Nimeona nirudie mjadala huu ambao ulijadiliwa kwenye forum hii Juni 5, 2006. Pengine tunakumbuka muswada uliokuwa ukijadiliwa Bungeni miaka ya nyuma ulioletwa na mzee Iddi Simba kuhusu uzawa. Simba alipigwa mawe na kuitwa majina mengi, ikiwemo, "mbaguzi wa rangi" n.k. Lakini swala zima la uzawa ni sera ambayo ipo katika nchi nyingi za kutanguliza maslahi ya wananchi wa nchi hiyo kabla ya wageni. Huwezi kupata kazi hapa nilipo kama wewe sio raia wa nchi hii au misaada yeyote ya serikali. Kinyume na nyumbani ambapo, wageni ndio wanaopewa kibaumbele kwenye ajira, uwekezaji, kulipa kodi, n.k. Si mnakumbuka kulikuwa na msamaha wa kulipa kodi wa miaka 5 kwa wawekezaji wageni, eti ili kuwavutia waje kuwekeza? Mwekezaji wa ndani, alianza kulimwa kodi mara alipoanzisha shughuli yake! Uzawa hauna uhusiano na rangi ya mtu kwa kweli bali ni swala zima la kumwezesha mtanzania kufaidi utanzania wake Tanzania. Tunasoma mineral exploration maeneo ya kwetu huko Singida, na tayari makampuni makubwa ya hapa Marekani na Canada yameanza kutangaza umiliki na faida watakayotengeneza. Je mwanakijiji anapata faida gani ya mali asili hii iliyoko nchini kwake? Bado ataendelea kula makombo, kuishi nyumba ya tembe, isiyo na maji safi wala choo, na kulima kwa kutumia jembe la mkono mpaka atakapozikwa. Pamoja na kwamba mzee Iddi Simba alishambuliwa sana kwa mtazamo wake huu, mimi naona ni wakati mwafaka wa hoja hii kuwekwa mezani tena ili kila mtanzania afaidi utanzania wake, kama wananchi wa nchi nyingine wanaofaidi matunda ya kuwa raia wa nchi hizo. Hili sio swala la chama cha siasa, bali ni la kila mtanzania anayejali nchi yake.
__________________Pamoja na kwamba mzee Iddi Simba alishambuliwa sana kwa mtazamo wake huu, mimi naona ni wakati mwafaka wa hoja hii kuwekwa mezani tena ili kila mtanzania afaidi utanzania wake, kama wananchi wa nchi nyingine wanaofaidi matunda ya kuwa raia wa nchi hizo. Hili sio swala la chama cha siasa, bali ni la kila mtanzania anayejali nchi yake.
1. Zakumi naona unataka kutimiza ule usemi wa kibaguzi kuwa ukitaka kumficha kitu muafrika (maana ndivyo alivyo) weka kitu katikati ya kitabu. Unataka mimi ndio nikueleze hizo haki za raia wakati zipo kwenye Katiba. Na Katiba iko kwenye mtandao. Acha uvivu wa kufikiria na kusoma. Ndio maana Mwanakijiji anakasirika mnapotaka awatafunie na awamezee kila kitu. Kama huwezi hata kui-google hiyo Katiba basi sema nikitumie kwenye barua pepe yako. Uraia si kwa ajili ya mercenary (mamluki)!
Katiba nimeisoma. Matatizo yanayokuja ni kuwa nyinyi mnaojiita intellectual wetu kwa namna fulani mnajifanya ni walinzi wa wanyonge. Lakini ukweli wa mambo mnaogopa kuwa jamaa waliopo nje watawazidi ujanja, kipato n.k
Soma tena article yako na yale aliyosema Shivji. Hakuna sababu au majukumu ya kikatiba ambao yanamfanya mtu asiwe na uraia wa nchi mbili.
Sababu zote zinazotolewa ni za kiuchumi na kijamii za kuonyesha kuwa, mtu mwenye uraia wa nchi mbili atafaidika zaidi kuliko mwenye uraia wa Tanzania tu.
Katika article ambayo ni ndefu sana, hakuna reference ya katiba. Kuna reference ya alichosema Shivji au Professor mwingine.
2. Ndjabu nimekuambia hilo suala ni dhana nzito. Wewe unasema kuwe na sheria za kuwasaidia wazawa dhidi ya wageni. Wazawa gani unawaongelea? Kina Mzee wa Vijisenti? Na Mzee wa Kiwira? Hao kina Americanus wenye ngozi nyeusi? Nasema hivi: Mzawa ni mtu mwenye asili ya eneo fulani au ambaye amejiasilisha katika eneo hilo, analipenda kwa dhati, yaani raia mwema na mzalendo halisi. Kwa mantiki hii Joe Slovo ni mzawa wa Afrika Kusini kuliko wale 'impimpi' waliowasaliti kina Mandela na Sisulu. Ndio, Remmy Ongala ni mzawa wa Tanzania kuliko mafisadi wa EPA, BOT, Buzwagi, Radar na Richmond! Nchi inatakiwa iwe na sera nzuri ya kulinda raia wake wema dhidi ya raia wasio wema na wageni wasiotutakia mema katika nchi hii!
Commandate:
Kwa taarifa yako Uganda wapitisha. Nitachukua uraia wa Uganda na baadaye kuutumia Tanzania kwa sababu Tanzania ni mwanachama wa EA
http://www.newvision.co.ug/D/8/13/681657
Hayo yote yabaki kuwa tafsiri na maoni yako binafsi.
Mkuu,
Unaweza kuupata uraia wa Uganda lakini inabidi usome tena kuhusu masharti yake kwa uangalifu hasa kipengele kifuatacho:
"They must also have been resident in Uganda for over 20 years, and for 24 months running just before the application. The applicants must know at least one prescribed Ugandan language, English or Swahili."
Sasa mkuu, umewahi kuishi Uganda japo kwa mwaka tu?
Richard, hahaa, mueleze huyo, anadhani uraia ni suala la chee tu. Ingekuwa ni chee si tungekuwa na multiple citizenship over and above hiyo dual citizenship. Ingekuwa ni suala la mchezo sisi wote tungekuwa global citizens a.k.a citizens of the world!
Kwa nini niogope kuwa utanizidi/mtanizidi nguvu ilhali tulikuwa wote huko tunabeba maboksi mimi nikaamua kujirudiaa nyumbani 'uzawa' wangu ulipo ili nijenge Taifa kwa ukaribu zaidi?
Sisi sio walinzi wa wanyonge. Wanyonge, kama alivyosema Comandante Che, wanajilinda wenyewe. Na wameshawashtukia 'raia ndumilakuwili.' Mnataka kula kote kote tu!
Zakumi ndugu yangu hiyo makala/mada imenukuu Katiba kwa kirefu tu. Tatizo ni kuwa umesoma toleo fupi lenye sehemu tatu. Mada yenyewe ni ndefu na isingeza kutoka kwenye gazeti pepe/tando kama ilivyo. Kwa taarifa yako sehemu ya mada hiyo inayoongelea haki kwa mujibu wa Katiba ni hii:
In a state such as Tanzania that claims to be a modern democratic one, such rights are provided in the Bill of Rights that is normally enshrined in the Constitution. However, as Chris Maina Peter (2007) notes in the case of Tanzania, the Bill of Rights was introduced into the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania of 1977 through the Fifth Amendment of 1984 and provided what he refers to as the much needed opportunity for people to fight for the land rights, of course, among other rights. As the wide time space between the 1964, the year of the Union, and 1977, the year of the Constitution, indicates this amendment did not come in a silver platter. According to Shivji (2009), it was the first amendment that involved a public debate whose scope expanded expectation was beyond the expectation of then single party as it was cut short by what was referred to as the pollution of the political atmosphere in the wake of strong calls for greater autonomy for Zanzibar the autonomy curtailed by constitutionalizing more union matters. In fact original 11 matters appearing in the Articles of Union of 1964 have now been increased to 22 listed in the Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzanias (2005) Kiswahili version of the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania of 1977 as amended from time to time.
A cursory look at the Kiswahili version of the Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania (1977) Constitution entitled Katiba Ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania, Ya Mwaka 1977 before it was ever amended shows that the citizens rights were included as a part of Misingi ya Katiba, that is, the Principles of the Constitution on page 7. These rights for all, as literarily translated by the author of this paper, included: equality of humanity; entitlement to respect and recognition of ones humanity; the right to protect of life from the society, the right to live as a free human being and protection of ones property according to the law; the right to freedom of believing in a religion of ones choice, freedom to share ones thought, the right to go wherever and the freedom to associate with other people as long as one does not break the law or other regulations stipulated by the law; the right to participate fully in reaching decision on national issues through prescribed meetings; and the right to get a just pay from ones labour. That section also stipulated the obligations of the society which primarily addressed the need of the society to ensure equality among its members. But during and prior to its lifetime when Tanzania was using the 1964 Constitution and then the Interim Constitution of 1965, the following cases/incidents occurred:
1. The Case of Lekengere Faru Parutu Kamunyu and 52 Others v. Minister for Tourism, Natural Resources and 3 Others (199: This case involved the Maasai and the government in the Mkomazi Game Reserve. According to Peter (2007), the Maasai had earlier contested being evicted in that area which they had lived for years in order to allow investors to improve game reserve. But when the case came to the Court of Appeal of Tanzania, further notes the Human Rights Lawyer, the Court declared that the whites came into Mkomazi area before the Maasai! hence the latter lost the case on technical grounds (Peter 2007: 149).
2. The Case of Mulbadaw Village Council and 67 Others v. National Agriculture and Food Corporation (1981): This case involved the Barabaig and the then governments parastatal known as National Agriculture and Food Corporation (NAFCO) which had been granted land by the government. It should be noted that Barabaig registered that land as a village under the Village and Ujamaa Villages (Registration, Designation and Administration) Act Number 21 of 1975. However, the government used the Land Acquisition Act Number 47 of 1967 to grant it to NAFCO so that it can go on with establishing the then Canada-funded-project known as the Hanang Wheat Complex (HWC), forcefully evicting the villagers in the process. According to Jwani Mwaikusa (1993), the High Court ruled in favour of the Village Council and the 67 villagers who challenged the validity of the grant of the land to NAFCO. After the villagers reposed their land, notes Shivji (2006b), NAFCO appealed and filed a stay of execution which was expeditiously granted by the then Chief Justice. Ultimately the Court of Appeal overturned the ruling of the High Court whereby, as Mwaikusa (1993) notes in the case of the 67 villagers, the Appellate Court held that those villagers who testified failed to show that they were in occupation of any piece of land at all in that dispute area and, moreover, they did not adduce evidence that they were natives. A Constitutional Lawyer and Land Rights Advocate thus sums up this ruling about having to prove that you are a native: On appeal, the appellate judges agreed with the High Court that customary rights could not be acquired without following the process under the Acquisition Act, but decided against the villagers on the ground that they had not produces evidence in the High Court to show they were native and only natives could claim customary rights (Shivji 2006b: 14).
3. The Case of Oscar Kambona: In 1992, after the introduction of multipartysm in Tanzania, one of the former independence cabinet ministers and a long serving member of TANU, Oscar Kambona, came back from exile and formed an opposition party known as the Tanzania Democratic Alliance (TADEA). However, as Shivji (2006a) notes, there were rumours about whether he was authentically Tanzanian but somehow nothing was done to formally strip him of his citizenship. Nevertheless the quest to unmake his citizenship was too strong to the extent that the state claimed that he was not a citizen of Tanzania but a Malawian! (Chachage 2003: 67)[1]
[1] This trend in the wake of multipartysm, as Shivji (2006a) notes, continued whereby following incidents occurred after the first multiparty election: (1) Following an election petition the court declared Azim Premji, then a parliamentary contestant, from Kigoma a non-citizen; (2) A former Minister, Arcado Ntagazwas citizenship was challenged in a similar petition; (3) The citizenship of a former minister and champion of indigenization, Iddi Simba was also challenged by such a petition ; (4) Ali Nabwa, the first secretary of the revolutionary Council of Zanzibar, was declared uncitizen; and last but not least (5) Jenerali Ulimwengu, a former district officer, had to be naturalized.
Kwa nini niogope kuwa utanizidi/mtanizidi nguvu ilhali tulikuwa wote huko tunabeba maboksi mimi nikaamua kujirudiaa nyumbani 'uzawa' wangu ulipo ili nijenge Taifa kwa ukaribu zaidi?
Sisi sio walinzi wa wanyonge. Wanyonge, kama alivyosema Comandante Che, wanajilinda wenyewe. Na wameshawashtukia 'raia ndumilakuwili.' Mnataka kula kote kote tu!
Zaku wikiendi hii ngoja niingie mtaani kwenye hizo 'movements'. Nakuachia pointi hizi uzi-ponder: Kama kweli nchi zenye low movements of people hazijaendelea mbona:
1. Tanzania ina wabeba mabox kibao wanao-move ng'ambo, wewe ukiwa mmojawao?
2. Tanzania ina watu wengi wanao-move humu ndani, mf. Wamaasai na Wachagga?
3. Tanzania ina wageni wengi wanao-move nchini, wakiwamo kutoka huko majuu?
Sasa mzawa-cum-mlowezi unataka kwenda Uganda kama mwekezaji wakati wawekezaji wanakimbilia Tanzania kwenye tax holidays na other pipi-like incentives!
Ndjabu nimekuambia hilo suala ni dhana nzito. Wewe unasema kuwe na sheria za kuwasaidia wazawa dhidi ya wageni. Wazawa gani unawaongelea? Kina Mzee wa Vijisenti? Na Mzee wa Kiwira? Hao kina Americanus wenye ngozi nyeusi? Nasema hivi: Mzawa ni mtu mwenye asili ya eneo fulani au ambaye amejiasilisha katika eneo hilo, analipenda kwa dhati, yaani raia mwema na mzalendo halisi. Kwa mantiki hii Joe Slovo ni mzawa wa Afrika Kusini kuliko wale 'impimpi' waliowasaliti kina Mandela na Sisulu. Ndio, Remmy Ongala ni mzawa wa Tanzania kuliko mafisadi wa EPA, BOT, Buzwagi, Radar na Richmond! Nchi inatakiwa iwe na sera nzuri ya kulinda raia wake wema dhidi ya raia wasio wema na wageni wasiotutakia mema katika nchi hii!
2. Dude: Dhana za Kifalsafa daima zinachanganya. Soma. Tafakari. Rejea. Waza. Wazua. Utaelewa. Mzawa haishi kwenye ombwe. Anaishi kwenye jamii. Na hiyo jamii ndiyo inayompa nafasi yake humo. Kwenye jamii za kisasa nafasi hiyo ni ya uraia.
Hapana Companero, hatujadili metaphysics hapa. "Uraia" na "Uzawa" ni dhana zilizo wazi ambazo hata mwanafunzi wa darasa la 4 ukimfundisha ataelewa. Huwezi ukakaa chini na kujitungia maana na tafsiri ya dhana ambazo tayari zishapewa maaana na tafsiri yakinifu na Wataalam, Wanazuoni na taasisi mbalimbali kama Umoja wa Mataifa. Aliyeishia kuwa confused hapa ni wewe pekee yako. Wacha kupotosha umma bandugu!