Shibuda awashangaa wanaoogopa urais

[Mkandara]

Semilong,
Mkuu hatubishani hapa tunaelemishana. sijasema katiba inasema ni lazima rais aachwe vipindi viwili, Ila inaruhusu vipindi viwili...na tatizo la Urais sio swala la CCM ni swala la vyama vyote. kwa hiyo hoja yenu imesimama kuitazama CCM tu kama vile bado tupo ktk utawala wa Kijamaa ule ule wa Nyerere. JK ni mgombea pekee wa CCM kinachovunja sheria ya Taifa ni kipi?..
Nakuomba unambie au nipe mfano wa nchi ambayo rais wake alipata Upinzani ndani ya chama ktk uchaguzi wa awamu ya pili..Labda tuanzie hapo!

Interested Observer,
Mkuu kama alikuwepo mtu aliyekatazwa... that is exactly nachozungumza mimi.. Huu ni mfumo wa CCM kwamba wanapotaka kiongozi fulani agombee wanawazuia wengine mapema. Ilitokea wakati wa Mwinyi, Mkapa na leo Kikwete kwa hiyo sio jambo la ajabu au linavunja sheria za Taifa ila ni utaratibu wa ndani ya chama hicho..Utaratibu ambao unaweza tokea hata ktk chaguzi ndogo ndani ya vyama kwa mfano wewe na mimi tunaweza taka gombea Ubunge Ukerewe lakini ukafuatwa wewe ukaambiwa mkuu mwachie Mkandara awe mgombea pekee kwa kipindi cha pili na wewe utatazam posibility za chama kushinda uchaguzi kabla ya nafsi yako kwa sababu malengo ni chama kulitumikia Taifa, sisi wote ni wawakilishi tu mbora kati yetu ni yule atakayeleta Ushindi..Nje ya hoja hii sioni mtu ndani ya CCM ambaye anaweza kushinda uchaguzi wala kukabiliana na Ufisadi.. no one can take the bull by the horns!
Maneno haya yasichukuliwe kama kuvunja sheria isipokuwa kama utataka kugombea against mimi jitokeze chukua form bado inaruhusiwa na kama utazuiwa ndipo katiba inapovunjwa. Kupendekeza jina la mgombea pekee ktk awamu ya pili ya rais aliyeko madarakani ni jambo la kawaida kabisa kisiasa na inafanyika kila mahala dunaini iwe Marekani au Zimbabwe!.

 

[Mtanzania]

Mkandara,

Mimi naona maneno ya hao wanaotaka JK apite bila kupingwa ni kelele za chura, hazimzuii ng'ombe kunywa maji. Katiba ya CCM inaruhusu hao wanachama kama wana sifa kugombea hiyo nafasi.

Wapambe kujitokeza na kusema apite huyo huyo ipo kila sehemu. Tunaweza tusiipende lakini kama wanaofanya hivyo hawavunji katiba yoyote itakuwa ngumu sana kuwashambulia. Kumbuka hata kule USA, watu walianza kupiga kelele mapema kwamba mama Clinton ajitoe, lakini yeye akaendelea mpaka alipoona hana nafasi tena.

Wacha hao wanaosema apite huyo huyo! waendelee na wale wanaotaka kugombea kama akina Shibuda na wenyewe waendelee. Sisi wengine ni kufaidi tu vijembe wanavyopigana.

Hii ni demokrasia na kama hakuna nguvu au vitisho vinavyotumika kuzuia mtu asigombee, mimi sioni shida kabisa.

Hata CUF si tumeona alichofanyiwa yule profesa? CHADEMA nako Wangwe alivyoanza kampeni mapema tunajua wenzake wakaamua kumfanya nini.

Tuombee tu tusipigane au kuuana, kama ni vijembe vya siasa nafikiri hivyo ruksa!

 

[Semilong]

semilong,
nakuomba unambie au nipe mfano wa nchi ambayo rais wake alipata upinzani ndani ya chama ktk uchaguzi wa awamu ya pili..labda tuanzie hapo!

1. Thabo mbeki -HAFADHALI INGEKUWA UPINZANI BALI AMENGOLEWA KI DEMOCRASIA NA WEWE HUTAKI UPINZANI WA KIDEMOKRASIA
2. Tony blair, labour mp walipitisha barua wabunge kibao wakai sign kwamba hawana imani na tony blair, hiyo ilikuwa inatiliwa mkazo na gordon brown na ed balls waziri wa elimu sasa hivi. Tony blair kuona hivyo ikabidi atangaze lini ataachia ngazi na wakati alisema wakati wa uchaguzi atamaliza kipindi chake chote cha miaka minne.
3. Ao ni wachache tu ninaowakumbuka lakini wengi wapo sana nchi za ulaya wakazi wa sehemu nyingine za ulaya wanaweza wakanisaidia kwa hili.

 

[Semjato]

stop prejudging shibuda....
ni kura ndio itakayoamua kama shibuda hafai na sio keyboard yako..

wewe semjato ni mawazo mgando

mawazo mgando kwa vile nimekuwa mshupavu wa kusema simkubali shibuda wako ndugu?hahahahahahahaah...mawazo mgando wee

 

[Mkandara]

Semilong,
Mkuu hawa wote Mbeki na Blair wamejiuzuru na scandal walizokuwa nazo..
Mbeki ka serve miaka mingapi?.. Na huyo Blair miaka mingapi, je, sheria ya kuongoza kwa awamu moja ni miaka mingapi?..Ukisha jua walipita vipi miaka hiyo rudi na mifano mingine!
Sasa kama unaomba Kikwete ajiuzuru hapo nitakufahamu lakini unapozungumzia candidates wa awamu ya pili ni swala jingine kabisa!. Hawa wote walipendekezwa bila kupingwa ktk uchaguzi tunazozungumzia.

 

[Kafara]

nilikwishasema awali na narudia tena kwamba
ni wajibu na haki yetu watanzania kuwa "concerned" tuonapo chama
cha siasa kikijaribu kuvunja katiba yake yenyewe kwani kama chama
hicho kinaweza kuvunja katiba yake yenyewe tena kwa mbwembwe
hakitasita wala kuona aibu kuvunja katiba ya nchi mara kitakaposhika dola.

kwani kuna tatizo gani iwapo wanachama wanaotaka kugombea urais
kupitia ccm wakaachwa wafanye hivyo na kisha wakachujwa kidemokrasia
ndani ya chama hususan ikizingatiwa kwamba wajumbe wengi wanaelewa
"utamaduni" wa chama hivyo kura zao zitapigwa kwa kufuata utamaduni huo.

binafsi naamini kwamba ccm inafahamu fika wapo wanachama ambao wamejipanga kugombea na ambao kutokana na uwezo wao wa kipesa au
umaarufu wao wanaweza kusumbua sana pindi wanachama hao watakapopata mpenyo
wa kuwakilisha majina yao.

 

[Mkandara]

kafara,

binafsi naamini kwamba ccm inafahamu fika wapo wanachama ambao wamejipanga kugombea na ambao kutokana na uwezo wao wa kipesa au
umaarufu wao wanaweza kusumbua sana pindi wanachama hao watakapopata mpenyowa kuwakilisha majina yao.

Kwa maslahi ya Taifa hiki ndicho nisichokubaliana nacho... sababu unazojenga hazina manufaa kwa chama wala mimi mwananchi..
Kama wapo wakatao weza kusumbua kwa fedha na umaarufu wao wakajiunge vyama vya Upinzani au waanzishe vyama vyao..Awamu ya pili ni halali ya Kikwete, mbona yeye mlimzuia alipogombea against Mkapa sii mara ya kwanza wala ya pili.. Na haikuwa hoja mkaibebea junga!

 

[JokaKuu]

Nakuomba unambie au nipe mfano wa nchi ambayo rais wake alipata Upinzani ndani ya chama ktk uchaguzi wa awamu ya pili..Labda tuanzie hapo!

Mkandara,

..Senator Ted Kennedy alimpinga Raisi Jimmy Carter kugombea Uraisi wa Marekani kipindi cha pili kupitia chama cha Democrats.

..kwa nchi kama Israel na India suala hilo limetokea mara nyingi tu.

..wanaotoa vitisho nadhani wana matatizo makubwa ktk fikra zao kuliko hao wanaofikiria kugombea.

 

[Mkandara]

Jokakuu,
Mkuu kinachogomba hapa sio usemi.. kweli Ted Kennedy alipinga Jimmy kugombea kipindi cha pili lakini wapo pia waliotaka agombee tena. Swala hapa ni uhalali wa mgombea na kwa maslahi ya chama na Taifa. Ted alikuwa na mapendekezo yake na alitazama uwezekano wa chama chake kushinda hivyo sio tu alichofanya ni nje ya utaratibu isipokuwa ni kutokana na Umaarufu wa Jimmy kushuka..
Hata hivyo bado Jimmy Carter ktk kipindi cha pili alikuwa mgombea pekee wa Democratic na alishindwa na Reagan au sio?.
kwa hiyo mawazo ya kumkataa Kikwete yanaweza kabisa kutolewa na sababu zikawekwa pia wapo watu wanaoweza kuongoza..Hivi ndio vitu tunataka kusikia na kama unakumbuka nimekuwa nikiuliza swali hilo kila mara..Matokeo ya kuwa na rais mgombea pekee ktk awamu yake ya pili ndiyo hoja ya mada hii na ndicho kinachofanyika nchi zote.

Israel nadhani ndio nchi pekee yenye mfumo wa kubadilisha kila uchaguzi na wao rais kama candidate anaweza kurudia mara zozote na wakati wowote hata akishindwa uchaguzi mmoja anaweza kurudi tena akagombea, ni miaka minne lakini unaweza rudi mara 10 inategemea maadam kuwepo na gap.. mfumo huo sisi hatuna.
India kama wewe sio mtoto wa Ghandi au Patel huwezi kugombea hata nafasi ya Ubunge!.mazingira tofauti mkuu wangu.

 

[Kafara]

kafara,

Kwa maslahi ya Taifa hiki ndicho nisichokubaliana nacho... sababu unazojenga hazina manufaa kwa chama wala mimi mwananchi..
Kama wapo wakatao weza kusumbua kwa fedha na umaarufu wao wakajiunge vyama vya Upinzani au waanzishe vyama vyao..Awamu ya pili ni halali ya Kikwete, mbona yeye mlimzuia alipogombea against Mkapa sii mara ya kwanza wala ya pili.. Na haikuwa hoja mkaibebea junga!

duh! yeshakuwa haya tena! hiyo ni chini ya mkanda mkandara, yaani kwa kueleza ninachoamini nishakuwa mjumbe wa kamati kuu ya ccm!

jaribio la kwanza la kikwete kugombea urais lilizimwa ndani ya taratibu za chama na mkapa akaibuka mshindi kama ambavyo kikwete aivyoibuka mshindi 2005. hilo la mara ya pili mimi silijui.

hata hivyo ngoja nikuache wewe mwenye maslahi ya taifa moyoni na katika hoja zako uendelee.

 

[Semilong]

Mkandara kwa nini unazuia democrasia
yani uko tiyari kupinga demokrasia at any cost........
Kwa nini utaki kikwete apate ushindani ndani ya ccm, kwa nini wewe upendi ushindani

 

[JokaKuu]

Mkandara,

..wale wanaotaka Kikwete aendelee wamtetee kwa kutumia rekodi ya uongozi wake tangu achaguliwe kuwa Raisi.

..kukurupuka tu, na kudai kwamba kuna utamaduni wa kugombea vipindi viwili mfululizo, wakati katiba ya CCM inaelekeza vingine ni makosa.

..huu utamaduni wa kugombea vipindi viwili mbona hawakumlazimisha Sheikh Idris Abdul- Wakil Nombe kuendelea kugombea Uraisi wa ZNZ akawa-replaced na Dr.Salmin Amour? au utamaduni huu unahusu nafasi ya Raisi wa Muungano tu?

NB:

Hata hivyo bado Jimmy Carter ktk kipindi cha pili alikuwa mgombea pekee wa Democratic na alishindwa na Reagan au sio?.

..mkuu hapo nadhani umeteleza kidogo. kila chama husimamisha mgombea mmoja "pekee," kwa nafasi husika katika uchaguzi.

..kama una maana kwamba Democrats walimpitisha Mzee Carter pamoja na challenge ya Ted Kennedy basi nimekuelewa.

..pamoja na hayo, uamuzi huo ulifikiwa bila kumnyang'anya Ted Kennedy haki yake ya kum-challenge Jimmy Carter all the way to the Democratic Convention.

 

[Mtanzania]

2. Tony blair, labour mp walipitisha barua wabunge kibao wakai sign kwamba hawana imani na tony blair, hiyo ilikuwa inatiliwa mkazo na gordon brown na ed balls waziri wa elimu sasa hivi. Tony blair kuona hivyo ikabidi atangaze lini ataachia ngazi na wakati alisema wakati wa uchaguzi atamaliza kipindi chake chote cha miaka minne.
3. Ao ni wachache tu ninaowakumbuka lakini wengi wapo sana nchi za ulaya wakazi wa sehemu nyingine za ulaya wanaweza wakanisaidia kwa hili.

Semilong,

Nchi kama UK hakuna kitu kinachoogopwa na wanasiasa ambao wana nafasi ya kuwa PM kama kumpinga mtu aliyeko madarakani na in fact watu wanaofanya hivyo huwa hawapati kuwa PM. Angalia yule jamaa aliyesababisha kuanguka kwa Thatcher. Ukiishaitwa Assassin sahau kuwa PM.

Mfano wako hapo naona sio sahihi kabisa. Watu wa Brown walipojaribu kumwangusha Blair, walifanya wale watu ambao hawana future kubwa kwenye politics na wakati wote Brown alikuwa anajifanya anawapinga, unafikiri ni kwanini?

Nakubaliana na wewe kwamba watu kuanza kujipanga kusema lazima JK aendelee haisaiidii sana wala sio muhimu kuwapa uzito mkubwa watu kama hao.

Ila tu sioni kama wanavunja katiba yoyote. Naamini yoyote anayetaka kugombea bado anaweza kuchukua forms na akagombea.

Alichosema Malecela na wazee wengine mimi naona kama kitu cha kawaida mno na kinasemwa hata na viongozi wengine sehemu mbalimbali. Wanaotaka kuwasikiliza watawasikiliza na wanaowapuuza watawapuuza.

Mfano hapa mwaka jana kuna watu walitaka kuaitisha uchaguzi ili kumpinga Brown, mizee ya chama ilikuja juu hiyo mpaka hilo zoezi likafa kimya kimya. karibu kila nchi utakuta vyama vinapendelea wenzao walioko madarakani. Ni ile ile kwamba mwanadamu yuko comfortable na status quo na huwa hatutaki change mpaka pale tuone ni muhimu sana.

Binafsi sioni argument ya maana hapa maana ni kama kila mtu anatumia hiyo demokrasi yake ya kusema. Na kwa kusema kwao wananchi tunaanza kuelewa pumba iko wapi na mchele uko wapi.

 

[Mkandara]

Jokakuu,
Mkuu nimekupata vizuri...
Nadhani tunachozungumza hapa ni haki ya mshindani kama yupo badala ya kulalamikia utaratibu unaopendekezwa. ted alijitosa yeye akamzungumzia Carter na mapungufu yake hoja zake zikapokewa na wananchi hadi kufikia wao wakatoa maamuzi. ted hakuwashambulia watu ambao walitaka carter aendelee kugombea wala kuwaita wana mawazo ya mgando isipokuwa alimshambulia Carter..
Ndio maana nikasema nilifkiria Shibuda anajitokeza kugombea.. lakini badala yake anashutumu na kuwaita viongozi wa chama kuwa na mawazo ya mgando, chama ambacho yeye anakitumikia..na wala mgonvi wake kama yupo sio hao viongozi isipokuwa ni Kikwete.
Amshambulie Kikwete na utawala wake, aseme Kikwete ameshindwa ku deal na mafisadi hivyo yuko radhi kugombea hapo nitasimama na yeye au mtu yeyote mwenye fikra hizo badala yake watu wanataka Kikwete agombee na Ukuta.. hapa napata taabu sana kuelewa katiba au utaratibu wanaotaka kuutumia.

 

[BAK]

Semilong,

Nchi kama UK hakuna kitu kinachoogopwa na wanasiasa ambao wana nafasi ya kuwa PM kama kumpinga mtu aliyeko madarakani na in fact watu wanaofanya hivyo huwa hawapati kuwa PM. Angalia yule jamaa aliyesababisha kuanguka kwa Thatcher. Ukiishaitwa Assassin sahau kuwa PM.

Mfano wako hapo naona sio sahihi kabisa. Watu wa Brown walipojaribu kumwangusha Blair, walifanya wale watu ambao hawana future kubwa kwenye politics na wakati wote Brown alikuwa anajifanya anawapinga, unafikiri ni kwanini?

Nakubaliana na wewe kwamba watu kuanza kujipanga kusema lazima JK aendelee haisaiidii sana wala sio muhimu kuwapa uzito mkubwa watu kama hao.

Ila tu sioni kama wanavunja katiba yoyote. Naamini yoyote anayetaka kugombea bado anaweza kuchukua forms na akagombea.

Alichosema Malecela na wazee wengine mimi naona kama kitu cha kawaida mno na kinasemwa hata na viongozi wengine sehemu mbalimbali. Wanaotaka kuwasikiliza watawasikiliza na wanaowapuuza watawapuuza.

Mfano hapa mwaka jana kuna watu walitaka kuaitisha uchaguzi ili kumpinga Brown, mizee ya chama ilikuja juu hiyo mpaka hilo zoezi likafa kimya kimya. karibu kila nchi utakuta vyama vinapendelea wenzao walioko madarakani. Ni ile ile kwamba mwanadamu yuko comfortable na status quo na huwa hatutaki change mpaka pale tuone ni muhimu sana.

Binafsi sioni argument ya maana hapa maana ni kama kila mtu anatumia hiyo demokrasi yake ya kusema. Na kwa kusema kwao wananchi tunaanza kuelewa pumba iko wapi na mchele uko wapi.

Huu hapa ndiyo ukweli wa mambo

Bloodied and unbowed: Blair's on the ropes, Brown's up for a fight. So can the PM roll with the punches?

The cabinet reshuffle was supposed to silence his critics after a bloody week of headlines. But now Gordon's entered the fray. By Francis Elliott and Marie Woolf


Sunday, 7 May 2006

Gordon Brown was spending this weekend in his Westminster flat with his pregnant wife and young son. His friends say he travels back to his second home in Scotland much less in recent months, preferring to keep close to the centre of power.

Leading article: The ultimate responsibility
Brown's challenge to battered Blair: Name the day

But then these are the crucial moments in the endgame of his 12-year power struggle with Tony Blair. At last, the prize is in sight.

In an unprecedented intervention, Mr Brown today calls on the Prime Minister to "set down" how Labour can be renewed, words that closely echo MPs' call to Mr Blair to set a timetable for his own departure.

After a bloody set of local election results and an even bloodier reshuffle, the gloves have at last come off. The Chancellor is poised to strike. The mood of backbench MPs - sullen since Christmas - has in recent days turned mutinous in the face of Mr Blair's refusal to say when, exactly, he plans to leave No 10.

A letter demanding an answer is circulating among backbenchers, with some suggesting as many as 50 are ready to sign. Tomorrow the PM will be told that he must name the day, when he addresses a routine meeting of the Parliamentary Labour Party.

If this weekend was supposed to set to rest questions over his leadership, it is a gambit that has failed comprehensively. He will need all the luck he can muster to survive.

The red cotton wristband poking out from Mr Blair's sleeve as he leant across the despatch box on Wednesday signalled strength. It had been given to him eight days before at a Hindu temple and, perhaps mindful of the days ahead, he kept it.

At the time, observers speculated he thought it a charm against attacks over the release-of-foreign-prisoners fiasco. His squeeze of Charles Clarke's arm as he left Prime Minister's Questions encouraged the image of a man determined to defend his friends.

Two days later that band has taken on a very different caste: it has steeled the fist that bludgeoned the most brutal cabinet reshuffle in 20 years.

Mr Blair has been thinking about this reshuffle for a very long time - even as he lay in the sun in Egypt over the New Year, according to his closest aides.

At first the shake-up was intended to strengthen the impression that he wanted an orderly, stable transfer of power to Mr Brown. Indeed, the Chancellor and John Prescott are said to have been summoned to Chequers one weekend in early spring to discuss possible moves. But, as so many times before, trust between Prime Minister and Chancellor broke down, and Mr Blair became convinced that he needed a bold, aggressive shake-up.

Mr Clarke was, for a while, Downing Street's favoured candidate to take on the Chancellor in any leadership election. Even in the midst of the deportation fiasco one of Mr Blair's allies insisted he would stay. But, by Thursday evening, as the first of the local election results began to be fed back to No 10, Mr Blair called the Home Secretary in. It was a difficult interview. "Charles was offered defence, trade and industry and then transport," reports a former colleague. "He said he wanted to stay at the Home Office, Blair told him that wasn't possible and to go away and think about it overnight."

The next call was to Mr Prescott's home in Hull, where he was holed up with his wife, Pauline. Again Mr Blair broke the bad news - but gently. Mr Prescott's "nuclear option" is to resign as deputy leader of the Labour Party, thereby triggering a race that would inevitably turn into a leadership challenge by proxy.

Mr Prescott's friends are this weekend insisting that he has wanted to shed some of his responsibilities for a year. "He's knackered, absolutely on his knees," said one. He is, they say, determined to stay to referee the handover. "He's the only one with the whistle."

But with another raft of unseemly revelations about his sexual misdemeanours expected in today's tabloids, many wonder whether he has the credibility to hold the ring.

The third victim was Geoff Hoon. Quite what passed between Mr Blair and the man who stood by him during the Hutton inquiry is a matter of huge dispute. Mr Hoon left No 10 smiling broadly amid reports that he was to be a new cabinet-level minister for Europe. In fact, the job turned out to be a minister of state position in the Foreign Office - a pay cut of around £50,000.

The former defence secretary, now demoted twice, has been considering his position, uncertain whether he should stomach playing second fiddle to Margaret Beckett. On Saturday afternoon he decided to swallow his pride and play the "long game", hoping his career might take off again under a new leader.

Mr Hoon's replacement as Leader of the Commons, Jack Straw, looked bemused and miserable when he left Downing Street. The circumstances of his astonishing demotion - including the involvement of the White House - are dealt with overleaf.

Once Mr Blair had despatched his main victims, he set about the reshuffle with a speed and efficiency notably absent from previous shake-ups, even if more than one cabinet minister learnt of their new job on Sky News first.

One reports Mr Blair was "business-like", another that he was his "usual charming self". One minister left in post was told, "I'd love to promote you, I really would and next time I will." The minister left thinking there is most unlikely to be a "next time" for this Prime Minister.

By lunchtime it was, for the most part, over. Among the last appointments to be announced was David Miliband's as Secretary of State for the Environment. Mr Miliband, whom Mr Blair rates highly, was asked to stay behind after the previous day's Cabinet for a lengthy one-on-one with the PM, suggesting he will play a prominent role in the coming weeks as Downing Street fights to get back on the front foot.

Throughout the morning Mr Brown watched the reshuffle unfold on TV in his office. He was consulted about some key moves - that of Alistair Darling, for example - but left in the dark about others, including the appointment of ultra-Blairite Hazel Blears as Labour Party chair. Unlike Mr Prescott, who stayed in Downing Street to fight for his allies in the junior ranks, Mr Brown kept his distance.

Charles Clarke, meanwhile, returned for the last time to the Home Office where he said goodbye to colleagues. He recorded an interview in which he made clear he "didn't agree" with the decision to remove him. Privately he went much further, expressing his contempt for the way Mr Blair went about removing him. "Of course he's bitter," reports a friend.

When it came to scapegoats for the poll results, there was anger among MPs at the promotion of Margaret Hodge to the DTI. Ms Hodge is blamed by many for legitimising the BNP in a newspaper interview last month.

Martin Salter, a Parliamentary Labour Party shop steward, said: "It beggars belief that a Government seeking to renew itself after a torrid time at the polls should find room for the minister who bears the chief responsibility for letting the BNP genie out of the bottle."

While Mr Salter is keeping his powder dry on the question of Mr Blair's future, more and more of his colleagues are beginning to organise what amounts to a coup. As the appalling local results began to sink in, Labour MPs picked up the phone to colleagues to assess the damage. "Dire" and "humiliating" were two words repeated again and again as MPs emergedon Friday morning to find BNP and Tory councillors sitting in what had been solid Labour seats.

"It's a dire result. We came third in terms of the overall vote, worse than we did in 1983 - our worst general election result," said one former minister.

MPs were in little doubt that the blame lay at Mr Blair's door - that he was now a liability rather than an electoral asset. The cash for honours affair and scandals involving Mr Prescott and released foreign prisoners had persuaded many Labour activists to stay at home, rather than go out to deliver leaflets or even vote. One MP expressed fury that the Prime Minister had cost vital Labour votes by "mishandling" the foreign prisoners affair. "If he'd got rid of [Clarke] a week ago we'd have saved 100 seats," he said.

But MPs were furious that despite the warnings over several months Mr Blair was obtusely unwilling to address the abiding concerns about his leadership.

"It's fingers-in-ears time when it comes to Blair and the handover," said one minister. Most worrying for Mr Blair is that the ranks of the disaffected are no longer limited to the "usual suspects" but now include moderate figures such as Nick Raynsford. The former local government minister said: "I think it is in the interests of the party that a timetable is set which allows the successor to have a good period to get the right team in place."

The plot to oust the Prime Minister hatched in the New Year, when the decision was taken to strike immediately after the local elections, avoiding a damaging contest beforehand.

Three scenarios were drawn up. One was a stalking-horse challenge designed to destabilise Mr Blair and get him to quit. Several names were floated, including former transport minister Glenda Jackson, but MPs decided that risked harming the party. Besides they were worried they could not get the requisite 71 signatures for this to happen.

The second scenario discussed by the plotters was for the "men in grey suits" - a posse of very senior MPs - to go to Mr Blair and tell him his time was up and that he must set a date to quit.

But John Prescott - who was to head the delegation - lost his credibility. When the affair with his diary secretary emerged it became clear he no longer had the public respect or clout to deliver a fatal blow.

So a third plan had to be activated - this was a letter, designed to gain a critical mass of around 50 backbench signatures calling on Mr Blair to name the date of his transition swiftly. A draft version of this letter has been passed to The Independent on Sunday.

It sets out a clear ultimatum for Mr Blair to tell his MPs when he will go - and before MPs break for their summer holidays. It states: "A prerequisite of any orderly and democratic change is a clear timetable and transparent procedures. Unfortunately both are still absent from the process instigated by the Prime Minister 19 months ago. We therefore ask the NEC in consultation with the Prime Minister to lay out no later than the end of the current parliamentary term a clear timetable and procedure for the election of a new Labour Party leader."

Some in government fear that the rebels already have the 71 signatures required to trigger a leadership contest. But rebel organisers are less bullish - insisting the letter is still at an "embryonic stage". Indeed, they have included in it a let-out clause for Mr Blair, offering him the chance to fend off a challenge by announcing his own timetable. "We are still waiting to see what Blair will do," said one organiser.

Tomorrow, Labour MPs will send him a clear message at their weekly meeting in Parliament that they want him to go. On the agenda is an item that will allow MPs to discuss the local election results - the moment the rebels plan to strike.

In Downing Street, meanwhile, Blair aides are unfazed, insisting that any attempt to move the party to the left, in the face of a revived Tory threat, is "looney".

Instead Mr Blair is preparing to seize the initiative and press on with the policy agenda. All new ministers can expect a letter from him setting out his priorities for their role and his expectations for what they must deliver.

But unless Mr Blair names the date of his departure soon it is the Prime Minister who can expect to be handed a letter - telling him "time's up".

 

[Mkandara]

Bubu Ataka kusema,
Mkuu sasa nikuulize tena ni wewe unayetaka kum challenge Kikwete ktk kiti cha Urais kama Brown alivyofanya? au unazungumza tu kufurahisha baraza..
Maoni ya watu kuwa Kikwete awe mgombea pekee hayawezi kuwa sababu ya kuvuta mifano hii na kama una lolote la kusema simama wima zungumza mapungufu ya Kikwete kisha tuione vita kati yako na Kikwete ktk uchaguzi ndani ya chama, hapo nitaelewa unachojaribu kusema, lakini hawa watu kina Shibuda ambao wanazungumzia chini ya blanketi wakati wanajua hawawezi kusimama kugombea wala kukemea Ufisadi mnawatetea wa nini?..hakuna hata mmoja wao anadiriki kumwambia Kikwete wewe ni FISADI kwa sababu unawabeba mafisadi...hatukuhitaji.. watu kama hawa wa nini kuwasikiliza wakati wakiwa bungeni wanapinga kura za kuwawajibisha mafisadi..

Kafara,
Mkuu samahani unaujua tena wakati mwingine handas kupanda tukajisahau!..

 

[jmushi1]

Kwenye issue hii mimi niko neutral,siwezi kuwapangia ccm kuwa wamchague nani,lolote watakalofanya tutajua kama wako serious ama la...Kuna mambo mengi sana amelikumba Taifa letu kwenye miaka ya hivi karibuni chini ya tawala za Mkapa na JK,na hivyo basi siwezi kujiingiza kwenye kapu la ccm kwani masalhi ya Taifa si issue kwao,bali utamaduni.

Jambo linalonitatiza ni kauli za kusema eti tuna "Utamaduni" ambao unaheshimiwa kuliko taratibu ama kanuni za chama...Tuna utamaduni wa ufisadi,rushwa nk.....Tuna tamaduni ambazo zinahalalisha uvunjwaji wa sheria. Sio sahihi kabisa kwa viongozi wanaoheshimiwa kitaifa kusema eti ni utamaduni kufanya mambo ambayo ni kinyume na taratibu zilizowekwa...Mambo kama haya ndio yanaturudisha nyuma....Hata sehemu za kazi kuna tamaduni tulizojijengea ambazo ni kinyume cha taratibu za kazi hence ufanisi mbovu.

Tunasikia jumuiya ya wazazi ccm wanapiga kelele,hizo ni siasa za makundi za ndani ya ccm,ama wanadhani tumesahau kuwa jumuiya ya wazazi=EPA?

Kwa kifupi ushauri wangu kwa hao vingunge wa ccm ni kwamba time has changed,utamaduni wa siasa za chama kimoja naona bado umo mawazoni mwao,na kwasababu wamekuwa wakifanya mambo yale yale kila wakati kama utamaduni,then siwezi kushangazwa nikiona misimamo yao ikiwa yenye mtazamo mmoja tu ama hata kuweza kusema ni mitizamo finyu kutokana na mazoea mabaya na perception iliyoko derived from utamaduni mbovu wa fikra za kiimla.

Mwinyi awamu yake ya kwanza ilikuwa still under one party,na second term ndio ali introduce multiparty huku mazoea bado yakiwa ni yale ya chama kimoja huku katiba ikishinikiza na kufanikisha hilo,upinzani bado ni mchanga na katiba inahitaji mabadiliko na ndio maana hata haimake sense kuendelea kuzungumzia kuhusu Mkapa kwani tunajuwa alivyoitumia dola kunyanyasa wananchi na kutumia nafasi za uongozi kufanya ufisadi....Yote haya yanatokea na muda unapita na wengine tunajifunza,mambo yanabadilika,na sasa tuko na JK,hatuwezi kufikiri kuwa siasa zitakuwa zile zile kwani mambo tunaoyajuwa leo hatukuyajuwa jana,na tutakayoyajuwa kesho pengine hatuyajui leo,sasa utamaduni usiochochea mabadiliko na maendeleo ndio huo huo uliotufanya omba omba na mafisadi.

Nawashauri viongozi wa base support zao kwa mgombea urais kwa kuelezea mafanikio na ufanisi wa uongozi na si kusema ni utamaduni kuwa na rais yule yule kwa vipindi viwili no matter what... kwani mawazo kama hayo ni mawazo taka.

 

[Mtanzania]

Huu hapa ndiyo ukweli wa mambo

Bloodied and unbowed: Blair's on the ropes, Brown's up for a fight. So can the PM roll with the punches?

The cabinet reshuffle was supposed to silence his critics after a bloody week of headlines. But now Gordon's entered the fray. By Francis Elliott and Marie Woolf


Sunday, 7 May 2006

Gordon Brown was spending this weekend in his Westminster flat with his pregnant wife and young son. His friends say he travels back to his second home in Scotland much less in recent months, preferring to keep close to the centre of power.

Leading article: The ultimate responsibility
Brown's challenge to battered Blair: Name the day

But then these are the crucial moments in the endgame of his 12-year power struggle with Tony Blair. At last, the prize is in sight.

In an unprecedented intervention, Mr Brown today calls on the Prime Minister to "set down" how Labour can be renewed, words that closely echo MPs' call to Mr Blair to set a timetable for his own departure.

After a bloody set of local election results and an even bloodier reshuffle, the gloves have at last come off. The Chancellor is poised to strike. The mood of backbench MPs - sullen since Christmas - has in recent days turned mutinous in the face of Mr Blair's refusal to say when, exactly, he plans to leave No 10.

A letter demanding an answer is circulating among backbenchers, with some suggesting as many as 50 are ready to sign. Tomorrow the PM will be told that he must name the day, when he addresses a routine meeting of the Parliamentary Labour Party.

If this weekend was supposed to set to rest questions over his leadership, it is a gambit that has failed comprehensively. He will need all the luck he can muster to survive.

The red cotton wristband poking out from Mr Blair's sleeve as he leant across the despatch box on Wednesday signalled strength. It had been given to him eight days before at a Hindu temple and, perhaps mindful of the days ahead, he kept it.

At the time, observers speculated he thought it a charm against attacks over the release-of-foreign-prisoners fiasco. His squeeze of Charles Clarke's arm as he left Prime Minister's Questions encouraged the image of a man determined to defend his friends.

Two days later that band has taken on a very different caste: it has steeled the fist that bludgeoned the most brutal cabinet reshuffle in 20 years.

Mr Blair has been thinking about this reshuffle for a very long time - even as he lay in the sun in Egypt over the New Year, according to his closest aides.

At first the shake-up was intended to strengthen the impression that he wanted an orderly, stable transfer of power to Mr Brown. Indeed, the Chancellor and John Prescott are said to have been summoned to Chequers one weekend in early spring to discuss possible moves. But, as so many times before, trust between Prime Minister and Chancellor broke down, and Mr Blair became convinced that he needed a bold, aggressive shake-up.

Mr Clarke was, for a while, Downing Street's favoured candidate to take on the Chancellor in any leadership election. Even in the midst of the deportation fiasco one of Mr Blair's allies insisted he would stay. But, by Thursday evening, as the first of the local election results began to be fed back to No 10, Mr Blair called the Home Secretary in. It was a difficult interview. "Charles was offered defence, trade and industry and then transport," reports a former colleague. "He said he wanted to stay at the Home Office, Blair told him that wasn't possible and to go away and think about it overnight."

The next call was to Mr Prescott's home in Hull, where he was holed up with his wife, Pauline. Again Mr Blair broke the bad news - but gently. Mr Prescott's "nuclear option" is to resign as deputy leader of the Labour Party, thereby triggering a race that would inevitably turn into a leadership challenge by proxy.

Mr Prescott's friends are this weekend insisting that he has wanted to shed some of his responsibilities for a year. "He's knackered, absolutely on his knees," said one. He is, they say, determined to stay to referee the handover. "He's the only one with the whistle."

But with another raft of unseemly revelations about his sexual misdemeanours expected in today's tabloids, many wonder whether he has the credibility to hold the ring.

The third victim was Geoff Hoon. Quite what passed between Mr Blair and the man who stood by him during the Hutton inquiry is a matter of huge dispute. Mr Hoon left No 10 smiling broadly amid reports that he was to be a new cabinet-level minister for Europe. In fact, the job turned out to be a minister of state position in the Foreign Office - a pay cut of around £50,000.

The former defence secretary, now demoted twice, has been considering his position, uncertain whether he should stomach playing second fiddle to Margaret Beckett. On Saturday afternoon he decided to swallow his pride and play the "long game", hoping his career might take off again under a new leader.

Mr Hoon's replacement as Leader of the Commons, Jack Straw, looked bemused and miserable when he left Downing Street. The circumstances of his astonishing demotion - including the involvement of the White House - are dealt with overleaf.

Once Mr Blair had despatched his main victims, he set about the reshuffle with a speed and efficiency notably absent from previous shake-ups, even if more than one cabinet minister learnt of their new job on Sky News first.

One reports Mr Blair was "business-like", another that he was his "usual charming self". One minister left in post was told, "I'd love to promote you, I really would and next time I will." The minister left thinking there is most unlikely to be a "next time" for this Prime Minister.

By lunchtime it was, for the most part, over. Among the last appointments to be announced was David Miliband's as Secretary of State for the Environment. Mr Miliband, whom Mr Blair rates highly, was asked to stay behind after the previous day's Cabinet for a lengthy one-on-one with the PM, suggesting he will play a prominent role in the coming weeks as Downing Street fights to get back on the front foot.

Throughout the morning Mr Brown watched the reshuffle unfold on TV in his office. He was consulted about some key moves - that of Alistair Darling, for example - but left in the dark about others, including the appointment of ultra-Blairite Hazel Blears as Labour Party chair. Unlike Mr Prescott, who stayed in Downing Street to fight for his allies in the junior ranks, Mr Brown kept his distance.

Charles Clarke, meanwhile, returned for the last time to the Home Office where he said goodbye to colleagues. He recorded an interview in which he made clear he "didn't agree" with the decision to remove him. Privately he went much further, expressing his contempt for the way Mr Blair went about removing him. "Of course he's bitter," reports a friend.

When it came to scapegoats for the poll results, there was anger among MPs at the promotion of Margaret Hodge to the DTI. Ms Hodge is blamed by many for legitimising the BNP in a newspaper interview last month.

Martin Salter, a Parliamentary Labour Party shop steward, said: "It beggars belief that a Government seeking to renew itself after a torrid time at the polls should find room for the minister who bears the chief responsibility for letting the BNP genie out of the bottle."

While Mr Salter is keeping his powder dry on the question of Mr Blair's future, more and more of his colleagues are beginning to organise what amounts to a coup. As the appalling local results began to sink in, Labour MPs picked up the phone to colleagues to assess the damage. "Dire" and "humiliating" were two words repeated again and again as MPs emergedon Friday morning to find BNP and Tory councillors sitting in what had been solid Labour seats.

"It's a dire result. We came third in terms of the overall vote, worse than we did in 1983 - our worst general election result," said one former minister.

MPs were in little doubt that the blame lay at Mr Blair's door - that he was now a liability rather than an electoral asset. The cash for honours affair and scandals involving Mr Prescott and released foreign prisoners had persuaded many Labour activists to stay at home, rather than go out to deliver leaflets or even vote. One MP expressed fury that the Prime Minister had cost vital Labour votes by "mishandling" the foreign prisoners affair. "If he'd got rid of [Clarke] a week ago we'd have saved 100 seats," he said.

But MPs were furious that despite the warnings over several months Mr Blair was obtusely unwilling to address the abiding concerns about his leadership.

"It's fingers-in-ears time when it comes to Blair and the handover," said one minister. Most worrying for Mr Blair is that the ranks of the disaffected are no longer limited to the "usual suspects" but now include moderate figures such as Nick Raynsford. The former local government minister said: "I think it is in the interests of the party that a timetable is set which allows the successor to have a good period to get the right team in place."

The plot to oust the Prime Minister hatched in the New Year, when the decision was taken to strike immediately after the local elections, avoiding a damaging contest beforehand.

Three scenarios were drawn up. One was a stalking-horse challenge designed to destabilise Mr Blair and get him to quit. Several names were floated, including former transport minister Glenda Jackson, but MPs decided that risked harming the party. Besides they were worried they could not get the requisite 71 signatures for this to happen.

The second scenario discussed by the plotters was for the "men in grey suits" - a posse of very senior MPs - to go to Mr Blair and tell him his time was up and that he must set a date to quit.

But John Prescott - who was to head the delegation - lost his credibility. When the affair with his diary secretary emerged it became clear he no longer had the public respect or clout to deliver a fatal blow.

So a third plan had to be activated - this was a letter, designed to gain a critical mass of around 50 backbench signatures calling on Mr Blair to name the date of his transition swiftly. A draft version of this letter has been passed to The Independent on Sunday.

It sets out a clear ultimatum for Mr Blair to tell his MPs when he will go - and before MPs break for their summer holidays. It states: "A prerequisite of any orderly and democratic change is a clear timetable and transparent procedures. Unfortunately both are still absent from the process instigated by the Prime Minister 19 months ago. We therefore ask the NEC in consultation with the Prime Minister to lay out no later than the end of the current parliamentary term a clear timetable and procedure for the election of a new Labour Party leader."

Some in government fear that the rebels already have the 71 signatures required to trigger a leadership contest. But rebel organisers are less bullish - insisting the letter is still at an "embryonic stage". Indeed, they have included in it a let-out clause for Mr Blair, offering him the chance to fend off a challenge by announcing his own timetable. "We are still waiting to see what Blair will do," said one organiser.

Tomorrow, Labour MPs will send him a clear message at their weekly meeting in Parliament that they want him to go. On the agenda is an item that will allow MPs to discuss the local election results - the moment the rebels plan to strike.

In Downing Street, meanwhile, Blair aides are unfazed, insisting that any attempt to move the party to the left, in the face of a revived Tory threat, is "looney".

Instead Mr Blair is preparing to seize the initiative and press on with the policy agenda. All new ministers can expect a letter from him setting out his priorities for their role and his expectations for what they must deliver.

But unless Mr Blair names the date of his departure soon it is the Prime Minister who can expect to be handed a letter - telling him "time's up".

Bubu Ataka Kusema,

Hiyo ilikuwa speculation ya magazeti na kitu kinachoongelewa hapo hakikutokea. Headlines za Waingereza ni kama kwetu tu, ni njia ya kuuza magazeti.

Kuna backbenchers kweli walikuwa wanamwambia muda wa kuondoka umefika lakini hata siku moja Brown hakuwahi kusema hivyo publically. Pia mawaziri hawakuweza kumwambia hivyo, maana siku wangesema hivyo ingebidi wajiuzulu nafasi hapo hapo.

Brown alikuwa warned akifanya attempt yoyote ya kumwangusha Blair asahau kuwa PM, na ndivyo ilivyotokea, ikabaki kuwatumia wapambe huku anawakana waziwazi.

Mwulize yeyote anayefuatilia siasa za UK, watu kama akina Kitila, watakuambia hivyo hivyo.

Kuondoka kwa Blair ilikuwa kwasababu ya nguvu kubwa za wananchama ambao walikuwa wamechoka na hawamtaki tena shauri ya Iraq. Kila uchaguzi walikuwa hawaendi au wanapiga Liberal makusudi. Hiyo sababu ndio ilimpa pressure kubwa Blair na wabunge wakaanza kumwambia akiendelea kubaki Labour itapoteza wabaunge wengi kwenye uchaguzi.

Brown alikuwa anafanya mambo yake kimya kimya lakini hakuna ushahidi hata mmoja kuonyesha Brown alimpinga Blair publically. Ingetokea hivyo angeambiwa ajiuzulu hapo hapo na kuomba uchaguzi na huenda asingelikuwa PM leo.

 

[Semilong]

Semilong,

Mfano hapa mwaka jana kuna watu walitaka kuaitisha uchaguzi ili kumpinga Brown, mizee ya chama ilikuja juu hiyo mpaka hilo zoezi likafa kimya kimya. karibu kila nchi utakuta vyama vinapendelea wenzao walioko madarakani. Ni ile ile kwamba mwanadamu yuko comfortable na status quo na huwa hatutaki change mpaka pale tuone ni muhimu sana.

gordon brown(GB) alikua anatetemeshwa na DAVID MILLIBAND(DM), na DM akafanya interview ambayo ikaleta mizengwe sana labour ikashidwa glasgow kwa mara ya kwanza, GB alichofanya ni kumrudisha adui wake mkubwa LORD MANDELSON (AKA PRINCE OF DARKNESS) kutoka europe. Lord M alivyofika wale blairites wote ikabidi wanyamaze na ndio GB alipoponea.

Bubu Ataka Kusema,

Hiyo ilikuwa speculation ya magazeti na kitu kinachoongelewa hapo hakikutokea. Headlines za Waingereza ni kama kwetu tu, ni njia ya kuuza magazeti.

Kuna backbenchers kweli walikuwa wanamwambia muda wa kuondoka umefika lakini hata siku moja Brown hakuwahi kusema hivyo publically. Pia mawaziri hawakuweza kumwambia hivyo, maana siku wangesema hivyo ingebidi wajiuzulu nafasi hapo hapo.

Brown alikuwa warned akifanya attempt yoyote ya kumwangusha Blair asahau kuwa PM, na ndivyo ilivyotokea, ikabaki kuwatumia wapambe huku anawakana waziwazi.

Mwulize yeyote anayefuatilia siasa za UK, watu kama akina Kitila, watakuambia hivyo hivyo.

Kuondoka kwa Blair ilikuwa kwasababu ya nguvu kubwa za wananchama ambao walikuwa wamechoka na hawamtaki tena shauri ya Iraq. Kila uchaguzi walikuwa hawaendi au wanapiga Liberal makusudi. Hiyo sababu ndio ilimpa pressure kubwa Blair na wabunge wakaanza kumwambia akiendelea kubaki Labour itapoteza wabaunge wengi kwenye uchaguzi.

Brown alikuwa anafanya mambo yake kimya kimya lakini hakuna ushahidi hata mmoja kuonyesha Brown alimpinga Blair publically. Ingetokea hivyo angeambiwa ajiuzulu hapo hapo na kuomba uchaguzi na huenda asingelikuwa PM leo.

kuondoka kwa Tony Blair, ni kwa ajili ya Gordon Brown na Mshauri wake mkuu ED Balls.
GB kuna kipindi alikua anakataa kumuonyesha tonny blair budget kabla haijatoka......

Na sasa hivi GB anatetemeshwa na David Miliband, kama sio kuanguka kwa uchumi GB angekuwa kwenye hali mbaya kisiasa.

 

[BAK]

Bubu Ataka kusema,
Mkuu sasa nikuulize tena ni wewe unayetaka kum challenge Kikwete ktk kiti cha Urais kama Brown alivyofanya? au unazungumza tu kufurahisha baraza..

Kwani hairuhusiwi kutoa maoni yetu kama Watanzania kuhusu uongozi wa nchi yetu mpaka tuwe tunataka kumchallenge aliye madarakani? Nifurahishe baraza ili iweje!!!? Kuna sehemu chungu nzima hapa JF za kufurahisha baraza lakini huu ukumbi wa siasa si wa kufurahisha baraza. Ondoa dhana yako potofu kwamba michango yangu hapa ni ya kutaka kufurahisha Baraza.

Maoni ya watu Kikwete awe mgombea pekee hayawezi kuwa sababu ya kuvuta mifano hii na kama una lolote la kusema simama wima zungumza mapungufu ya Kikwete

Mifano ya mapungufu imeshazungumzwa na Watanzania wengi ndani na nje ya nchi na hata hapa JF ambao hawaridhiki na uongozi wa nchi yetu na hata Masheikh na Mapadri wameshawahi kutamka nchi inayumba. Sina haja ya kuyarudia mapungufu. Kama wewe huyajui mapungufu hiyo ni juu yako.

kisha tuione vita kati yako na Kikwte hapo nitaelewa unachojaribu kusema, lakini hawa watu kina Shibuda ambao wanazungumzia chini ya blanketi wakati wanajua hawawezi kusimama kugombea wala kumemea Ufisadi mnawatetea wa nini?..
.

Ha ha ha vita mimi na Kikwete wapi na wapi!!! Mimi si mwanachama wa CCM na TANU walishanikaribisha miaka chungu nzima lakini siasa mimi siziwezi kwa sababu ya unafiki uliojaa kwenye siasa, lakini pamoja na kuwa siasa siziwezi haininyimi haki yangu kama Mtanzania kushiriki katika mjadala wowote ule kuhusu hatima ya uongozi wa nchi yetu. Na kushiriki mjadala haina maana nataka kuwa Rais au kumchallenge Kikwete lakini wale wote wanaotaka kufanya hivyo basi wasitishwe wala kuwekewa mizengwe maana katiba ya CCM inawaruhusu kama wanachama hai kugombea nafasi mbali mbali ndani ya CCM ikiwemo ili ya kuwa mgombea wa Urais toka CCM, vinginevyo katiba hiyo ibadilishwe haraka sana na kuweka kipengele kinachosema, "CCM tuna utamaduni wetu wa kumuachia Rais wa Tanzania toka chama chetu akae madarakani kwa vipindi viwili hivyo wale wote wanaotaka kumpinga baada ya Rais huyo kumaliza awamu yake moja watakiona cha moto na wanaweza kufukuzwa chamani. IT IS TIME FOR CHANGE! CHANGE THAT WE NEED FOR OUR BELOVED COUNTRY.

Happy Good Friday