Membe: Gaddafi amefikia mwisho lakini hatuwatambui waasi!

Mwanakijiji udhaifu wa AU usitumike kuwakandamiza kwa mtu unayesoma habari kutoka pande nyingi kama wewe sidhani unaamini kuwa Ghadafi kaondolewa na Walibya na kuwa Walibya watafaidika hata chembe na 'uhuru' huu feki.Pamoja na matatizo yake yote Ghadafi kaiendeleza Libya na sasa imeingia kwenye ukoloni wa nyuma ya pazia.<br />
Kwa kitu kimoja nitamkumbuka Nyerere alikuwa na 'guts' aliwahi kumfukuza waziri wa mambo ya nje wa Ufaransa Raymond Barre alipotua Airport na kumwambia hataki kuongea naye aondoke.
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ni kwa nini nyerere alimfukuza huyo balozi tujuzane mkuu
 
Mtu unapoenda Libya kwa misingi ya kibinadamu wakati kinachoendelea Syria nacho ni kilekile kama si zaidi ya kile cha Libya watu watahoji motives zako.<br />
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Hawawezi kusema wameenda Libya kwa sababu wanayamendea mafuta lakini wanaposema wanaenda kwa misingi ya kibinadamu wakati kuna sehemu nyingi tu ambako haki za binadamu zinakiukwa na hawaendi na tukiangalia sehemu hizo hazina 'hazina' kubwa ya mafuta lazima tutahoji tu.
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NN unajua wazi kabisa military intervention zina gharama kubwa kuziendesha. Sidhani kama itakua rahisi kwa Nato kuweza kwenda syria kwa sasa kwani hakuna uhakika kuwa kuna mwanachama wake anayeweza kuahidi mchango wa ndege askari na mambo mengine wakati bado operation ya libya haijakamilika. Pia kusema wanakwenda sehemu kulipo na mafuta tu hivi afghanistan nao wana mafuta? Na vipi kule bosnia si walishusha kipigo miaka ya tisini nako kuna mafuta? Hata hivyo situation ya syria ni kweli yahitaji intervention lakini kwani ni lazima nato tu? Hakuna organization nyingine?
 
ni kwa nini nyerere alimfukuza huyo balozi tujuzane mkuu
Sio balozi alikuwa Waziri wa mambo ya nje wa Ufaransa alikuwa analete ujumbe wa vitisho kutoka nchi za magharibi Mwalimu akamwambia huko huko Ufaransa hapa ondoka tena haraka sana.
 
Serikali imemwita balozi wa Libya nchini Tanzania kwa kitendo chake cha kuishusha bendera ya awali na kuipandisha bendera ya waasi,pamoja na hayo waziri MEMBE amesema wao bado hawaitambui serikali ya sasa ya waasi
sosi:bbc

I think Membe must be crazy in his head!

Tunasema kila siku kuwa JKiwete hana Waziri yeyote anayefit kwenye Wizara yoyote. Ni mambo yaleyele ya kuweweseka,kukurupuka na kukosa maamuzi magumu.

Tunajua Gadaffi alikuwa rafiki mkubwa sana wa Serikali ya Kiwete na kuna misaada kibao ya MABILIONI ambayo Gadaffi amewekeza au KUIKOPESHA Serikali ya Tanzania. Kwa hiyo anguko la Gadaffi ni pigo kwa Kiwete na serikali yake ndiyo maana wanaweweseka, mara hatuwatambui waasi maana hawana serikali,mara Gadaffi amefikia mwisho,mara cjui kikaenda kikashuka...nonsense!

Kama WAASI wameshateka Ikulu na wanashikilia sehemu zote muhimu za Libya wewe Tanzania una mamlaka gani ya KUMLAZIMISHA BALOZI WA LIBYA hapa Tanzania asipeperushe BENDERA ya waasi? Hawa waasi wana BARAZA LAO(National Transition Council-NTC)ambalo hata UN inalitambua na tayari MISAADA YA KIFEDHA imeshaanza kupelekwa LIBYA ili kuanza kuijenga LIBYA mpya.

Simpe reasoning:Tanzania na UN nani mkuu au mwenye sauti ya mwisho kuhusu nchi yeyote baada ya mapinduzi,vita au janga lolote? Huwezi kuniambia Umoja wa Mataifa uwatambue waasi kupitia NTC halafu wewe Tanzania ujifanye kijogoo cha kuikataa serikali ya waasi ati haijaunda serikali. Huu ni unafiki na upuuzi mtupu!

Membe anajua LIBYA inaidai serikali ya Tanzania kwa hiyo jambo muhimu ni kujiandaa kulipa mabilioni ya Walibya na kuacha longolongo zisizokuwa na mashiko.
Kama Tanzania mlikuwa na nia ya kumsaidia Gadafi kwanini hamkutoa wazo lenu la KUKAA MEZANI NA WAASI ILI KUJADILIANA? Gadafi keshang'olewa ati nyie ndo mnajifanya kutoa ushauri wa kukaa mezani. IT IS TOO LATE MR. MEMBE. Just allow Libyan embassador to raise the new flag in respect of the new Government in Libya.
 
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NN unajua wazi kabisa military intervention zina gharama kubwa kuziendesha. Sidhani kama itakua rahisi kwa Nato kuweza kwenda syria kwa sasa kwani hakuna uhakika kuwa kuna mwanachama wake anayeweza kuahidi mchango wa ndege askari na mambo mengine wakati bado operation ya libya haijakamilika. Pia kusema wanakwenda sehemu kulipo na mafuta tu hivi afghanistan nao wana mafuta? Na vipi kule bosnia si walishusha kipigo miaka ya tisini nako kuna mafuta? Hata hivyo situation ya syria ni kweli yahitaji intervention lakini kwani ni lazima nato tu? Hakuna organization nyingine?

Basi acha tu Wasyria wauawe kama sisimizi.
 
Kifupi Tanzania yetu haina foreign policy inayoeleweka. ndio hapo utaona Tanzania tuna kazi kubwa sababau eti Wizara ya mambo ya nje ni moja ya wizara ambazo ni daraja la urais.

Wenzetu wizara zao za mambo ya nje ni zaidi ya RECEPTION.

Niliwai kuuliza nyuma kwa nini Tanzania ina mwambata wa kijeshi baadhi ya nchi kama south africa lakini haina wambata wa kichumi na kibiashara na na kiteknolojia, kitalii. Sioni kama karne hii role ya military attache South africa ni muhimu kuliko technology , business , tourism , etc . So priority zetu ni za kisiasa wakati wenzetu priority zao ni za kiuchumi ,kitenlojia na masoko.

Balozi wa japan Tannzania anaweza kuwa ana statiscal input za kuwapa wa japan kuwasaiidia ukfanya biashara zaidi. Sasa siis tanzani kama mjasiriamali mdogo ulizia ubalozi wa Tanzania nchini japan , UK, USA Ton ngapi za chai au Asali wajapan wa UK , USA wanatumi kwa mwaka na wananunua kutoka wapi. Jibu utakoloambiwa siyo kazi yao.....

U can see hata kwenye zile cable za wikileaks jinsi Balozi wa USA alivyouwa ana lobby ili Boeing ipate dili. Hiki ni kipande kinaoneysha role ya balozi za wenzetu .

.........To a greater degree than previously known, diplomats are a big part of the sales force, according to hundreds of cables released by WikiLeaks, which describe politicking and cajoling at the highest levels.

It is not surprising that the United States helps American companies doing business abroad, given that each sale is worth thousands of jobs and that their foreign competitors do the same. But like the other WikiLeaks cables, these offer a remarkably detailed look at what had previously been only glimpsed - in this case, the sales war between American diplomats and their European counterparts.

Habari kamili http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/03/bu...%202011&st=cse


Je Kuna balozi wa tanzania wafanya business lobbying kwa ajili ya business Za Tanzania?Au wnaloobyuigiza mkenge tanzania na 10%?

So utaona bado foreign plolicy yetu ipo kama bado tuko kwenye kupigania ukombozi.

Unamkumbuka yule balozi wetu Ami Mpungwe . Wasouth africa walimtumia vizuri zaidi ya sisi watanzania sabbau ya sera zetu mbovu. Nadhani jamaa alipewa hat uraia wa heshima wa south africa.
 
[h=1]Tanzania: Why We're Saying No to Libyan Rebels - Dar[/h]allAfrica.com: Tanzania: Why We're Saying No to Libyan Rebels - Dar
Dar es Salaam — Tanzania has declared it does not recognise the administration of Libya's rebel-led National Transitional Council (NTC) even as its fighters continue to tighten the noose around Muammar Gaddafi's forces in his birth town of Sirte.
This stand was announced in Dar es Salaam yesterday by the minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Mr Bernard Membe.
But, said Mr Membe, Tanzania would only recognise the group if it takes over the government and establishes the necessary organs that respect the division of power between the executive, legislature and the judiciary.


Apart from that, the minister said, there should be elections through which the people of Libya would choose the leaders they want.
With this stand, Tanzania becomes one of the 41 African Union member states that have declined to recognise the interim Libyan government.
Some 11 African countries have so far recognised the NTC, namely, Botswana, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Tunisia, Senegal, Gabon, Burkina Faso, Benin, Kenya and Djibouti.


Over the weekend, the Libyan interim administration released names of members of its governing council for the first time and promised to increase its roster rapidly to provide representation to the newly liberated parts of the country.
But, Mr Membe said, it was not yet clear whether the rebel group has taken over the country.
"The issue of Libya is like a bunch of spiralling worms in a can, whose heads and tails you cannot see and whose number or sizes you can't determine," he said.


He said what Tanzania and the African Union (AU) see as an important step now was the restoration of peace in order to safeguard lives of innocent people in the country engulfed in sporadic fighting.
"Our concern is not whether Gaddafi remains in power or not. We're concerned about the future of the country and prosperity of its people," he argued.


Reports from Libya yesterday indicated that the rebels closed in on Colonel Gaddafi's hometown of Sirte from both east and west.
A senior military commander said, as the insurgents also scrambled to get Tripoli back on its feet.
According to AFP, rebel forces moved 30km closer to Sirte from the west and captured the town of Bin Jawad which is 100km to the east, the rebel commander in Misrata, Mohammed al-Fortiya, told the news agency.


"We took Bin Jawad today (Sunday) on the eastern front, and our fighters from Misrata are 30km from Sirte in the west," Mr Fortiya said.
Rebels pushing west from the oil hub of Ras Lanuf had been stuck for four days outside Bin Jawad, a key town on the road hugging the shores of the Gulf of Sirte, with Gaddafi's forces putting up a defiant resistance.
Sirte is the elusive Gaddafi's last bastion after rebels smashed his forces in Tripoli and seized his Bab al-Aziziya headquarters, and now the insurgents are focusing on capturing the embattled Libyan leader.


Although his whereabouts remain a mystery, there is widespread speculation that he is holed up in Sirte, 360km east of Tripoli, among tribal supporters there.


Mr Fortiya said talks were under way with tribal leaders in Sirte for its surrender, adding that only tribal leaders were involved, and that to his knowledge no direct contact had been made with Col. Gaddafi himself.
"We are negotiating with the tribes for Sirte's peaceful surrender," he said.
In the capital, where life is slowly returning to normal after six months of bloody rebellion to end Col. Gaddafi's 42-year rule, sporadic gunfire was heard overnight.


As rebels endeavoured to get Tripoli on its feet and appealed for funds, the Arab League early yesterday urged the UN Security Council to unlock billions of dollars in Libyan assets and property.
Meanwhile, Mr Membe said Tannzania was ready to sell over 11,000 tonnes of its cereals to the World Food Programme (WFP) which is striving to get food for hunger-stricken Somalia.
The United Nations, through WFP, has allocated over $2 million to supply food to the Horn of Africa.

Besides that, Tanzania has already finalised plans to ferry within this week, 300 tonnes of maize as help to Somalia, Mr Membe noted.
The food aid was pledged by President Jakaya Kikwete when Somali President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed visited the country recently.
Reports show that in Somalia, about six in every 10,000 die daily from hunger, which has also displaced an estimated 800,000 people, some of whom have moved to neighbouring countries as refugees.


But, Mr Membe clarified, Tanzania was not ready to receive refugees from Somalia, given that currently, the country is accommodating an exceedingly large number of displaced people.
"We will do all that we can to assist the Somalis in their country or in areas where they might be staying as refugees," he said.
 
Huyu huyu Putini alivamia Georgia leo anajiona msafi?

Kaka NATO ni NATO na ndio mtego ambao viongozi wetu wanasa US walitaka kuipiga Libya kipindi kile baada ya kulipua ndege lakini walijipa subira kwasababu walikuwa hawajui kuna nini ndani ya Libya na uwezo wa Qadhaffi ulikuwa wapi, kazi ya kumdhoofisha kiitelijensia ilifanywa na huyo huyo Putin na UK, hapa lazima akae pembeni kulaumu na kupinga vita hili mission iwe kamili na NATO hisipoteze imani duniani hasa kwa jinsi wanavyo operate.

Leo hii sisi Wachina wanajuwa kila kona ya Jeshi letu kuliko hata wanajeshi wenyewe, lakini ikitokea tatizo la NATO China watajifanya kupinga hiyo vita kwa maneno makali sana na kila aina ya matusi kwa NATO lakini nakuhakikishia 100% wao ndio watakao accomplish michoro yote na namna ya kushambulia na sehemu muhimu za kushambulia. Qadhaffi pamoja na urafiki na UK alijifanya mjanja kutomuamini 100% na kuficha baadhi ya mambo lakini kwa Putini aliisha.
 
Mwanakijiji udhaifu wa AU usitumike kuwakandamiza kwa mtu unayesoma habari kutoka pande nyingi kama wewe sidhani unaamini kuwa Ghadafi kaondolewa na Walibya na kuwa Walibya watafaidika hata chembe na 'uhuru' huu feki.Pamoja na matatizo yake yote Ghadafi kaiendeleza Libya na sasa imeingia kwenye ukoloni wa nyuma ya pazia.
Kwa kitu kimoja nitamkumbuka Nyerere alikuwa na 'guts' aliwahi kumfukuza waziri wa mambo ya nje wa Ufaransa Raymond Barre alipotua Airport na kumwambia hataki kuongea naye aondoke.
Anayesema Libya imeingia kwenye ukoloni ni nani wewe au waLibya kama kuna ukoloni utasemwa na walibya wenyewe sio mtazamaji wa nje.
 
Katika kila hatua ya kuporomoka kwa Gadaf kunashuhudia kuweweseka Binafsi kwa watu hao hapa Nyumbani Tanzania.
Upo ukweli kuwa pamoja na Kikwete kunufaika Binafsi na michango/misaada ya Gadaf ktk chaguzi zote 2.
Hata Benard Membe alianza kupokea Mamilion ya Dola za Gadaf kwaajili ya maandalizi yake ya uchaguzi mkuu Ujao.
Ndio maana basi Membe anapojitokeza hadharani Huzungumza Kibinafsi sana swala la Waasi wa Libya na hufikia hata kutamani kulia .
Wito wangu kwa WaTANZANIA WENZANGU NI KUZIDI KUMPUZA MEMBE NA KUJUA WAZI MSIMAMO WA KIKWETE SI KWAKUA MZALENDO BALI ANATETEA MASLAHI BINAFSI YA GADAF .
 
If you are following this thread please read this article might contain information you needed to know.

Mahmood Mamdani is professor and director of Makerere Institute of Social Research at Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda, and Herbert Lehman Professor of Government at Columbia University, New York. He is the author most recently of Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, The Cold War and the Roots of Terror, and Saviors and Survivors: Darfur, Politics and the War on Terror.

Opinion: What does Gaddafi's fall mean for Africa?

Mahmood Mamdani
"Kampala 'mute' as Gaddafi falls," is how the opposition paper summed up the mood of this capital the morning after. Whether they mourn or celebrate, an unmistakable sense of trauma marks the African response to the fall of Gaddafi.

Both in the longevity of his rule and in his style of governance, Gaddafi may have been extreme. But he was not exceptional. The longer they stay in power, the more African presidents seek to personalise power. Their success erodes the institutional basis of the state. The Carribean thinker C L R James once remarked on the contrast between Nyerere and Nkrumah, analysing why the former survived until he resigned but the latter did not: "Dr Julius Nyerere in theory and practice laid the basis of an African state, which Nkrumah failed to do."

The African strongmen are going the way of Nkrumah, and in extreme cases Gaddafi, not Nyerere. The societies they lead are marked by growing internal divisions. In this, too, they are reminiscent of Libya under Gaddafi more than Egypt under Mubarak or Tunisia under Ben Ali.

Whereas the fall of Mubarak and Ben Ali directed our attention to internal social forces, the fall of Gaddafi has brought a new equation to the forefront: the connection between internal opposition and external governments. Even if those who cheer focus on the former and those who mourn are preoccupied with the latter, none can deny that the change in Tripoli would have been unlikely without a confluence of external intervention and internal revolt.

More interventions to come

The conditions making for external intervention in Africa are growing, not diminishing. The continent is today the site of a growing contention between dominant global powers and new challengers. The Chinese role on the continent has grown dramatically. Whether in Sudan and Zimbawe, or in Ethiopia, Kenya and Nigeria, that role is primarily economic, focused on two main activities: building infrastructure and extracting raw materials. For its part, the Indian state is content to support Indian mega-corporations; it has yet to develop a coherent state strategy. But the Indian focus too is mainly economic.

The contrast with Western powers, particularly the US and France, could not be sharper. The cutting edge of Western intervention is military. France's search for opportunities for military intervention, at first in Tunisia, then Cote d'Ivoire, and then Libya, has been above board and the subject of much discussion. Of greater significance is the growth of Africom, the institutional arm of US military intervention on the African continent.

This is the backdrop against which African strongmen and their respective oppositions today make their choices. Unlike in the Cold War, Africa's strongmen are weary of choosing sides in the new contention for Africa. Exemplified by President Museveni of Uganda, they seek to gain from multiple partnerships, welcoming the Chinese and the Indians on the economic plane, while at the same time seeking a strategic military presence with the US as it wages its War on Terror on the African continent.

In contrast, African oppositions tend to look mainly to the West for support, both financial and military. It is no secret that in just about every African country, the opposition is drooling at the prospect of Western intervention in the aftermath of the fall of Gaddafi.

Those with a historical bent may want to think of a time over a century ago, in the decade that followed the Berlin conference, when outside powers sliced up the continent. Our predicament today may give us a more realistic appreciation of the real choices faced and made by the generations that went before us. Could it have been that those who then welcomed external intervention did so because they saw it as the only way of getting rid of domestic oppression?

In the past decade, Western powers have created a political and legal infrastructure for intervention in otherwise independent countries. Key to that infrastructure are two institutions, the United Nations Security Council and the International Criminal Court. Both work politically, that is, selectively. To that extent, neither works in the interest of creating a rule of law.

The Security Council identifies states guilty of committing "crimes against humanity" and sanctions intervention as part of a "responsibility to protect" civilians. Third parties, other states armed to the teeth, are then free to carry out the intervention without accountability to anyone, including the Security Council. The ICC, in toe with the Security Council, targets the leaders of the state in question for criminal investigation and prosecution.

Africans have been complicit in this, even if unintentionally. Sometimes, it is as if we have been a few steps behind in a game of chess. An African Secretary General tabled the proposal that has come to be called R2P, Responsibility to Protect. Without the vote of Nigeria and South Africa, the resolution authorising intervention in Libya would not have passed in the Security Council.

Dark days are ahead. More and more African societies are deeply divided internally. Africans need to reflect on the fall of Gaddafi and, before him, that of Gbagbo in Cote d'Ivoire. Will these events usher in an era of external interventions, each welcomed internally as a mechanism to ensure a change of political leadership in one country after another?

One thing should be clear: those interested in keeping external intervention at bay need to concentrate their attention and energies on internal reform.
 
Anayesema Libya imeingia kwenye ukoloni ni nani wewe au waLibya kama kuna ukoloni utasemwa na walibya wenyewe sio mtazamaji wa nje.
vipi wanaosema Libya wamepata uhuru humu ndani ilhali ni watazamaji wa nje?
 
Whichever way you describe them but ukweli unabaki kwamba hawa NTC ni mkusanyiko wa watu waliendesha uasi dhidi ya Gaddafi na ambao hawajapata hata mandate ya utawala, unlike wale wa Misri au Tunisia na suala la kutambua kikundi ambach bado hakijawa re-constituted kama Serikali na hata kuunda baraza la uongozi wa serikali ni kulazimisha mambo ya ovyo eti tu kwa sababu waliowaweka madarakani (Marekani, France na Uingereza) wamewatambua. Na hii hoja ya kwamba watu wanamsaliti Nyerere merely because hatukumkana Gaddafi ni dhaifu kwa sababu hata yeye Mwalimu alikuwa Swahiba wa Gaddafi na hata uamuzi wa kuikopesha Tanzania mafuta. Isionekane kwamba Mwalimu alikuwa sahihi wakati wote.
Mkuu umesahau auae kwa Upanga uuliwa kwa upanga Gaddafi aliingia kwa mlango wa nyuma nadhani ulimkubali akakubalika tatizo lake alitaka atawale kama ule ufalme alioupindua.

Tanzania watakuwa ni kama wanafiki iwapo watajifanya wanamaanisha kuhusu Jambo la kutowatambua NTC Kwani Nchi nyingi wamezitambua ikiwemo Zaire baadae DRC, na CCM hili jina ukilielewa maana yake halina Tofauti la la hao waitwao waasi wa libya CCM = Chama cha mapinduzi!

Mlipo muondoa kinguvu Iddi Amin mlipingwa na wengine walisapoti nini wewe membe haueleweki
Naunga mkono wa nyie muondolewe
 
Mapigano yalipoanza Waziri Membe aliulizwa msimamo wa Tanzania. Alijibu kuwa ni sawa na ule wa AU. Ilijadiliwa hapa JF kuwa kwanini nchi yetu ijifiche nyuma ya kivuli cha AU na isitoe msimamo ima kuunga au kulaani uasi?

Leo Membe anapata wapi ushujaa wa kutoa msimamo wa Tanzania! Si tungesubiri AU ikake kikao nasisi tuchukue msimamo.

Tunakumbuka kuwa Tanzania iliitambua FRELIMO kabla ya kuingia Maputo. Ilitambua MPLA kabla ya kuingia Luanda. Vyama hivyo vya kisiasa havikuwa na serikali wakati wa mapambano. Imekuwaje leo kuwe na masharti ya kuitambua NTC kama kuwa na baraza la mawaziri na kufanya uchaguzi hata pale palipo wazi kuwa Gaddafi hayupo na hatarudi!!

Ni undumila kuwili wa Membe ili kumfurahisha Gaddafi huko aliko na kujenga mazingira ya kuitambua serikali baada ya uchaguzi tupate mafuta.
Huo hauwezekani kuwa msimamo wa Taifa lenye heshima katika medani ya kimataifa kama lilivyoachwa na Nyerere.
Ndipo tujue kuwa sasa tunakwenda kwenda tu kijanja ujanja lakini hakuna mission au vision. Membe! another failure in future
 
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UKITAKA kujua kuwa Tanzania imepoteza dira na maono angalia msimamo wetu kuhusu Libya.

Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje Bernard Membe, amesema kuwa Serikali ya Tanzania haitambui Baraza la Mpito la Taifa la Libya ambalo limeongoza mapinduzi ya kumuondoa Kanali Gaddafi madarakani.

Tatizo lililopo si kwa Tanzania kutotambua serikali hiyo ya waasi bali sababu zilizotolewa na Membe. Sababu hizo zinaashiria kile ambacho wengine tumekuwa tukikizungumza muda mrefu kuwa Tanzania imepoteza ile dira yake na sauti yake katika medani za kitaifa kwani Serikali yetu haiongozwi tena na kanuni zilizounda Taifa letu na ambazo tuliapa toka mwanzo kabisa wa historia yetu kuzisimamia.

Kwa kumsikiliza Membe na tukikubali hoja za Serikali yetu - jinsi zilivyoanishwa naye- ni kuwa uhalali wa serikali unatokana na kuapishwa kwa viongozi wake na zaidi unatokana na kuwapo kwa mihimili mitatu ya dola yaani, Mahakama, Bunge na Utawala (rais, waziri mkuu). Kwamba, kwa vile serikali ya waasi haijaapishwa na kwa vile bado hakuna mihimili hii mitatu inayoeleweka basi serikali ya waasi “si halali”.

Kwa maneno mengine, Serikali ya Tanzania itatambua waasi kama wataapishwa (hata kama hawatochaguliwa) na kuwa wakiweka Mahakama na Bunge (bila uchaguzi) basi watakuwa halali. Huu ni mtiririko wenye makosa ya kufikiri (flawed reasoning).

Ndugu zangu tukikubali mtiririko huo maana yake ni kwamba uhalali wa serikali hautokani na kukubalika kwake kwa wananchi bali unatokana na kuwapo kwa mifumo na taasisi tu. Kwa mtindo huo hata utawala wa kikoloni unaweza kuwa halali kwa sababu tu una watu walioapishwa na kuwa umeweza kuweka mihimili yote mitatu!

Kwa maneno mengine, utawala unaweza kutawala vibaya na kudhulumu watu wake lakini machoni pa serikali yetu waweza ukakubaliwa ukawa ni halali kwa sababu viongozi wetu wameapishwa na kuwa ndani ya utawala huo kuna mihimili mitatu. Hii bila ya shaka ndio msingi wa kukubali utawala ulioanza vizuri wa Hosni Mubarak na kushindwa kusema lolote; labda ndio msingi wa kukubali utawala wa Syria vile vile.

Lakini kama hili ni kweli ni lazima tujiulize kwa nini basi tulivunja uhusiano na Afrika ya Kusini wakati nchi hiyo ilikuwa na serikali iliyoapishwa na ilikuwa na mhimili mitatu ya dola?

Kwanini tuliwahi kuvunja uhusiano na Israeli nchi iliyokuwa na utawala ulioapishwa na yenye mhimili mitatu? Kwanini hata tulivunja uhusiano na Uingereza? Kama uhalali wa serikali unatokana na kuapishwa na kuwapo kwa mihimili basi ni wazi kuwa serikali ya Ian Smith ya Rhodesia na ile ya Makaburu wa Afrika Kusini zilikuwa ni serikali halali!

Swali ambalo labda watawala wetu wamekwepa kulijibu au wanaogopa kulijibu ni “uhalali wa serikali unatokana na nini?”. Jibu la swali hili linahitaji kujichunguza na kujipima kwani ukilitoa kwa haraka utaona linakutega.

Wengine wanafikiri uhalali wa serikali unatokana na kuwa na Rais, Polisi, Mahakama, na hata Bunge – hivi bila ya shaka ndio mawazo ya Serikali yetu.

Kwamba kwa vile vitu hivi vipo basi serikali ni “halali”. Nakumbuka hata wakati Mzee Pius Msekwa anajadili suala la Katiba Mpya miezi kadhaa huko nyuma alizungumzia uhalali wa katiba yetu kwa kudai kuwa kwa vile imeweka misingi ile mitatu na mambo ya msingi ya kikatiba basi inakuwa halali.

Sasa ukiangalia hilo kwa juu juu ni kweli lakini wanachokwepa wote (Membe katika Libya na Msekwa katika Katiba Mpya) ni suala la utawala wa serikali ukoje kwa wananchi wake.

Serikali haiwi halali kwa kushinda uchaguzi tu au hata kwa kuapishwa kutawala. Hiyo ni sehemu moja tu ya uhalali wa uongozi; lakini uhalali hasa unakuja kwa jinsi wale waliowekwa katika nafasi za kutawala wanatawala wananchi wao na kuwaongoza. Lakini sijasema “kuwafanyia vitu” bali kuwatawala na kuwaongoza. Je, wale walioko madarakani wameingia kwa haki madarakani? Je, wanatawala kwa haki? Je, wanaheshimu utu wa wananchi wao? Je, wako tayari kutumia mbinu zozote wasiondolewe madarakani? Je, wamegeuza nchi yao kuwa shamba lao la kula na kunywa?

Katika hili suala la Libya linahitaji kueleweka vizuri. Wapo ambao wanatuambia kuwa Libya ilikuwa nzuri chini ya Gaddafi. Nimewasoma baadhi ya watu wiki hizi chache wakisifia sana utawala wa Gaddafi kuhusu mambo “aliyowafanyia wananchi wa Libya”.

Wengine wamesifia barabara, wengine wamesifia kliniki, wengine wamesifia mfereji mkubwa wa maji na wengine wamesifia hata jumba la kisasa la mikutano kule Sirte (nyumbani kwa Gaddafi).

Mtu mmoja akiniandikia kuhusu makala ya wiki iliyopita anasema: “Kuhusu hoja yako kwamba Gaddafi amevuna alichopanda nadhani umechemsha, yeye hakuondolewa na wananchi kama ilivyo TUNISIA na MISRI.

Unaheshimika sana kwenye jamii kutokana na makala zako za nyuma za kuchambua haki inapatikana wapi. Mapungufu ya Gaddafi yangesemwa na wananchi wenyewe wa Libya na si nchi za NATO.”

Akaendelea: “Kweli ndugu yangu unatetea yaliyotokea Libya? Pole sana. Gaddafi ni binadamu anafanya makosa mengi lakini kitendo cha NATO kumtoa kwenye madaraka hatuna budi kukilaani kwa nguvu zetu zote.

Tumebakiza nani sasa ukimwondoa Mugabe mwingine nani niambie! Hao waomba misaada kwa manufaa ya familia zao. Hao wapiga magoti wapate sifa. Hao nchi zao haziwezi kuua hata mbu. Kutokana na hoja yako hiyo sitasoma gazeiti lenu toleo lijalo”

Natumaini ndugu yangu huyu atakuwa amepata ujasiri wa kunisoma wiki hii. Ndugu yetu anataka tuamini kabisa kuwa wale wote tuliowaona wakianzia Benghazi na sehemu nyingine za Libya kuelekea Tripoli walikuwa ni NATO!

Kwamba waliouawa na kulipuliwa na majeshi ya Gaddafi walikuwa ni askari wa NATO! Kwamba wale wananchi ambao walikuwa wanajitokeza kuwalaki wapiganaji wa NTC walikuwa ni watu waliolazimishwa kujitokeza kuwapokea.

Hii ni imani ya baadhi ya watu.

Hili linatukumbusha suala la Kosovo chini ya Milosevic. Milosevic na majenerali wake waliwafanyia watu wa Serbia vibaya sana na hatima yake wananchi wa Kosovo ambao wengi wao ni Waislamu wakaona hawawezi kuwa salama chini ya serikali hiyo ya Milosevic na matokeo yake wakaasi na hatimaye kutaka kuunda taifa lao (inatukumbusha wengine sakata la Biafra).

Lakini, Milosevic hakuwa tayari kuwaachilia wana Kosovo akidai kuwa Kosovo ni sehemu ya Serbia na alikuwa tayari kutumia nguvu zote kuzima uasi, na nguvu alizitumia. Mgogoro ule kama wengi wanavyokumbuka ulikuja kwisha baada ya vikosi vya NATO kuanzisha mashambulizi ya kumzuia Slobodan Milosevic kuendelea kuwashambulia wananchi wake.

Pamoja na kuwa suala zima bado linajadiliwa na wanahistoria kutokana na utata wake, ukweli umebakia kwamba pasipo NATO kuingilia kati wananchi wenye asili ya Albania (ambao wengi ni Waislamu) wangemalizwa na utawala wa Milosevic hadi kulazimisha kuwapigisha magoti.

Lakini mwisho wa siku wananchi wa Kosovo hatimaye waliweza kuwa salama na kujitenga na Serbia – matokeo mabaya (kwa baadhi ya watu) ya mgogoro ule.

Libya kwa upande wake imejikuta kwenye mambo yale yale ya Milosevic. Kanali Gaddafi ambaye amekuwa rafiki mkubwa wa viongozi wetu wa Afrika na hata rafiki binafsi wa baadhi ya viongozi wetu Tanzania, alikuwa anatetemekewa na kupendwa si kwa sababu ya utawala wake mzuri bali kwa sababu ya nguvu zake za pesa na misaada.

Hili ni muhimu kueleweka kwa sababu kusitasita kwa watawala wetu kupinga Gaddafi kutumia nguvu kubwa kuzima maasi kunatokana na ukaribu wao naye. Mtu ambaye amewapa misaada hadi ya magari ya kifahari na kuwamwagia mabilioni ya fedha na mikopo bwelele wasingeweza kumkana.

Hata leo hii siwezi kushangaa wapo baadhi yao wenye kujisikia vibaya kuwa sasa “Gaddafi hayupo, itakuwaje tena!” Kusitasita kwetu kunatokana na hatia ya kuona mtu aliyekuwa mfadhili wetu ameondoka itakuwaje?

Kwanini? Ni kwa sababu watawala wetu walijenga mahusiano na Gaddafi kama Gaddafi na si hasa na wananchi wa Libya. Watawala wetu hawakujali Gaddafi anatawala vipi au wananchi wake wanasema nini. Alimradi Gaddafi anatupatia misaada tuliamua kufumbia macho aina ya utawala wake. Labda niliweke hili katika maudhui ya historia yetu kama Taifa.

Baada ya Serikali yetu chini ya Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Julius Nyerere kutambua ukweli ulioko wazi kwamba utawala wa kikaburu wa Afriya Kusini haukuwa na mpango wowote wa kubadilika ulichukuliwa uamuzi wa kutofanya naye biashara yoyote japo kwa kufanya hivyo ilikuwa ni gharama kwetu.

Kwa wanaokumbuka Nyerere alilieleza Taifa maana ya uamuzi wa kutofanya biashara na utawala uliokuwa unakandamiza watu weusi kule. Kwamba, baadhi ya vitu ambavyo tungevipata kwa bei ya chini Afrika ya Kusini tutakuwa tunavipata kwa bei ya juu na labda vingine itabidi tujifunze kutengeneza sisi wenyewe. Tatizo lake lilikuwa la msingi kwamba tusingeweza kufanya biashara na utawala ule wakati unaendelea kuwakandamiza wananchi wake.

Sasa jawabu linaloweza kutolewa hapa na wengine wamelitoa ni kuwa Gaddafi “alikuwa hakandamizi watu wake” na kuwa “alikuwa hawatendei mabaya”.

Ndugu zangu wananchi maelfu wa Libya watasimama kutupinga na labda kwa bahati mbaya ndio msingi wao wa chuki dhidi ya Waafrika weusi; kwamba baadhi yetu katika kufurahia misaada ya vyuo, magari n.k tuliamua kufumba macho matendo ya Gaddafi kwa wananchi wake.

Kwamba tulikubali kufumba macho ushiriki wake Gaddafi kupigana vita nasi kiasi kwamba hata hatujui sisi wengine msingi wa kuwa na mahusiano na Gaddafi tena ulikuwa ni nini na masharti gani!

Matokeo yake katika kufumba macho yetu tukasahau kabisa kuwa serikali ni wananchi. Hili ndilo somo ambalo watawala wetu hawataki kulikubali. Wananchi ndio “msingi wa madaraka yote”.

Na Katiba yetu inasema vizuri zaidi “kwamba madaraka yote ya kutawala yanatoka kwa wananchi”. Kwa maneno mengine, mtawala anayeinuka dhidi ya wananchi wake anapoteza haki ya kuwatawala! Huwezi kujiita mtawala wa wananchi wakati unaamuru vikosi vyako kumwaga risasi na mabomu kwa wananchi hao ati kwa sababu wamesimama kukupinga!
 
Sikushangaa sana baada ya kupitia kwa makini thread yako hii. Utashi wako katika medani ya diplomasia ni wa chini sana. Umetoa mifano mingi sana kuhusu hatua alizochukua Mwalimu lakini bila kufahamu kwamba hili suala la waasi ni tofauti na kwa hakika kilichotokea Tunisia na Misri ni tofauti na Libya kama mbingu na dunia. Misri na Tunisia ilikuwa ni massa ction ambayo ilikuwa ni spontaeous na haikuhusisha uasi kama wa Libya ambao umebarikiwa na kufadhiliwa na nchi za magharibi ambazo kwa muda mrefu zimekuwa na bifu ba Gaddafi. Nchi iliyo na uongozi sahihi na yenye kujali misingi ya utawala bora haiwezi kufurahia vitendo vya wananchi wa nchi moja maboa wana hasira na chuki za kuondolewa kwa mfalme wao kuandaa uasi kwa kisingizio cha kumuondoa dikteta.

Msimamo wa Tanzania, ambao unakubaliana na ule wa AU ni kwamba waasi wale hawajawa na uhalali wa kuitwa serikali na until such time wamefahamika vizuri na muundo wao kutambulika ndipo uamuzi wa kuwatambua utafikiwa. Wewe umetaja mifano ya Mwalimu na Ian Smith na hata suala na Afrika Kusini. Unasahau kwamba wakati huo nchi hii ilikuwa mwenyekiti wa nchi tano zilizokuwa mstari wa mbele katika ukombozi kusini mwa Afrika na hakukuwa na njia nyingine yoyote ile ila kupambana na wadhalimu tuliokuwa tunapambana nao. Wakati huo tulikuwa na upande tunaouunga mkono na hao tuliowakana walikuwa ni maadui zetu. The truth remains that waasi ni waasi na hawana legitimacy ya kutambuliwa kwa sasa na msimamo wa Tanzania utabaki kuwa sahihi na fortunately hata Kenya nao wamegundua hilo na last evening wamebadili msimamo na wao wamekataa kuwatambua NTC. Hivi mimi nilidhani tatizo ni kutokuwa na msimamo, sasa kama kuwa na msimamo ambao unazingatia utashi wa nchi na sheria za kimataifa nalo tatizo, sijui sasa zuri ni lipi wajameni!
 
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