armed them? Who funded them? Who benefits from chaos when a state begins to liberate itself? Those militants did not come from a vacuum. They came as saboteurs, destabilizers, agents of disorder—just like the mercenaries in Libya, the militia in Sudan, and the rebels in Congo.
This is not a call to hate.
It is a call to heal. A call to discipline. A call to remember. A call to act.
The time has come to end liberal distractions, restore one-party revolutionary systems, and build an Africa that belongs to us—not to Washington, not to Brussels, not to Wall Street.
The revolution will not be televised.
It will be printed in Buswelu.
It will march in Temeke.
And it will roar from Kinshasa to Dodoma.
We are the generation of Magufuli. The children of Nyerere. The disciples of Sankara. Sons and daughters of Samia. We will not kneel.
Yusufu R H Sabura.
The African continent was never truly decolonized. Colonialism did not end; it merely shifted form. Today, it is masqueraded in liberal democracy, privatization, Western aid conditionalities, and imperialist media narratives. We—the revolutionary youth of Africa—have to declare: not to no longer dance to their drumbeats. From Temeke to the grassroots of Buswelu , we have to reject the lie that multipartism is freedom. It was never meant to liberate us.
Western liberal democracy is the most cunning tool of modern-day colonialism. Under the guise of “freedom of choice,” we are divided into camps of tribal politics and dollar-sponsored candidates.
The Myth of Multipartism – A Western Invention
Multipartism is not African. It is not liberation. It is sabotage. It was designed in Paris, Washington, and London to break African unity. When Julius Nyerere, Kwame Nkrumah, and Patrice Lumumba called for unity under one ideological system, the West sent coups, bullets, and dollars. They knew: a divided Africa is a controlled Africa.
Even single-party systems were Western inventions. But in the absence of monarchies and indigenous consensus governance, the single-party socialist path was the closest mechanism to unity. We, the youth, have to recognize that while even this is not purely indigenous, it is the last available tool to mobilize collective energy. Not every foreign concept is evil, but multipartism is a Trojan horse.
CCM – The Last Liberation Movement Standing
The youth must understand: CCM is not a perfect party, but it is the last remaining revolutionary structure on the continent that still connects us to our post-colonial mission. It is not to be voted out, as Lissu commands from Brussels, but to be healed, strengthened, and radicalized. Like a sick warrior, we do not abandon him. We treat him.
Under Magufuli, CCM returned to its socialist spine. The revival of railways, the Julius Nyerere Hydropower Project, the Air Tanzania fleet, Stiegler’s Gorge, the revival of TAZARA, Mwambani Port, and local drug manufacturing plants—these were not capitalist dreams. They were revolutionary moves to restore economic dignity. When President Samia Suluhu Hassan picked up that torch and balanced diplomacy with industrial momentum, the West took note. This is why propaganda increased.
The Collapse of CHADEMA – A Cautionary Tale of Elite Politics
The youth must open their eyes: CHADEMA was never a people's party. It was a long-standing fiefdom, ruled by Freeman Mbowe for decades with an iron grip that avoided any real intra-party democracy. Under the pretense of opposition, he centralized power, ignored internal demands for accountability, and muzzled emerging voices.
When CHADEMA finally held intra-party elections, the results exposed the truth. Tundu Lissu, long backed by Western embassies, displaced Mbowe—but instead of healthy transition, the party split like a dry branch. In a panic, Mbowe loyalists defected to Rungwe's CHAUMMA, hijacking not just people but resources. Even the campaign helicopter once seen flying CHADEMA flags now graces CHAUMMA rallies. The online TV channels, once branded as CHADEMA’s mouthpieces, are now parading under CHAUMMA. What resilience? What vision? This is not politics. This is opportunistic scavenging.
To Smuggle in an Enemy’s Culture During Liberation Times Is Treason
Worse still, Tundu Lissu’s advocacy for Western moral codes, including his open support for homosexuality, is a direct attack on African sacred values. In Brussels, he speaks their language, serves their agenda, and sells our dignity. But here in Africa, we still remember Moses and Pharaoh. We are a continent of prophets. Europe had no prophets, only philosophers and emperors. We were visited by divine messengers. They were visited by colonizers.
This is not advocacy. It is not freedom. It is betrayal. When our people are fighting for factories, clean water, and education, we do not have the luxury to debate imported sexual ideologies. This is a sacred war for our survival—not a playground for foreign experiments.
Lissu does not speak for Buswelu’s elders or Temeke’s mothers. He speaks for Brussels. He represents a new colonial priesthood—one that wears suits, not cassocks, and preaches foreign grants, not real liberation.
The Kenyan Question – A Mirror of Where Multipartyism Leads
Kenya is Africa’s cautionary tale: a country with resources, a strategic coastline, and brilliant people—but trapped in endless cycles of tribal electoral conflict, foreign military cooperation, and IMF bondage. Since the return of multiparty politics in the 1990s, Kenya has become a laboratory of Western-controlled “democracy” where elites rotate power like relay batons—with no real shift in policy, only surnames.
From Moi to Kibaki, from Uhuru to Ruto, each regime inherits debt, worsens inequality, and depends more on Western loans than on internal production. Every election is violent. Every government is owned by donors. The parliament is a theatre, and the people are merely spectators. Kenya is what happens when the West gets to design your system.
The rise of militarized police, foreign bases in Lamu and Manda Bay, and an open embrace of LGBTQ+ narratives through donor pressure shows that Kenya’s political elite no longer answers to Nairobi, but to Washington, London, and Geneva.
Let the youth understand: Kenya is not a model. It is a warning. It is what happens when a country trades revolutionary ideology for electoral arithmetic. It is the ghost of what Tanzania would become if we ever abandon the one-party ideal and surrender to liberal fragmentation.
The Case of Iran – A Warning to Africa
Iran’s story is Africa’s warning. Every time Iranians attempted to rise and reclaim their wealth, the West destroyed them—not for ideology, but for oil.
1. First Betrayal – The 1901 D’Arcy Concession: In desperation, Muzaffar al-Din Qajar, the Shah of Persia, signed away Iran’s oil to the British—giving them 60 years of exclusive rights for a laughable upfront payment. Britain became rich. Iran became poorer.
2. Second Betrayal – The 1919 Anglo-Persian Agreement: When Iranian nationalists demanded economic sovereignty after World War I, the British forced another deal through bribery and intimidation, effectively turning Iran into a protectorate under the guise of “technical assistance.” National institutions were bypassed. Resistance was ignored.
3. Third Betrayal – The 1953 Coup Against Mossadegh: When Mohammad Mossadegh, a nationalist Prime Minister, democratically rose to power and nationalized Iran’s oil in 1951, the British panicked. With American help, they launched Operation Ajax in 1953—a CIA and MI6-backed coup that overthrew Mossadegh and restored the Shah’s autocracy. Iranian democracy was killed in broad daylight because it threatened British Petroleum.
This is what the West calls “defending freedom.”
The lesson for Africa is clear: you can have elections, but if you touch their oil, gas, lithium, or cobalt—your democracy will be overthrown. They will call you a dictator, slap on sanctions, fund opposition movements, or fly in drones.
Let this be a prophetic warning. When Tanzania under Magufuli reclaimed its natural gas, minerals, and ports—the same narrative began: “authoritarianism,” “human rights,” “lack of democracy.” These are the weapons used to make Africa doubt itself just like they did to Iran.
Sudan and the Russian Naval Base – Civil War as a Tool of Sabotage
Sudan is a recent and chilling example of what happens when an African nation attempts to shift its military and geopolitical alliances away from Western control.
In 2020, Sudan’s transitional military council, led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, initiated a historic naval base agreement with Russia. The deal offered Moscow access to Port Sudan on the Red Sea for a planned 25-year lease—marking what would have been Russia’s first major deep-sea military foothold on the African continent. This directly challenged American, French, and NATO dominance over the Red Sea and Horn of Africa.
Almost immediately, the deal attracted intense Western pressure. Sudan was offered debt relief and re-entry into the Western financial system—on the condition that it abandoned the Russian naval arrangement. By 2021, diplomatic narratives shifted. Washington and Brussels warned of “fragile governance,” and Western-funded media began reporting on deepening divisions within Sudan’s military establishment.
By 2023, a catastrophic civil war broke out between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under Burhan and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) under Mohamed “Hemedti” Dagalo. The two men, once allies in toppling Omar al-Bashir, turned into bitter enemies. The war destroyed the functioning of the state and paralyzed Port Sudan, the very site proposed for Russia’s base.
Coincidence? No. This is the same formula used in Iran, Libya, and elsewhere. When a sovereign African state attempts to align with Moscow, Beijing, or Tehran, it suddenly faces "internal unrest." Foreign NGOs, rival militias, media campaigns, and diplomatic isolation are activated like a well-oiled machine. Civil wars are no longer spontaneous—they are engineered.
Let the African youth understand: Sudan’s war was not just about internal power. It was about stopping Africa from breaking free. The message from the empire is clear—you are free to choose your leaders, but not your partners.
A Call to Revolutionary Unity
Africa is not poor. Africa is not weak. Africa is not confused.
Africa is under siege.
The siege is ideological, cultural, economic, and spiritual. It is enforced through liberal democracy, Western-funded opposition, sexual cultural imperialism, fake civil society, IMF chains, and NATO threats. From Buswelu to Temeke, we see the signs. From Iran to Sudan, we read the pattern.
We, the youth of Africa, let us declare:
Multipartism was never designed to liberate us. It divides us along tribal, religious, and foreign-sponsored lines. It is a colonial tool in new packaging.
CCM must not be abandoned. It is wounded, yes—but it remains the last post-independence structure that still carries the fire of Nyerere, the vision of Ujamaa, and the industrial spirit of Magufuli.
To smuggle in an enemy’s culture during liberation times is treason. Foreign sexual ethics, donor ideologies, and rainbow diplomacy must be repelled. Our culture is not for sale.
Western powers have destroyed every country that tried to control its resources: Iran, Iraq, Libya, Congo, Sudan, Venezuela. If Africa is to rise, we must protect our sovereignty—by any revolutionary means necessary.
We must forge new alliances with Moscow, Beijing, Istanbul, New Delhi, and the Asian Tigers. The West has had 500 years to prove its friendship—and has only delivered chains.
Magufuli’s Tanzania stood firm. It built railways, revived Air Tanzania, dug out the Julius Nyerere Hydropower Plant, and pushed for mineral ownership. But when Kibiti militants emerged, slaughtering civilians in the coastal regions, we must ask: who armed them? Who funded them? Who benefits from chaos when a state begins to liberate itself? Those militants did not come from a vacuum. They came as saboteurs, destabilizers, agents of disorder—just like the mercenaries in Libya, the militia in Sudan, and the rebels in Congo.
This is not a call to hate.
It is a call to heal. A call to discipline. A call to remember. A call to act.
The time has come to end liberal distractions, restore one-party revolutionary systems, and build an Africa that belongs to us—not to Washington, not to Brussels, not to Wall Street.
The revolution will not be televised.
It will be printed in Buswelu.
It will march in Temeke.
And it will roar from Kinshasa to Dodoma.
We are the generation of Magufuli. The children of Nyerere. The disciples of Sankara. Sons and daughters of Samia. We will not kneel.
Yusufu R H Sabura.
