Who influenced Nyerere: His Ujamaa Philosophy and Azimio Principles?

[Rev. Kishoka]

Waungwana,

Ni nani na ni misingi gani ya utashi iliyojijenga kwenye akili za Julius Kambarage wa Nyerere kutuletea Ujamaa na Kujitegemea na hata Azimio la Arusha?

Wengi tunadhania kuwa ni safari yake ya China 1966. Wengine wanadai ni wale ma-Labor na Socialist wa Uingereza.

Tunajua kuwa tumeangalia sana Ujamaa wetu na Azimio kwa mkao wa Great Leap Forward na Cultural Revolution za China ya Mao na Leninism/Stalinism ya Command Economy, New Economic Policy, Collective farming, na hata matunda ya Bolshevik revolution na sera kama Prodrazvyorstka!

Tukija huku kwetu Afrika tunadai kuna Ujamaa wa Kiafrika, Pan Africanism na mengine mengi.

Lakini bado nafikiri ni kitendawili kwetu kuwa ni ushawishi gani na kwa maono gani Nyerere alikaa chini na kutuletea Ujamaa na Kujitegemea na Azimio la Arusha?

Nikirudia Historia na kuangalia kinachotokea Marekani kiuchumi mwaka huu na nyakati hizi, narudi kujiuliza, falsafa za kiuchumi na kujenga jamii za Marekani zilimkosha Mwalimu Nyerere hasa kuangalia Historia ya great depression?

Je FDR (Franklin Delano Roosevelt) na New Deal yake, Fransiscans/Jesuit philosophy na hata Keynesian Policies zilimbadilisha vipi huyu Mkulu wetu? Planned Economy za National Recovery Administration wakati wa Great Depression ya Marekani na hata Public Works ya Nazi German vilikuwa na nafasi gani?Je alichungulia Front Populaire ya Leon Blum wa Ufaransa na kudonoa mambo kadhaa?

Je kujinasua kwa Marekani baada ya Uhuru wake kutoka Uingereza na kujijenga kama taifa linalojitegemea na si kutegemea falme ya Uingereza na kiburi cha Kimarekani pia kilichangia kumjenga Nyerere kuwa na kiburi cha masikini jeuri?

Twajua Julius Nyerere alikuwa mwana historia mzuri hata ukiangalia na kumpima kutafsiri kwake kwa Julius Kaisari na Mfanyabiashara wa Venisi kazi za William Shakespear zinaonyesha ni influence gani ya fasihi, historia na falsafa alikuwa nayo.


Je Keynes alikuwa na infuence gani kwa Nyerere ambaye alisoma fasihi, historia , uchumi na falsafa alipokuwa Makerere na hata Edinburgh?

What about Wealth of nations, je Nyerere alifanya modification ya principles za Adam Smith akipewa baraka na Labor Party ya Uingereza chini ya ushawishi wa Mama Joy Wickens? Maana ukiangalia Azimio la Arusha, pamoja na kuuzwa kuwa linapiga vita Ubepari, in fact linaruhusu ubepari na mfumo wa Kibepari kwa kiasi fulani hasa linaposema kuwa Viongozi wasiwe na zaidi ya hisa katika makampuni mawili!

Je Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Ghandi na hata Yesu au Mtume Mohamed wali-play part gani kum-influence Nyerere?

Je alisoma sana Das Kapital na Communist Manifesto ya Karl Marx, akamchanganya Trosky na Friederich Engels?

Je sisi kama Taifa kwa kumfuata Kiongozi wetu tulikuwa ni majaribio (experiment) ambayo mataifa makubwa yalikaa kando kuangalia huyu mwanafalsafa na mwanamapinduzi wa Afrika akikoroga na kuunganisha mifumo ya kiuchumi ya Ubepari, Ukabaila, Ukomunisti na Ujamaa na kuunda Ujamaa wa Kiafrika ambao ulilenga kwenye kujitegema na hata kuzaa Azimio la Arusha kubana tabaka la viongozi na kuhamasisha umiliki wa mali kwa umma na si watu binafsi?

Tumeegemea sana kusema tumeunda Ujamaa wetu kutokana na ziara yake ya China na kuharibika kwa uhusiano wetu na Uingereza kulikotokea kipindi hicho hicho.

Je inawezekana kuwa kiwango kikubwa cha falsafa zake za Ujamaa na Azimio ni mgawanyiko sawa wa influence za magharibi wakati wa depression na mashariki wakati wa uprising na mapinduzi?

 

[Companero]

Mchungaji mbona umeshajijibu mwenyewe. Mawazo ya Mwalimu Nyerere ni matokeo ya kile ambacho Profesa Ali Mazrui anakiita 'Africa - A Triple Heritage', yaani 'Urithi wa Afrika Kutoka Sehemu Tatu' sehemu hizi ni Afrika-Asilia, Asia-Arabuni na Uropa-Amerika. Hivyo basi, ni sahihi kabisa kusema kuwa Mwalimu alichanganya madesa yote matatu ndio maana kale kajitabu kake kwa mwaka 1962 kanakoitwa 'Ujamaa - The Basis of African Socialism', yaani 'Ujamaa- Msingi wa Usoshalisti wa Kiafrika', kanaonesha mambo tuliyoyarithi katika jamii ya Kiafrika/Kitanzania yanavyoweza kutumia ufahamu/teknolojia kutoka kwenye nchi zilizoendelea ilikutuletea uzalishaji na maendeleo makubwa zaidi. Pia kila Mwalimu alipokuwa anaenda nje ya bara la Afrika alikuwa anaiga kitu fulani kutoka huko - Kuanzia kuchukua Maikarusi Kumbakumba kule Hangari, kujenga 'Folk Schools', yaani 'Shule za Watu', kama zile alizoziona kule Skandinavia, kudesa katiba ya Kiripabliki ya Kwame Nkrumah kule Ghana, kujenga Vijiji vya Ujamaa kama vile vya Stalin kule Urusi au Kibutzi vya kule Israel, Kuweka maranchi makubwa kama ya USA kule Umasaini tena kwa misaada ya USAID n.k.('nimechoka kufikiri').

Huyo ndio alikuwa Mwalimu Nyerere ambaye napenda kumuita 'mixed bag', yaani 'fuko lilibeba bidhaa anuwai', maana alikuwa anabeba madesa mengi tu hata yale yaliyokuwa yanajikanganya - huwa ananikumbusha sana ile methali ya 'wavu wa samaki' unaodaka kila kitu kuanzia samaki mpaka konokono. Mwezi ujao nasikia dokumentari ambayo itakuwa inajibu maswali uliyoyauliza itaoneshwa kwenye Tamasha la Sinema za Uropa hapa Tanzania na pia itarushwa na M-Net Watu mbalimbali waliokuwa karibu na Mwalimu Nyerere watakuwa wakijibu maswali hayo ya msingi katika dokumentari hiyo. Kwa leo sina la ziada zaidi ya kukuwekea dondoo hizi kutoka kwenye moja ya mada nilizowahi kuziandika kuhusu zilizokuwa fikra sahihi, tena zilizopaswa kudumu, za Mwenyekiti wa kilichokuwa Chama pekee cha Kisiasa nchini:

...Ironically, in Tanzania Nyerere became our pioneering doubly conscious policymaker. It was Nyerere who resorted to cultural identity as a basis of his initial policies on development. Operating under the double consciousness cultural mode, he resorted to fuse traditional African ways of doing things with modern, primarily Euro-American, ways of doing things. But how far did he go in striking a balance between the two forms of consciousness?

...With the help of the notion of double consciousness we can also locate the emergence of Nyerere’s stance in his belief that the presidency could benignly blend and marshal traditional and modern resources to develop us. As Chachage (1986) notes, in 1956 Nyerere even confided to a Marknoll father that the British had romanticized the Maasai but they would have to develop like anybody else. He stressed that they have to fall in line and thus asserted that we had to build a strong presidency into the constitution of our country and yet somehow protect the individual. As Nyerere (1966) philosophical synthesis of the individual and society attests, he saw this inherent tension or conflict of interest between the individual and the society as a big problem.

Thus the Nyerere who formed the Ministry of Culture and Youth in 1962 and proclaimed it as his most important ministry was a president vested with so much discretionary powers. He was now the chief architect of development, both as a policymaker and implementer. Prior to his ascension to the presidency in the beginning of that year he had produced his 'Ujamaa – the Basis of African Socialism'. This became a blueprint of Tanzania’s development policies and programs.

As Nyerere (1962) disclaimer underscores, this blueprint set to examine African socialism as an attitude of the mind rather than define the institutions that could embody it in a modern society. The blueprint asserts that socialism is rooted in our African past i.e. in the traditional society which produced us. Its foundation and objective, the blueprint affirms, is the extended family. Applying this ‘traditional’ African way of life to the ‘modern’ settings, Nyerere (1962) stressed that, in its modern manifestation, African Socialism can draw from its traditional heritage the recognition of our African society as an extension of the basic family unit. However, ever beset by double consciousness, Nyerere went ahead to give primacy to modernity in his first President’s Inaugural Address towards the end of that year:

I say ‘transform’, for to build this country we have to make many changes. And in order to change it we must be willing to try what is new. It is useless to long for good things of today if we are not prepared to change the habits of the past which prevent our making use of the means to achieve those good things (Nyerere 1962: 183)

Clearly the good things of today referred to things Euro-American. No wonder he further asserted that we needed to change our old methods of cultivation and our old ways of living. Here he was referring to the use of a hand-hoe and the practice of living far apart from each other respectively. “If we want to develop”, he further appropriated the ‘there is no other alternative to developmentalism’ discourse of modernity, “we have no choice but to bring both our ways of living and our way of farming up to date” (Ibid). Thus we had to start using tractors. But in order to do so, the “first and absolutely essential thing” that had to be done was “to begin living in proper villages” (Ibid). Of course proper village primarily meant modern villages modelled on Euro-American modernity rather than the purported African way of life...

...The proclamation of the Arusha Declaration in 1967 marked a turning point in the Tanzanian policy landscape. The declaration explicitly systemized, institutionalized and thus reinvigorated the country’s ideology of socialism and self-reliance. It introduced anti-capitalist leadership qualifications and nationalistic measures of public ownership. It also “began a new series of deliberately socialist policy initiatives” (Nyerere 1968: 231). Thus, in that year Nyerere produced two key ‘post-Arusha’ policy directives: 'Education for Self Reliance' and 'Socialism and Rural Development'. These papers were to have significant impacts on the reconstruction of the Ministry responsible for culture. Interestingly, it is the latter that had an initial impact.

In Socialism and Rural Development, Nyerere (1967), reasserts and elaborates his earlier claims in 'Ujamaa – the Basis of African Socialism'. However, he infuses these claims with a strong modernist tone as he vacillates between the tradition and the modern. He starts by trumpeting three basic assumptions of traditional Ujamaa/Familyhood life namely mutual respect, joint sharing of production and work by all. Interestingly, he then offered a feminist as well as a developmentalist critique of the inadequacies of this traditional system.

According to Nyerere (1967), two basic factors prevented the traditional society from fully flowering. The first was the acceptance of one form of human inequality, that of women’s marginalization. The second was the failure to break away from poverty due to ignorance and a small scale of operations. Although he was careful enough to claim that there is nothing inherent in the traditional system that caused this poverty, the reasons fits with what Diagne Souleymane Bachir & Henri Ossebi (1996) call an elitist and discriminating vision of culture inherited from humanistic prototypes of European Rennaisance. This modernist discourse of civilization viewed Africans as backward and in dire need of enlightenment. The following observation aptly captures the origin of this elitist/ethnocentric discourse and its entrenchment in the African consciousness of the nationalists who seized power in the wake and aftermath of independence:

As nationalists, they professed to hold power in trust of the whole population. With ascension to power, the classes of the society began to divide themselves and the nationalists began to turn around upon their former allies, assuming an indifferent or hostile attitude against every class or organization which contradicted the ‘modernization’ goals, and concluded alliance with the colonial and bureaucratic interests…The new rulers proclaimed that they embodied the essence of equality, education, development and science and were waging war against ignorance, disease and poverty. The aspects of the struggles against the trio of enemies – poverty, disease and ignorance – in essence summed the assumptions of modernization/development and the general thinking of the educated in general: ‘poverty and ignorance are always linked in English and other European languages’ in which ignorance is taken to mean lack of knowledge and proper culture (Chachage 1986: 328)

Arguably, Nyerere who penned the two post-Arusha policy directives exhibited Eurocentric tendencies of this elite group, albeit in benevolent garbs. The thrust of his policy on rural development was to modernise tradition. To that modern end it aimed to combine the three principles of traditional Ujamaa life with the knowledge and the instruments necessary to defeat poverty that purportedly existed in that traditional setting. As the following statement from the directive attest, the primary reference point of this knowledge was Euro-America: “We must take our traditional, correct it shortcomings, and adapt to its service the things we can learn from the technologically developed of other continents” (Nyerere 1967: 4)...

... As the following quote from a policy booklet on rural development indicates, this is what our first president seems to have in mind before he allowed his bureaucratic developmental state to use, misuse and abuse its monopoly of political power to enforce development as modernity at any cultural cost:

The social customs of the people also vary to some extent. The Masai are traditionally a nomadic cattle people; their family structure, their religious beliefs, and other things, have been shaped by this fact. They are therefore somewhat different from the social beliefs and organization of, for example, the traditional agricultural Wanyakyusa. The steps which will be necessary to combine increased output with social equality may therefore vary; the important thing is that the methods adopted should not be incompatible with each other, and should each be appropriate for the attainment of the single goal in the particular circumstances (Nyerere 1967: 14).

That was Nyerere at his best. Our departure from this fairly balanced application of universal/global and particular/local approaches to culture and development is what still hinders sustainable development in Tanzania....

 

[Game Theory]

Mchungaji mbona umeshajijibu mwenyewe. Mawazo ya Mwalimu Nyerere ni matokeo ya kile ambacho Profesa Ali Mazrui anakiita 'Africa - A Triple Heritage', yaani 'Urithi wa Afrika Kutoka Sehemu Tatu' sehemu hizi ni Afrika-Asilia, Asia-Arabuni na Uropa-Amerika. Hivyo basi, ni sahihi kabisa kusema kuwa Mwalimu alichanganya madesa yote matatu ndio maana kale kajitabu kake kwa mwaka 1962 kanakoitwa 'Ujamaa - The Basis of African Socialism', yaani 'Ujamaa- Msingi wa Usoshalisti wa Kiafrika', kanaonesha mambo tuliyoyarithi katika jamii ya Kiafrika/Kitanzania yanavyoweza kutumia ufahamu/teknolojia kutoka kwenye nchi zilizoendelea ilikutuletea uzalishaji na maendeleo makubwa zaidi. Pia kila Mwalimu alipokuwa anaenda nje ya bara la Afrika alikuwa anaiga kitu fulani kutoka huko - Kuanzia kuchukua Maikarusi Kumbakumba kule Hangari, kujenga 'Folk Schools', yaani 'Shule za Watu', kama zile alizoziona kule Skandinavia, kudesa katiba ya Kiripabliki ya Kwame Nkrumah kule Ghana, kujenga Vijiji vya Ujamaa kama vile vya Stalin kule Urusi au Kibutzi vya kule Israel, Kuweka maranchi makubwa kama ya USA kule Umasaini tena kwa misaada ya USAID n.k.('nimechoka kufikiri').

Huyo ndio alikuwa Mwalimu Nyerere ambaye napenda kumuita 'mixed bag', yaani 'fuko lilibeba bidhaa anuwai', maana alikuwa anabeba madesa mengi tu hata yale yaliyokuwa yanajikanganya - huwa ananikumbusha sana ile methali ya 'wavu wa samaki' unaodaka kila kitu kuanzia samaki mpaka konokono. Mwezi ujao nasikia dokumentari ambayo itakuwa inajibu maswali uliyoyauliza itaoneshwa kwenye Tamasha la Sinema za Uropa hapa Tanzania na pia itarushwa na M-Net Watu mbalimbali waliokuwa karibu na Mwalimu Nyerere watakuwa wakijibu maswali hayo ya msingi katika dokumentari hiyo. Kwa leo sina la ziada zaidi ya kukuwekea dondoo hizi kutoka kwenye moja ya mada nilizowahi kuziandika kuhusu zilizokuwa fikra sahihi, tena zilizopaswa kudumu, za Mwenyekiti wa kilichokuwa Chama pekee cha Kisiasa nchini:

...Ironically, in Tanzania Nyerere became our pioneering doubly conscious policymaker. It was Nyerere who resorted to cultural identity as a basis of his initial policies on development. Operating under the double consciousness cultural mode, he resorted to fuse traditional African ways of doing things with modern, primarily Euro-American, ways of doing things. But how far did he go in striking a balance between the two forms of consciousness?

...With the help of the notion of double consciousness we can also locate the emergence of Nyerere’s stance in his belief that the presidency could benignly blend and marshal traditional and modern resources to develop us. As Chachage (1986) notes, in 1956 Nyerere even confided to a Marknoll father that the British had romanticized the Maasai but they would have to develop like anybody else. He stressed that they have to fall in line and thus asserted that we had to build a strong presidency into the constitution of our country and yet somehow protect the individual. As Nyerere (1966) philosophical synthesis of the individual and society attests, he saw this inherent tension or conflict of interest between the individual and the society as a big problem.

Thus the Nyerere who formed the Ministry of Culture and Youth in 1962 and proclaimed it as his most important ministry was a president vested with so much discretionary powers. He was now the chief architect of development, both as a policymaker and implementer. Prior to his ascension to the presidency in the beginning of that year he had produced his 'Ujamaa – the Basis of African Socialism'. This became a blueprint of Tanzania’s development policies and programs.

As Nyerere (1962) disclaimer underscores, this blueprint set to examine African socialism as an attitude of the mind rather than define the institutions that could embody it in a modern society. The blueprint asserts that socialism is rooted in our African past i.e. in the traditional society which produced us. Its foundation and objective, the blueprint affirms, is the extended family. Applying this ‘traditional’ African way of life to the ‘modern’ settings, Nyerere (1962) stressed that, in its modern manifestation, African Socialism can draw from its traditional heritage the recognition of our African society as an extension of the basic family unit. However, ever beset by double consciousness, Nyerere went ahead to give primacy to modernity in his first President’s Inaugural Address towards the end of that year:

I say ‘transform’, for to build this country we have to make many changes. And in order to change it we must be willing to try what is new. It is useless to long for good things of today if we are not prepared to change the habits of the past which prevent our making use of the means to achieve those good things (Nyerere 1962: 183)

Clearly the good things of today referred to things Euro-American. No wonder he further asserted that we needed to change our old methods of cultivation and our old ways of living. Here he was referring to the use of a hand-hoe and the practice of living far apart from each other respectively. “If we want to develop”, he further appropriated the ‘there is no other alternative to developmentalism’ discourse of modernity, “we have no choice but to bring both our ways of living and our way of farming up to date” (Ibid). Thus we had to start using tractors. But in order to do so, the “first and absolutely essential thing” that had to be done was “to begin living in proper villages” (Ibid). Of course proper village primarily meant modern villages modelled on Euro-American modernity rather than the purported African way of life...

...The proclamation of the Arusha Declaration in 1967 marked a turning point in the Tanzanian policy landscape. The declaration explicitly systemized, institutionalized and thus reinvigorated the country’s ideology of socialism and self-reliance. It introduced anti-capitalist leadership qualifications and nationalistic measures of public ownership. It also “began a new series of deliberately socialist policy initiatives” (Nyerere 1968: 231). Thus, in that year Nyerere produced two key ‘post-Arusha’ policy directives: 'Education for Self Reliance' and 'Socialism and Rural Development'. These papers were to have significant impacts on the reconstruction of the Ministry responsible for culture. Interestingly, it is the latter that had an initial impact.

In Socialism and Rural Development, Nyerere (1967), reasserts and elaborates his earlier claims in 'Ujamaa – the Basis of African Socialism'. However, he infuses these claims with a strong modernist tone as he vacillates between the tradition and the modern. He starts by trumpeting three basic assumptions of traditional Ujamaa/Familyhood life namely mutual respect, joint sharing of production and work by all. Interestingly, he then offered a feminist as well as a developmentalist critique of the inadequacies of this traditional system.

According to Nyerere (1967), two basic factors prevented the traditional society from fully flowering. The first was the acceptance of one form of human inequality, that of women’s marginalization. The second was the failure to break away from poverty due to ignorance and a small scale of operations. Although he was careful enough to claim that there is nothing inherent in the traditional system that caused this poverty, the reasons fits with what Diagne Souleymane Bachir & Henri Ossebi (1996) call an elitist and discriminating vision of culture inherited from humanistic prototypes of European Rennaisance. This modernist discourse of civilization viewed Africans as backward and in dire need of enlightenment. The following observation aptly captures the origin of this elitist/ethnocentric discourse and its entrenchment in the African consciousness of the nationalists who seized power in the wake and aftermath of independence:

As nationalists, they professed to hold power in trust of the whole population. With ascension to power, the classes of the society began to divide themselves and the nationalists began to turn around upon their former allies, assuming an indifferent or hostile attitude against every class or organization which contradicted the ‘modernization’ goals, and concluded alliance with the colonial and bureaucratic interests…The new rulers proclaimed that they embodied the essence of equality, education, development and science and were waging war against ignorance, disease and poverty. The aspects of the struggles against the trio of enemies – poverty, disease and ignorance – in essence summed the assumptions of modernization/development and the general thinking of the educated in general: ‘poverty and ignorance are always linked in English and other European languages’ in which ignorance is taken to mean lack of knowledge and proper culture (Chachage 1986: 328)

Arguably, Nyerere who penned the two post-Arusha policy directives exhibited Eurocentric tendencies of this elite group, albeit in benevolent garbs. The thrust of his policy on rural development was to modernise tradition. To that modern end it aimed to combine the three principles of traditional Ujamaa life with the knowledge and the instruments necessary to defeat poverty that purportedly existed in that traditional setting. As the following statement from the directive attest, the primary reference point of this knowledge was Euro-America: “We must take our traditional, correct it shortcomings, and adapt to its service the things we can learn from the technologically developed of other continents” (Nyerere 1967: 4)...

... As the following quote from a policy booklet on rural development indicates, this is what our first president seems to have in mind before he allowed his bureaucratic developmental state to use, misuse and abuse its monopoly of political power to enforce development as modernity at any cultural cost:

The social customs of the people also vary to some extent. The Masai are traditionally a nomadic cattle people; their family structure, their religious beliefs, and other things, have been shaped by this fact. They are therefore somewhat different from the social beliefs and organization of, for example, the traditional agricultural Wanyakyusa. The steps which will be necessary to combine increased output with social equality may therefore vary; the important thing is that the methods adopted should not be incompatible with each other, and should each be appropriate for the attainment of the single goal in the particular circumstances (Nyerere 1967: 14).

That was Nyerere at his best. Our departure from this fairly balanced application of universal/global and particular/local approaches to culture and development is what still hinders sustainable development in Tanzania....

Tunaomba source tafadhali

 

[Companero]

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Shivji, Issa G. (1986). Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania. Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania: Tanzania Publishing House

Shivji, Issa G. (1998). Contradictory Perspectives on Rights and Justice in the Context of Land Tenure. Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research & Writings. 4 (1 &2): 57-96

Shivji, Issa G. & Kapinga, Wilbert. B. (1998). Maasai Rights in Ngorongoro, Tanzania. HAKIARDHI, Dar-es-Salaam

Shivji, I. G. (2006). Let the People Speak: Tanzania Down the Road to Neo-Liberalism. Dakar, Senegal: CODESRIA.

Soyinka, Wole (1992). Culture, Memory and Development. In Ismail Serageldin & June Taborof (Eds.), Culture and Development in Africa, (pp. 201- 218). Washington, USA: The International Bank.

The Citizen (2008) English to take over as Teaching Medium: Govt. Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania: Mwanachi Publication

Wamba Dia Wamba, Ernest (1991). Some Remarks on Culture, Development and Revolution in Africa. Journal of Historical Sociology. 4 (3): 219-235

Wizara ya Elimu na Utamaduni (1997) Sera ya Utamaduni. Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania: Wizara ya Elimu na Utamaduni.

Wizara ya Utamaduni wa Taifa na Vijana (1979). Utamaduni Chombo cha Maendeleo. Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania: Wizara ya Utamaduni wa Taifa na Vijana.

Zeleza, Paul T. (1997) Manufacturing African Studies and Crises. Dakar, Senegal: CODESRIA

 

[Mtanzania]

Rev. Kishoka,

Soma Ujamaa Vijijini Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere. Kilitungwa 1962/63 kwahiyo ni wazi alikuwa na hayo mawazo siku nyingi kabla hata ya kutangaza Azimio la Arusha.

Pia lazima ujue movements za vijana miaka hiyo ilikuwa ni kuelekea kwenye Ujamaa.

Baadhi ya vichwa vya Labour UK walimuunga mkono Nyerere na wengine kuishia kuhamia TZ na kufanya kazi na Mwalimu muda wote akiwemo huyo mama aliyekuwa secretary wake ambaye aliacha kazi yake ya maana na kumuunga mkono Nyerere.

Binafsi naamini Mwalimu alikuwa influenced sana na Labour ya miaka ya 50/60 na akachanganya na culture za Kiafrika za kusaidiana enzi hizo.

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

do we need a new synthesis of Ujamaa theory in light of what is going on today in the economic world?

 

[Gagnija]

Mwalimu alikuwa influenced na Mahatma Gandhi akiwa bado chuoni.

 

[JokaKuu]

Maana ukiangalia Azimio la Arusha, pamoja na kuuzwa kuwa linapiga vita Ubepari, in fact linaruhusu ubepari na mfumo wa Kibepari kwa kiasi fulani hasa linaposema kuwa Viongozi wasiwe na zaidi ya hisa katika makampuni mawili!

..nafikiri azimio na sheria ya miiko ya viongozi ilikuwa inaelekeza kwamba viongozi wasiwe na mishahara miwili au kuwa na hisa ktk makampuni ya kibepari/binafsi.

 

[Mkandara]

Binafsi sidhani kama kuna mtu anayeweza kusema kwa uhakika Nyerere alipata wapi wazo la Ujamaa zaidi ya kwamba wakati huo somo kubwa lilikuwa ni kupambana na Ubepari ambao kwa kina ulikuwa ukilenga zaidi kutumia nchi maskini..

Sasa kama wewe ni mtu unayetaka mageuzi na hasa kuondokana na utumwa huo ni lazima uwe na mbinu ya kujikwamua ambayo kwanza itahitaji uwezo wako wewe kujitosheleza bila kumtegemea huyo tajiri..unajenga imani kwamba bila wewe huo Utajiri wake hauwezi kuwepo..toka hapo unaanza kujenga mbinu za kujikwamua na ni ktk kupitia elimu ndio unaweza kupata mbinu pingamizi..

Na kama tujuavyo Nyerere alikuwa mmoja kati ya wasomi wa Kiafrika wakati huo na nakumbuka zamani msomi yeyote aliweza kuwa msomi tu kwa kusoma vitabu vya kila aina. Ilikuwa ni moja ya show, umaarufu, celebrity na stunt zote zilichezwa kwa kusoma vitabu vya elimu tofauti na 70's ambapo vitabu vya crime fiction vilichukua nafasi na siku hizi vitabu vinavyouzwa zaidi ni hadithi za mapenzi..

Kwa hiyo siku hizi vijana wetu ni mahodari sana inapofikia swala la mapenzi, wanatoa stunts za Kamasutra kiasi kwamba sisi wazee inabidi tujiuliza hawa vijana elimu hiyo wameipata wapi?...Kwii... kwii.... kwii!

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

hivi hawa viongozi wa leo mawazo yao yanatoka wapi?

 

[Pundit]

Mwalimu alichanganya kanuni za ujima wa kiasili wa Afrika na Fabian Socialism alipokuwa Edinburgh (he admited to admiring a lot and even base his essays on women suffrage from another Fabian Socialist, John Stuart Mill, just to cite one example) , kama kuna vitu vilivyomuinfluence kimsingi kabisa ni hivi viwili, mengine, hata hao wachina et al, yalikuja baadaye.

 

[Nyani Ngabu]

Na matokeo yake ilikuwa disaster......

 

[Game Theory]

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Shivji, Issa G. (1986). Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania. Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania: Tanzania Publishing House

Shivji, Issa G. (1998). Contradictory Perspectives on Rights and Justice in the Context of Land Tenure. Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research & Writings. 4 (1 &2): 57-96

Shivji, Issa G. & Kapinga, Wilbert. B. (1998). Maasai Rights in Ngorongoro, Tanzania. HAKIARDHI, Dar-es-Salaam

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Soyinka, Wole (1992). Culture, Memory and Development. In Ismail Serageldin & June Taborof (Eds.), Culture and Development in Africa, (pp. 201- 218). Washington, USA: The International Bank.

The Citizen (2008) English to take over as Teaching Medium: Govt. Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania: Mwanachi Publication

Wamba Dia Wamba, Ernest (1991). Some Remarks on Culture, Development and Revolution in Africa. Journal of Historical Sociology. 4 (3): 219-235

Wizara ya Elimu na Utamaduni (1997) Sera ya Utamaduni. Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania: Wizara ya Elimu na Utamaduni.

Wizara ya Utamaduni wa Taifa na Vijana (1979). Utamaduni Chombo cha Maendeleo. Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania: Wizara ya Utamaduni wa Taifa na Vijana.

Zeleza, Paul T. (1997) Manufacturing African Studies and Crises. Dakar, Senegal: CODESRIA

Asante lakini mjomba hizi ni reference za hiyo SOURCE YAKO sasa tunaomba jina la Kitabu au thesis iliyoandikwa hapo juu...surely its not that diffcicult kutupatia jina la KITABU is it?

 

[Nyani Ngabu]

Asante lakini mjomba hizi ni reference za hiyo SOURCE YAKO sasa tunaomba jina la Kitabu au thesis iliyoandikwa hapo juu...surely its not that diffcicult kutupatia jina la KITABU is it?

And then what ukipewa jina la kitabu? or you just trying to play gotcha....

 

[Game Theory]

And then what ukipewa jina la kitabu? or you just trying to play gotcha....

La hasha...hii ni muhimu sana hapa kwa wana JF kwani demographics za members of recently zinaonyesha watu wako makini sana sasa huwezi kuleta paragraph ya kitabu bila kuleta reference...tena kazi yenyewe inaonekan clearly ni academic work ya mtu mwingine. Sasa mwandishi latela references za vitabu na articles zilizkuwa ndani ya kitabu lakini nashangaa hajaleta jina la kitabu sasa if that isnt plagiarism ni nini?

 

[WembeMkali]

do we need a new synthesis of Ujamaa theory in light of what is going on today in the economic world?

Yes we need it.It is obvious we cant compete in capitalism and free-market world.

Wembe.

 

[Jasusi]

La hasha...hii ni muhimu sana hapa kwa wana JF kwani demographics za members of recently zinaonyesha watu wako makini sana sasa huwezi kuleta paragraph ya kitabu bila kuleta reference...tena kazi yenyewe inaonekan clearly ni academic work ya mtu mwingine. Sasa mwandishi latela references za vitabu na articles zilizkuwa ndani ya kitabu lakini nashangaa hajaleta jina la kitabu sasa if that isnt plagiarism ni nini?

GT,
Nadhani kuna mahali Companero kasema kaiandika mwenyewe. Kama ni hivyo basi kama kaiandika mwenyewe accademically akishakupa source utajua who he is, au?

 

[Sam GM]

Pamoja na western influence alizopata Nyerere, socialism especially from china influenced Nyerere most. Rev Kishoka, to answer your simple question, short and clear there were plenty of ujamaa disagreents (Nyerere and some folks such as Kambona). The ujamaa disagreement was not enough reasons to sideline Kambona from Tanzania History in the making. The problem then and now is that our leaders do not disagree on issues objectively, a personality thing has to flare in between every disagreements. Now you have cause and effect there which leads to ones suffering or blunders that can not be corrected, to stand up agaist leaders is still viewed as a crime and a leader can get away with as much rubbish and crap as if the country is in slumber. Was Kingunge better than Kambona? did Nyerere had disagreements with kingunge just as much as with Kambona? what made the scenario different for Kingunge compared to Kambona? I do not have good sources to support this argument, however it seems like Nyerere, so it is believed, that he later had a change of heart, and instead of sidelinenig foes he sent them to kivukoni.

It still beats my understanding that you could have a full cabinet minister as "minister without potifolio" for really this is sick, insane and an insult to the administration institution. But still no body questioned then. and why would any one question any way? we still have along way to go. Visonary leaders are not born, they are not imported either, why do we lack them in bongolond? or even in Africa? Both Nyerere and Kambona were wrong. Nyerere was wrong that he didn't try to seek a second opinion to his Ujamaa idea, and Kambona was wrong for shutting up in London, Kambona would have been that person raising his voice to the top of his lungs days in and days out until Nyerere listened to him. At the end of the day Tanzania still clings to the ideas that do not seem to be going with time just like the ujamaa era and it is like nobody cares at all.

 

[Companero]

GT,
Nadhani kuna mahali Companero kasema kaiandika mwenyewe. Kama ni hivyo basi kama kaiandika mwenyewe accademically akishakupa source utajua who he is, au?

Naam, nimeiandika mwenyewe. Sina tatizo na wasifu wangu kujulikana. Kama kuna mtu anataka nakala ya hiyo mada anipe anuani ya barua pepe yake nami nitamtumia mara moja. Katiba yetu, katika Ibara ya 18, inasema kila mtu ana haki ya kupata taarifa muhimu kama hizi zinazohusu maendeleo ya jamii yetu.

 

[YNIM]

Na matokeo yake ilikuwa disaster......

Shabash.....!! kumbe unalijua hilo? haikuwa disaster, bali a fiasco!!. Alikosea sana kuigeuza nchi ka-rabbit kwenye laboratory yake ya mambo ya kufikirika!! angefanya control test kwanza, lakini yeye alikurupuka tu, mithili ya Dr. Evil, kabooom, mpaka leo ni chaos tupu.

asalam aleykum.