Mebeberu wana malengo na Tanzania? Waanza uzushi wa fujo baada ya JPM, CCM Kushinda. Wamzushia Magufuli ni dikteta. Kwanini tunanyamaza?

Pascal Mayalla

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Sep 22, 2008
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Wanabodi,

Kuhusu Uchaguzi Mkuu wetu na ushindi wa kishindo wa JPM na CCM, huko nyuma niliwahi kutoa angalizo hili muhimu la kiusalama
Security alert kwa Serikali yetu, tuwe makini sana na Marekani: Kuna kitu kinapangwa halafu wajifanye walionya kabla. Je, wanapanga Kutu-Libya?

Kabla ya hapo, mara kadhaa vyombo vya habari vya kimataifa vya mabeberu, vimekuwa vikiandika makala za uongo na uzushi kuhusu Tanzania zikiwemo kumsema vibaya rais wetu Magufuli ikiwemo kumsingizia kuwa ni dikiteta na anaiendesha Tanzania kidikiteta, na mara zote, uzushi huu huwa haukanushwi, hivyo unaendelea kurudiwa na kurudiwa tena na tena.
Udikiteta: Uongo Ukisemwa Sana na Kuachwa Bila Kukanushwa Hugeuka Ukweli!. Dawa ya Uongo ni Ukweli.

Uongo unaosemwa kumhusu Rais wetu Magufuli na nchi yetu Tanzania, usipuuzwe! Ukanushwe na ukweli usemwe!

Serikali yetu Kuitwa "Sinister" na "Authoritarian": Je, ni kweli? Kama si kweli, Tusiukubali Uongo huu, Tuukanushe!

Leo nimekutana na makala hii katika mtandao wa kibeberu wa WPR, ambayo iliandikwa October 8 na mwandishi Sofia Naimam, ikizungumzia uchaguzi Mkuu wa Tanzania, Mabeberu hawa, kati ya wagombea wote 16 wa urais wa Tanzania, wao wakaamua kumhoji mgombea mmoja tuu, Tundu Lissu, na akawaambia anakwenda kushinda urais wa Tanzania, na wao wakaamini, hivyo sasa wanaandika makala za kututisha kuwa Tundu Lissu asipotangazwa mshindi, Tanzania hapatakalika!.

Watu wengine waliohojiwa kwenye makala hii ni Zitto Kabwe, Robert Amsterdam, Fatma Karume, Balozi wa Marekani,
Thabit Jacob,

Ili mwandishi kubalance story yake, akaandika kuwa ameitafuta Ikulu yetu na Tume ya Uchaguzi NEC, wote wamegoma kutoa ushirikiano, swali la kujiuliza ni kwanini mabeberu hawa, wazushe kuhusu Tanzania halafu waitafute Ikulu yetu na NEC, wakati the right mtu wa kutafutwa ni Msemaji Mkuu wa Serikali, Dr. Hassan Abbas?!.

Kwavile mimi ni mwandishi wa habari, na mchambuzi wa habari, news analysis, nitawachambulia makala hii kwa kueleza ukweli ni wapi mwandishi kasema kweli, wapi kasema uongo na wapi kaandika uzushi kwenye makala hii katika mtandao huu wa vyombo vya habari vya kibeberu.

Haiwezekani kila siku mabeberu hawa kutuzushia mambo ya uongo na uzushi kuhusu Tanzania na rais wetu, na sisi tunanyamaza tuu na kuunyamazia uongo na uzushi huu, huku tunao waandishi Watanzania wazalendo wenye uwezo wa kuukanusha, tunakuwa hatulitendei haki taifa letu, hatuwatendei haki, Watanzania. Tena ningewaomba Dr. Abbas na timu yake, kuwa more proactive kuzungumza mazuri ya nchi yetu na sio kusubiri watu watunge uongo na uzushi kisha ndio sisi tuje kujibu kwa kuwa reactive, kama ule uzushi wa juzi kati wa BBC Swahili kuhusu madini yetu. Uongo na Upotoshaji huu wa BBC London kuhusu Tanzania kipindi hiki cha kampeni una maana gani? Sio mbinu za mabeberu? Wapi weledi wa ki-BBC?

Makala yenyewe ya uzushi ni hii, na chini ina wasifu wa jmwandishi, ila pia, mimi kama mwandishi, naomba pia nimtendee haki mwandishi wa makala hii, kwa kukiri, katika media zetu hapa Tanzania, tuna waandishi wachache sana wa kiwango hiki cha uandishi, na sina uhakika sana kama kwenye wasaidizi wa Dr. Abbas, anao watu wenye uwezo wa kupangua uzushi kama huu, japo namfahamu Dr.Abbasi yeye kama yeye anaweza, ila watu wake.

Kwa wale wenzangu na mimi, wa lugha yetu hii ya madafu, tuishie hapa, maana...

President John Magufuli hands in his nomination form to the chairman of the National Electoral Commission

President John Magufuli hands in his nomination form to the chairman of the National Electoral Commission, in Dodoma, Tanzania, Aug. 25, 2020 (AP photo).

Tanzania’s Opposition Fears Election Violence Because, Lissu Says, ‘We Are Winning’​

Sophie Neiman Thursday, Oct. 8, 2020

At a jubilant rally one recent evening in the town of Geita, in northwestern Tanzania, Tundu Lissu sang along to Bob Marley’s “One Love” as he looked out on the sun setting over a sea of cheering supporters. The opposition firebrand is running to replace incumbent President John Magufuli in a general election later this month; he has been on the campaign trail since late August, drawing massive crowds at each stop.

“Everywhere I’ve gone, I’ve looked people in the eye,” Lissu told World Politics Review in an interview. “Everywhere I’ve gone, people are so happy. It’s unbelievable, and it’s uplifting.” He returned home this summer after three years in exile, part of which was spent recovering after unidentified gunmen shot him 16 times in 2017, in what he suspects was an assassination attempt.

Last Friday, however, the National Electoral Commission suspended his campaign for seven days, accusing Lissu of using “seditious language” and violating election rules. It’s the latest blow to the opposition, with the Oct. 28 elections fast approaching.

Magufuli, of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party, appears determined to curtail his opponents’ ability to participate in a free and fair vote. Dozens of opposition hopefuls at the municipal and parliamentary level were disqualified from this year’s race by the National Electoral Commission in August, leaving the ruling party running unopposed in certain areas of the country.

“The harassment is continuous, it is meticulous, it is down to the smallest detail,” said Robert Amsterdam, a lawyer for Lissu, who also defends the popstar-turned-presidential-candidate Bobi Wine in Uganda.

Even campaign posters have been weaponized by the government, which recently enacted a new tax on posting promotional materials, making it too expensive for the opposition to print and share posters, placards and fliers. “A political party should not be subjected to paying taxes on posters,” said Zitto Kabwe, head of the opposition Alliance for Change and Transparency party, or ACT-Wazalendo. “Posters are a public service, where citizens get a chance to know the candidates.”

Kabwe’s party has not been spared in the recent crackdown. Three ACT-Wazalendo members were arrested last month, and while two have since been released, the party’s social media officer, Dotto Rangimoto, remains in police custody for allegedly committing cybercrimes. And according to Human Rights Watch, more than a dozen government critics have been arrested since mid-June.

Violence has also increased as elections draw closer. Police teargassed Lissu’s convoy as he traveled to a rally last week, firing chemicals into the crowd for some 15 minutes. And a disturbing video shared on social media shows people bleeding after apparently having been beaten with sticks in clashes with security forces.

Neither Magufuli’s office nor the electoral commission responded to emails from World Politics Review requesting comment on irregularities in the campaign process, and restrictions imposed on the opposition.

Undeterred by recent attacks, Lissu’s CHADEMA party and ACT-Wazalendo are currently in talks to unite behind Lissu ahead of Election Day. CHADEMA has already endorsed ACT-Wazalendo’s Seif Shariff Hamad, who is running for president of the semi-autonomous Zanzibar archipelago in a concurrent election. But authorities say these efforts could violate the rules. In a recent statement to the press, the deputy registrar for political parties, Sisty Nyahoza, said the law forbids political parties from forming coalitions this late in the election season.

With Lissu’s campaign on hold, and the opposition still negotiating about forging a united front, the next steps in this high-stakes vote are unclear. Some observers fear that a second term for Magufuli would further erode Tanzania’s democratic norms and institutions. Already, the speaker of the National Assembly, Chama Cha Mapinduzi’s Job Ndugai, has stated he will move to abolish presidential terms limits if Magufuli wins reelection.

“I grew up in a fairly peaceful country. I took that for granted. Every time you feel this possibly won’t get worse, it gets worse.”


Tanzania, once a beacon of stability and democratic aspirations in East Africa, has become increasingly autocratic since Magufuli was elected president in 2015.

Nicknamed “the bulldozer” during his days as the minister of public works, Magufuli won support among Tanzanians by promising to nationalize the country’s mining sector and spur infrastructure projects. As president, he has been ruthless in his suppression of dissent.

According to Thabit Jacob, a research fellow at Roskilde University in Denmark who studies politics and extractive industries in African states, Magufuli portrays support for his economic agenda as a key part of Tanzania’s national identity. “Anyone who is critical of his resource nationalism approach is seen as anti-state [and] not patriotic enough,” Jacob told WPR. The ruling party uses similar tactics to tar its critics, including journalists.

In June, the civil society organizations CIVICUS, based in Johannesburg, and DefendDefenders, headquartered in Kampala, made a joint statement at the United Nations Human Rights Council warning of an escalating clampdown on freedom of expression in Tanzania under Magufuli. Sylvia Mbataru, a researcher with CIVICUS, warned in an interview that the government’s legal actions against lawyers and activists means that “people begin to see them not as human rights actors, but as criminals who are just a pain to the government.”

The repressive environment also makes it difficult to hold the government accountable for its response to COVID-19. Since late April, Magufuli’s administration has not released any data about the spread of the coronavirus in Tanzania, maintaining that the country has rid itself of COVID-19 though prayer. It’s hard to challenge that official line for fear of retribution, and newspapers and television stations have been sanctioned for sharing warnings about the virus.

“I grew up in a fairly peaceful country,” said Mwanahamisi Singano, a Tanzanian women’s rights advocate. “I took that for granted,” she added. “Every time you feel this possibly won’t get worse, it gets worse.”

With fears of a rigged vote looming, U.S. Rep. Karen Bass, a Democrat from California, last week introduced a resolution in Congress calling for free and fair elections in Tanzania. “This is a critical moment in history and democratic backsliding must be called out wherever we see it,” she said in a statement. Sen. James Risch, an Idaho Republican who chairs the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, also condemned the suspension of Lissu’s campaign.

Washington’s newly appointed ambassador to Tanzania, Donald J. Wright, echoed these concerns on Twitter, urging all parties to commit to a free and fair election process. The U.S. Embassy in Dar es Salaam said it would “consider consequences” for those involved in election-related violence or “undermining the democratic process.”

Magufuli already promised transparency during a June speech to legislators, but recent events undermine the credibility of that vow. In addition to the barriers facing the opposition, multiple local NGOs, with a track record of monitoring elections, have also been barred from observing this year’s vote.

“To determine whether an election is free and fair, we don’t just wait until Oct. 28, when people have voted and we wait for the counting,” said Fatma Karume, a prominent lawyer who was recently sacked from her private practice job for political activism and subsequently disbarred. “We have to look at what’s happened throughout the process.”

CHADEMA leaders last weekend announced plans to challenge the electoral commission’s suspension order against Lissu in court. With media activity and polling restricted, it is difficult to gauge public opinion about the race, but Lissu is heartened by the support he has seen at his rallies. Still, there is ample cause for concern. On Tuesday, heavily armed police blocked Lissu’s car as he traveled to attend an internal meeting.

“I fear more police violence in the days and weeks ahead,” Lissu said. “The fear of violence in this election is much greater than in previous elections, and the reason is simple. We are winning. They know it and we know it.”

Sophie Neiman is a freelance reporter and photojournalist, covering politics, conflict and human rights in East and Central Africa. Her work has appeared in numerous outlets, including African Arguments, The Christian Science Monitor and The New Humanitarian.

Uchambuzi wangu, unafuatia, ili twende pamoja, nitaichambua para moja moja kwa kuonyesha ipi ni kweli, upi ni uongo na upi ni uzushi.
    1. The opposition firebrand is running to replace incumbent President John Magufuli in a general election later this month; he has been on the campaign trail since late August, drawing massive crowds at each stop- Hapa hawa mabeberu wanasema eti upinzani unakwenda kushinda uchaguzi huu, CCM inakwenda kushindwa na Magufuli, anawekwa kando, eti Tundu Lissu ndio anakwenda kushinda!. Kipimo pekee cha ushindi wa Upinzani wanachotumia mabeberu hawa, ni makundi ya watu wanamshangilia Tundu Lissu katika mikutano yake ya kampeni!. Swali la kujiuliza hapa,ni tangu lini umati wa kampeni ndio kigezo cha ushindi wa kura?. Uchaguzi wa 2015, mimi nilimshabikia Lowassa, amini nakuambia, katika mikutano yote ya Lissu, zijawahi kuona hata nusu tuu ya nyomi ya EL, na bao alipigwa chini!. Hili la nyomi, nililizungumza hapa Kama kipimo cha ushindi ni idadi ya watu, Lowassa ndiye rais wetu na hapa Elections 2015 - Hii 'Vox Populi' ni 'Vox Dei' Kuhusu 'Jiwe Walilolikataa Waashi'?
    2. “Everywhere I’ve gone, I’ve looked people in the eye,” Lissu told World Politics Review in an interview. “Everywhere I’ve gone, people are so happy. It’s unbelievable, and it’s uplifting.” He returned home this summer after three years in exile, part of which was spent recovering after unidentified gunmen shot him 16 times in 2017, in what he suspects was an assassination attempt. Hii ni kweli.
    3. Last Friday, however, the National Electoral Commission suspended his campaign for seven days, accusing Lissu of using “seditious language” and violating election rules. It’s the latest blow to the opposition, with the Oct. 28 elections fast approaching. Hii pia ni kweli
    4. Magufuli, of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party, appears determined to curtail his opponents’ ability to participate in a free and fair vote. Dozens of opposition hopefuls at the municipal and parliamentary level were disqualified from this year’s race by the National Electoral Commission in August, leaving the ruling party running unopposed in certain areas of the country. - Hapa kuna ukweli na uongo, ukweli wapinzani wamekatwa katika baadhi ya maeneo na kusababisha CCM ipite bila kupingwa katika baadhi ya majimbo na kata, uongo au uzushi, ni kumsingizia Magufuli kuwa ndie alitezuia wapinzania hao kukatwa hivyo uchaguzi hautakuwa free and fair, huu ni uzushi, hivi kweli ni Magufuli ndie ame ingineer wapinzani wakatwe au ni Tume ya uchaguzi?, kwanini wamuhusishe Magufuli na kukatwa kwa wapinzani?. Huu ni uzushi!.
    5. “The harassment is continuous, it is meticulous, it is down to the smallest detail,” said Robert Amsterdam, a lawyer for Lissu, who also defends the popstar-turned-presidential-candidate Bobi Wine in Uganda. -Hapa wanamhoji huyu jamaa!, na leo ndio nimejua kumbe mambo yake sio Tanzania tuu!.
    6. Even campaign posters have been weaponized by the government, which recently enacted a new tax on posting promotional materials, making it too expensive for the opposition to print and share posters, placards and fliers. “A political party should not be subjected to paying taxes on posters,” said Zitto Kabwe, head of the opposition Alliance for Change and Transparency party, or ACT-Wazalendo. “Posters are a public service, where citizens get a chance to know the candidates.”- Hapa kuna ukweli kutumia kodi ya babango kama fimbo ya kuwachapia wapinzani, kwa hili nakubali Zitto ana pointvery valid, ni ili serikali isionekaneinaipendelea CCM, lazima itangaze CCM imelipia kodi kiasi gani kutanfaza mabango yake nchi nzima,na kuonyesha ushahidi wa malipo ya mabango ya CCM.
    7. Kabwe’s party has not been spared in the recent crackdown. Three ACT-Wazalendo members were arrested last month, and while two have since been released, the party’s social media officer, Dotto Rangimoto, remains in police custody for allegedly committing cybercrimes. And according to Human Rights Watch, more than a dozen government critics have been arrested since mid-June. Hii ni kweli, ila maada ni sisi wenyewe tulipitisha cyber crime act, na ikawa sheria, mtu yoyote akikiuka sheria, sheria inafuata mkondo wake bila kujali chama chake!.
    8. Violence has also increased as elections draw closer. Police teargassed Lissu’s convoy as he traveled to a rally last week, firing chemicals into the crowd for some 15 minutes. And a disturbing video shared on social media shows people bleeding after apparently having been beaten with sticks in clashes with security forces. Hapa pia ni kweli, ila ili kuonyeshea dunia kuwa serikali yetu ni dhalimu, wakasema wananchi wameshambuliwa kwa kemikali, tangu lini tear gas ikaitwa ni kemikali?, japo ni kweli ina kemikali, lakini kwenye dilaha ukiita kemikeli, unamaanisha silaha za sumu, hivyo neno kemikali ni uzushi!
    9. Neither Magufuli’s office nor the electoral commission responded to emails from World Politics Review requesting comment on irregularities in the campaign process, and restrictions imposed on the opposition. Hapa kwanini hawakumtafuta Dr. Abasi ambaye ndiye msemaji wa serikali?. Ikulu na NEC did the right thing.
    10. Tanzania, once a beacon of stability and democratic aspirations in East Africa, has become increasingly autocratic since Magufuli was elected president in 2015.- Hapa ndipo wanapoanza kumsingizia rais Magufuli kuwa ni dikiteta, wanadai zamani Tanzania ndio ilikuwa nguzo ya amani, utulivu na ustawi wa demokrasia, lakini tangu baada ya rais Magufuli kuchaguliwa, eti sasa Tanzania inatawaliwa kidikiteta!. Huu sii uongo huu?, Tangu lini Tanzania hatuna stability?, Jee ni kweli nchi yetu inatawaliwa ki autocratic?. With Lissu’s campaign on hold, and the opposition still negotiating about forging a united front, the next steps in this high-stakes vote are unclear. Some observers fear that a second term for Magufuli would further erode Tanzania’s democratic norms and institutions. Already, the speaker of the National Assembly, Chama Cha Mapinduzi’s Job Ndugai, has stated he will move to abolish presidential terms limits if Magufuli wins reelection. Huu pia ni uzushi ule ule wa mabeberu, kuwa rais Magufuli, akishinda tena uchaguzi, atazidi kuminya demokrasia. Baada ya Bunge kuvunjwa, hakuna tena Spika wa Bunge, bali aliyepo ni aliyekuwa Spika wa Bunge, Mhe. Job Ndugai. The way walivyomtaji Spika, kwa watu wasiojua, it's as if Bunge bado lipo na Spika yupo, wakati ukweli ni kuwa Bunge likiisha vunjwa, hata kama Job Ndugai atagombea tena uspika, there is no guarantee ndiye atakuwa spika bunge lijalo!. Pia wamemzushia Ngugai kuwa ameisha anza mchakakato wa kubadili katiba kufuta kipengele cha ukomo wa vipindi viwili vya urais!, huu ni uongo mkubwa wa mchana kweupe!. Mchakato gani huo ulianza?!. Kama kuna yeyote anayejua kuanza kwa mchakato wowote wa kubadili katiba kufuta ukomo wa vipindi viwili?. How can he start wakati saa hizi bunge halipo and he is not even shure kuwa ataendelea kuwa Spika!. Huu ni uzushi na hawa ni wazushi!.
    11. Nicknamed “the bulldozer” during his days as the minister of public works, Magufuli won support among Tanzanians by promising to nationalize the country’s mining sector and spur infrastructure projects. As president, he has been ruthless in his suppression of dissent. - Hapa pia pana ukweli kidogo na uongo mwingi ukiwemo uongo wa hatari!. Ukweli ni rais Magufuli ameinua sekta ya ujenzi wa miondombini, . Kisha wakesema rais Magufuli aliahidi kuitafisha sekta yote ya madini!. Huu pia ni uongo mkubwa, tangu Magufuli ameingia madarakani, ni lini alisema atataifisha migodi?. Alichotaka rais Magufuli ni kwa Tanzania na sisi tufaidike na rasilimali madini, na kweli amebadili sheria, sasa kwenye kila mgodi, serikali inahisa asilimia 16% za bure za Watanzania. Hii statement kuwa rais Magufuli " has been ruthless in suppression of dissent" ni uongo wa hatari sana mabeberu hawa huutumia kutaka kuwadhibiti viongozi wanamapinduzi wa Africa au wasiyemtaka!, ndio iliyotumiwa kwa Ghadafi!. Kitendo cha uongo mkubwa kama huu na wa hatari sana, kumtuhumu rais Magufuli kuwa ni ruthless kwenye ku suppress wapinzani wake, by implication, mabeberu hawa, wanamaanisha, by implication hata kilichomtokea yule dissent, ni ruthlesness ya rais Magufuli!. The easiest way ku deal na hili ni kila media itakayotoa tuhuma serious kama hizi, serikali yetu izitake zithibitishe!. Tuhuma serious kama hizi zinapotolewa halafu sisi tunakaa kimya, ukimya huo utamaanisha ni kweli!
    12. According to Thabit Jacob, a research fellow at Roskilde University in Denmark who studies politics and extractive industries in African states, Magufuli portrays support for his economic agenda as a key part of Tanzania’s national identity. “Anyone who is critical of his resource nationalism approach is seen as anti-state [and] not patriotic enough,” Jacob told WPR. The ruling party uses similar tactics to tar its critics, including journalists. Huu pia ni uongo!. Hawa mabeberu, wamemtafuta tena Mtanzania yule yule aliyoko ughaibuni, ambaye ndie aliidanganya BBC, kuhusu mikataba miwili ya Barrick na kuhusu sheria mpya ya madini, ndio kawadanganya mabeberu hawa kuwa mtu yoyote ambaye ni critical wa Magufuli, atahesabika sio mzalendo!. Pia wameisingizia CCM kuwashughulikia waandishi critical!. Mimi ni mwandishi, very critical kuhusu mambo mengi ya rais Magufuli na niko ninaendelea na kazi kama kawaida.
    13. In June, the civil society organizations CIVICUS, based in Johannesburg, and DefendDefenders, headquartered in Kampala, made a joint statement at the United Nations Human Rights Council warning of an escalating clampdown on freedom of expression in Tanzania under Magufuli. Sylvia Mbataru, a researcher with CIVICUS, warned in an interview that the government’s legal actions against lawyers and activists means that “people begin to see them not as human rights actors, but as criminals who are just a pain to the government.”- Hapa kuna ukweli kidogo, Tangu rais Magufuli aingie madarakani, nikweli freedom of expression iko suppress kidogo somehow.
    14. The repressive environment also makes it difficult to hold the government accountable for its response to COVID-19. Since late April, Magufuli’s administration has not released any data about the spread of the coronavirus in Tanzania, maintaining that the country has rid itself of COVID-19 though prayer. It’s hard to challenge that official line for fear of retribution, and newspapers and television stations have been sanctioned for sharing warnings about the virus. -Hili la jinsi rais Magufuli alivyo deal na corona, bado kinawauma mabeberu hawa, hawaamini data zinazotolewa na serikali, walitamani miili izagae barabarani, sasa hakuna kabisa maambukizi, wanakasirika, wanataka watu wafe!. Hawa wanadai kuna magazeti na TV zimekuwa sanctioned kwa ajili ya kuripoti corona, hapa naomba nisiseme sana, maana mimi sijui, kama kuna yeyote anajua media zilizosakamwa kwa ajili ya corona, anijulishe, ila katika vita vya corona, Magufuli ni shujaa wa Afrika, shujaa wa dunia!
    15. “I grew up in a fairly peaceful country,” said Mwanahamisi Singano, a Tanzanian women’s rights advocate. “I took that for granted,” she added. “Every time you feel this possibly won’t get worse, it gets worse.”- Huu ni wasiwasi tuu wa Mwanamama huyu, Tanzania bado ni very peaceful country.
    16. With fears of a rigged vote looming, U.S. Rep. Karen Bass, a Democrat from California, last week introduced a resolution in Congress calling for free and fair elections in Tanzania. “This is a critical moment in history and democratic backsliding must be called out wherever we see it,” she said in a statement. Sen. James Risch, an Idaho Republican who chairs the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, also condemned the suspension of Lissu’s campaign. -Hawa mabeberu, kwanini wawaze mabaya kuhusu uchaguzi wetu?. Nani kasema kutatokea wizi wa kura?. Uchaguzi ni mambo ya ndani ya Tanzania, yanalihusu nini bunge la congress la Marekani hadi kupitisha azimio la kutaka uchaguzi mkuu wetu uwe huru na wa haki, rais Magufuli ameishaahidi uchaguzi mkuu huru na wa haki, sasa hilo azimio la congress la nini?.
    17. Washington’s newly appointed ambassador to Tanzania, Donald J. Wright, echoed these concerns on Twitter, urging all parties to commit to a free and fair election process. The U.S. Embassy in Dar es Salaam said it would “consider consequences” for those involved in election-related violence or “undermining the democratic process.” -Huyu balozi wa Marekani nae!, sasa anataka kumtisha nani?. Consequences gani watafanya?. Mbona hawaiingilii China?.
    18. Magufuli already promised transparency during a June speech to legislators, but recent events undermine the credibility of that vow. In addition to the barriers facing the opposition, multiple local NGOs, with a track record of monitoring elections, have also been barred from observing this year’s vote. -Hii ni kweli, tuliweka taratibu za wasimamizi wa uchaguzi na tukazitangaza na kutoa muda rasmi wa kuomba. Muda huo ukipita, basi.
    19. “To determine whether an election is free and fair, we don’t just wait until Oct. 28, when people have voted and we wait for the counting,” said Fatma Karume, a prominent lawyer who was recently sacked from her private practice job for political activism and subsequently disbarred. “We have to look at what’s happened throughout the process.”- Shangazi ameondolewa uwakili for professional misconduct na sio for political activism.
    20. CHADEMA leaders last weekend announced plans to challenge the electoral commission’s suspension order against Lissu in court. With media activity and polling restricted, it is difficult to gauge public opinion about the race, but Lissu is heartened by the support he has seen at his rallies. Still, there is ample cause for concern. On Tuesday, heavily armed police blocked Lissu’s car as he traveled to attend an internal meeting. Hii ni kweli.
    21. “I fear more police violence in the days and weeks ahead,” Lissu said. “The fear of violence in this election is much greater than in previous elections, and the reason is simple. We are winning. They know it and we know it.” - Hapa ndipo kwenye the bone of contention, Lissu anadai anashinda uchaguzi huu, wanajua anashinda na yeye mwenyewe anajua hivyo anahisi kutatokea vurugu zaidi kwenye uchaguzi huu kwasababu Lissu anaamini atashinda, kitu ambacho Lissu hasemi wala wanaoamini Lissu atashinda, hawasemi atashindia nini zaidi ya kuzungumzia umati wa watu. Kama uchaguzi huu ni mashindano ya nyomi, then Lissu amuulize Lowassa na kulinganisha nyomi za Lissu na zile za Lowassa, na kama Lissu atapata hata nusu tuu ya kura za Lowassa , nitaamini Watanzania sasa wameamka!.
    22. Sophie Neiman is a freelance reporter and photojournalist, covering politics, conflict and human rights in East and Central Africa. Her work has appeared in numerous outlets, including African Arguments, The Christian Science Monitor and The New Humanitarian. Pamoja na kutokubaliana na andiko hili kwa hoja zake za kibeberu, lakini as a journalist, huyu dada yuko vizuri kamili gado, she did her homework well tatizo ni mabeberu na ubeberu.
    23. Undeterred by recent attacks, Lissu’s CHADEMA party and ACT-Wazalendo are currently in talks to unite behind Lissu ahead of Election Day. CHADEMA has already endorsed ACT-Wazalendo’s Seif Shariff Hamad, who is running for president of the semi-autonomous Zanzibar archipelago in a concurrent election. But authorities say these efforts could violate the rules. In a recent statement to the press, the deputy registrar for political parties, Sisty Nyahoza, said the law forbids political parties from forming coalitions this late in the election season. -Hii ni kweli. lakini mimi kwa opinion yangu hii pia ni suppression of democracy, vyama viruhusiwe kuungana wakati wowote, ila naamini hakuna ubaya mfano Benard Membe akawaambia wafuasi wake kura zake wampe Lissu, hakuna kosa lolote kwenye hili kama TLP walivyoamua kura urais ni kwa Magufuli wa CCM.
    24. Kwa maoni yangu, tarehe 28 October, hawa mabeberu na vibaraka wao, walioaminishwa nani atashinda kwa kishindo kwasababu tuu ya umati wa watu, watapigwa na butwaa pale matokeo rasmi yatakapo tanyazwa kwa kutoamini macho na masikio yao mshindi wa ukweli atakapotangazwa na Tume yetu huru ya Uchaguzi baada ya Uchaguzi Mkuu Huru na wa Haki.
Karibuni
Paskali
 
Tunakushukuru kwa kutuletea makala hii nzuri na kukupongeza kwa kuisambaza ili watu wengi zaidi wapate nafasi kuisoma.

Kuhusu uchambuzi wako nafikiri ungekaa nao tuu maana kwa jinsi credibility yako ilivyo shuka hapa JF utakuwa unapoteza bure muda wako hawatashughulika nao huo uchambuzi
 
Tunakushukuru kwa kutuletea makala hii nzuri na kukupongeza kwa kuisambaza ili watu wengi zaidi wapate nafasi kuisoma.
Kuhusu uchambuzi wako nafikiri ungekaa nao tuu maana kwa jinsi credibility yako ilivyo shuka hapa JF utakuwa unapoteza bure muda wako hawatashughulika nao huo uchambuzi.
Jamaa kama vile hajasoma hata darasa moja anatumia tu uzoefu wa kuandika aliypyasikia.
 
Sitaki kuamini mabeberu walimpata Lissu na Zitto na hao wengine halafu wakashindwa kumpata Hassan Abbas, huyo msemaji atakuwa alinuna tu kisa katafutwa na mabeberu, haiwezekani mtu mwenye muda wa kutuambia jana kulikuwa na mechi ya Taifa Starz kama vile yeye ndie TFF ashindwe kuonana na hao mabeberu wenu wamuhoji.

Anyway, nasikia mabeberu watawapa mgao wa kwenye madini hivi karibuni najua siku hiyo jina litabadilika, mtawaita marafiki zenu.
 
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