Dr. Job
JF-Expert Member
- Jan 22, 2013
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There is rigging afoot in Kenya before August 8
Dr Roselyne Kwamboka Akombe during the vetting for the position of IEBC commissioner by the Parliamentary Justice and Legal Affairs committee on January 10, 2017. Photo/Jack Owuor
Jan. 14, 2017, 12:00 am
By NGURE WA GACHANJA
There is a word for it all: rigging. Please do not say you were not warned!
Such is the nature of Kenyan elections. In the multi-party era, the preparations for them have invariably been breathlessly rushed, messy, fractious and unpredictable. The result, however, has always been predictable: the incumbent has won! Save obviously in 2002 and 2013 when the incumbents could not run. As predictable as scoring A’s in the KCSE examinations before Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i checked in.
Instead of a smoking gun for evidence, think of it as the conning trickster’s game of cards: each shuffle of the deck, each play of now-you-see-me-now-you-don’t, each show of this card or that card gradually adding up to a grand heist right in front of one’s eyes. This is democracy’s death by a thousand cuts: they come from a variety of seen and concealed sources and injure various all over but the end is all the same: death!
Hence, in this case, look not for just one act or omission; rather, it is the sum total of acts and omissions that presents the compelling case that, even as you read this, the rigging of the 2017 elections is afoot.
Please do not roll your eyes! I am not trying to be inflammatory, to disparage or to mischievously catalyze disaffection. Here are the components that I would suggest make an increasingly powerful case that rigging is afoot.
First, we are no longer guaranteed to the fullest extent possible a voting process that is secure; with the electoral law amendments assented to by President Uhuru Kenyatta on January 9, 2017, what we now have is an obscure and opaque, gapingly open and vulnerable "complimentary mechanism for identification of voters and transmission of election results.” ....No one tells us what exactly this is; just that it is supposed to be the back up to the electronic system that had been previously exclusively mandated by law. It is not that we quibble that the logic for a backup is unsound; it is just that it would be epically foolish not to flag that in a country where elections have been repeatedly stolen and where political trust is thin, it is extremely reckless to, for whatever reason, leave unquestioned a large hole in the electoral electric fence.
Second, we have a posse of Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) commissioners that, it is reported, were the pick from the worst performers during the interviews for the IEBC Chair and Commissioners. The Tuesday December 27, 2016 edition of The Standard whose headline was “Details of how panel settled on new IEBC team” narrated a horror political story that immediately extinguished the celebrations normally attending the Christmas season. It was the interesting reenactment of the biblical statement that the first shall come last and the last shall come first: for reportedly nominated (and obviously soon-to-be-confirmed) as commissioners and chair of the IEBC were not the table toppers but the table anchors of the interview exercise. The tail, literally and metaphorically, will again soon wag the electoral dog.
Third, there continue to be political attacks on independent arms of government, notably the legislature and judiciary. The biggest offenders here are the police and the majority leader in the national assembly Aden Duale. In the first case, the intimidating and muscular police cordon around parliament as Uhuruto forced their will on parliament in their ineluctable desire to pass the amendments to the electoral law was a coercive show of force. In the latter case, please see for an exhibit Duale’s irresponsibly toxic attack on Justice George Odunga accusing him of issuing biased and opposition-supporting judicial rulings.
Fourth, our police force is indubitably now wired and purposed to protect the Uhuruto hegemony, rather than all Kenyans. For the latest evidence, please see the paragraph above.
Fifth, the recent frenzied assault on alternative voices, now most notably against civil society is indubitably an attempt to muzzle and strangulate rather than regulate them; it is certainly telling that CSOs such as the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) and the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) have mandates to engage in human rights and political accountability and civic education.
Sixth, the system is financially doped to favor one side; a big part of this, outside the illegitimate use of state resources will be the unbridled use of corruptly-acquired loot. As was confirmed in the ugly public tiff between Deputy President William Ruto and former Cabinet Secretary Anne Waiguru, not only has the looting occurred (and continues to do so) but the politics around it will ensure that this corruptly-acquired loot will be used for electoral politics.
Finally, you know there will be rigging if Mutahi Ngunyi declares it will be so. Please carefully re-read his contribution in last weekend’s The Standard on Sunday. He said it; and he is actually paid to do so.
Ngure wa Gachanja is a human rights and democratic governance practitioner. The views expressed in this column are entirely his own and in no way represent or articulate those of any organizations he may be associated with.
There is rigging afoot in Kenya before August 8
Dr Roselyne Kwamboka Akombe during the vetting for the position of IEBC commissioner by the Parliamentary Justice and Legal Affairs committee on January 10, 2017. Photo/Jack Owuor
Jan. 14, 2017, 12:00 am
By NGURE WA GACHANJA
There is a word for it all: rigging. Please do not say you were not warned!
Such is the nature of Kenyan elections. In the multi-party era, the preparations for them have invariably been breathlessly rushed, messy, fractious and unpredictable. The result, however, has always been predictable: the incumbent has won! Save obviously in 2002 and 2013 when the incumbents could not run. As predictable as scoring A’s in the KCSE examinations before Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i checked in.
Instead of a smoking gun for evidence, think of it as the conning trickster’s game of cards: each shuffle of the deck, each play of now-you-see-me-now-you-don’t, each show of this card or that card gradually adding up to a grand heist right in front of one’s eyes. This is democracy’s death by a thousand cuts: they come from a variety of seen and concealed sources and injure various all over but the end is all the same: death!
Hence, in this case, look not for just one act or omission; rather, it is the sum total of acts and omissions that presents the compelling case that, even as you read this, the rigging of the 2017 elections is afoot.
Please do not roll your eyes! I am not trying to be inflammatory, to disparage or to mischievously catalyze disaffection. Here are the components that I would suggest make an increasingly powerful case that rigging is afoot.
First, we are no longer guaranteed to the fullest extent possible a voting process that is secure; with the electoral law amendments assented to by President Uhuru Kenyatta on January 9, 2017, what we now have is an obscure and opaque, gapingly open and vulnerable "complimentary mechanism for identification of voters and transmission of election results.” ....No one tells us what exactly this is; just that it is supposed to be the back up to the electronic system that had been previously exclusively mandated by law. It is not that we quibble that the logic for a backup is unsound; it is just that it would be epically foolish not to flag that in a country where elections have been repeatedly stolen and where political trust is thin, it is extremely reckless to, for whatever reason, leave unquestioned a large hole in the electoral electric fence.
Second, we have a posse of Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) commissioners that, it is reported, were the pick from the worst performers during the interviews for the IEBC Chair and Commissioners. The Tuesday December 27, 2016 edition of The Standard whose headline was “Details of how panel settled on new IEBC team” narrated a horror political story that immediately extinguished the celebrations normally attending the Christmas season. It was the interesting reenactment of the biblical statement that the first shall come last and the last shall come first: for reportedly nominated (and obviously soon-to-be-confirmed) as commissioners and chair of the IEBC were not the table toppers but the table anchors of the interview exercise. The tail, literally and metaphorically, will again soon wag the electoral dog.
Third, there continue to be political attacks on independent arms of government, notably the legislature and judiciary. The biggest offenders here are the police and the majority leader in the national assembly Aden Duale. In the first case, the intimidating and muscular police cordon around parliament as Uhuruto forced their will on parliament in their ineluctable desire to pass the amendments to the electoral law was a coercive show of force. In the latter case, please see for an exhibit Duale’s irresponsibly toxic attack on Justice George Odunga accusing him of issuing biased and opposition-supporting judicial rulings.
Fourth, our police force is indubitably now wired and purposed to protect the Uhuruto hegemony, rather than all Kenyans. For the latest evidence, please see the paragraph above.
Fifth, the recent frenzied assault on alternative voices, now most notably against civil society is indubitably an attempt to muzzle and strangulate rather than regulate them; it is certainly telling that CSOs such as the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) and the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) have mandates to engage in human rights and political accountability and civic education.
Sixth, the system is financially doped to favor one side; a big part of this, outside the illegitimate use of state resources will be the unbridled use of corruptly-acquired loot. As was confirmed in the ugly public tiff between Deputy President William Ruto and former Cabinet Secretary Anne Waiguru, not only has the looting occurred (and continues to do so) but the politics around it will ensure that this corruptly-acquired loot will be used for electoral politics.
Finally, you know there will be rigging if Mutahi Ngunyi declares it will be so. Please carefully re-read his contribution in last weekend’s The Standard on Sunday. He said it; and he is actually paid to do so.
Ngure wa Gachanja is a human rights and democratic governance practitioner. The views expressed in this column are entirely his own and in no way represent or articulate those of any organizations he may be associated with.
There is rigging afoot in Kenya before August 8