Historia ya Uhuru isimuliwavyo na Mohammed Said yakosolewa

[Pascal Mayalla]

Kitu kimoja nilicho na hakika nacho kwa asilimia 100% ni kwamba wale wote wenye mapenzi ya kweli kwa taifa letu la Tanzania wanasita sana kuchangia hii hoja inayofinyangwafinyangwa na huyu anayejiita Mohamed Said. Bila kumung'unya maneno madai ya Mohamed Said kutoa elimu ya historia ya kweli ni porojo hatari iliyojaa uchochezi ambayo lengo lake hasa ni kuleta uhasama wa kidini miongoni mwa wananchi. Sijui anachotegemea kufaidika nacho kwa kupanda hii mbegu ya hatari ambayo nina hakika mtu kama Mohamed Said anajua fika madhara yake.!

...........
P

 

[Mohamed Said]

Kitu kimoja nilicho na hakika nacho kwa asilimia 100% ni kwamba wale wote wenye mapenzi ya kweli kwa taifa letu la Tanzania wanasita sana kuchangia hii hoja inayofinyangwafinyangwa na huyu anayejiita Mohamed Said. Bila kumung'unya maneno nayaita madai ya Mohamed Said la kutoa elimu ya historia ya kweli ni porojo hatari iliyojaa uchochezi ambayo lengo lake hasa ni kuleta uhasama wa kidini miongoni mwa wananchi. Sijui anachotegemea kufaidika nacho kwa kupanda hii mbegu ya hatari ambayo nina hakika mtu kama Mohamed Said anajua fika madhara yake.

Mohamed Said ni kama kipofu ambaye baada ya kusimuliwa na wazee kwamba tembo ni mnyama mkubwa kuliko wanyama wengi anapata nafasi ya kumpapasa tembo. Kwa bahati mbaya anaupapasa mguu wa tembo na si mwili wote halafu katika imani yake anadai anao uwezo wa kutoa somo kuhusu umbo la mnyama tembo na ushuhuda wake, kuwa tembo ni kama gogo la mti mkubwa, ndio ukweli na anayesema tofauti hajui kitu. Watu wote wanaolalamikiwa na Mohamed Said kuwa walisahauliwa, wengi wao walikuwa wakazi wa Dar es Salaam eneo la Gerezani.

Kabla ya uhuru Tanganyika iligawanywa katika majimbo makuu manane na katika majimbo yote hayo, jimbo la pwani kwa ujumla lilikuwa moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa nyuma kimaendeleo kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na hiyo ni licha ya kuwa makao makuu ya serikali ya kikoloni yalikuwa Dar es Salaam. TAA ilianzishwa na watumishi wa serikali (civil servants) na kwa wakati wote kazi kubwa ya TAA ilikuwa ni kulalamika ikidai haki ya wafanyakazi bila upendeleo na hasa ubaguzi wa rangi katila utumishi kubwa ukiwa uonevu dhidi ya wazawa, mtu mweusi.

Jimbo la Ziwa ni moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa mbele kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na kama kuna kitu kinaweza kudaiwa kuwa kilisahaulika katika harakati ya kupigania uhuru ni mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa (Bukoba, Mwanza, Mara na Shinyanga) Jimbo la Ziwa ndilo lililoongoza kwa idadi ya watu, idadi ya makabila, idadi ya mali asili na idadi ya machifu ambao nafasi yao ilikuwa kubwa tu katika kuhamasisha watu. Moja wa watu ambao mchango wao nitautaja kidogo tu ingawa alifanya jitihada kubwa labda zaidi ya wazee wa Mohamed Said ni Paul "Kishamapanda" Bomani.



Historia ya harakati za uhuru ni zaidi ya porojo za Mohamed Said, watu walipigania uhuru kama Watanganyika na bila kubaguana kikabila, kidini wala kijinsia. Ndio maana mimi sitaki kabisa kuwa na majibizano na huyu Mohamed Said moja kwa moja ila kwa kuwa hoja ileletwa JF, akae tayari kupewa somo kuhusu umbile zima la mnyama tembo na sio mguu moja wa tembo alioupapasa. Hapa mimi nitaongea sana kuhusu mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa na baadaye kuonyesha jinsi maadui wa nchi yetu wanavyowatumia kidini watu kama huyu Mohamed Said.



Baadaye nitaeleza jinsi Mkoa wa Mara yenye makabila karibu hamsini yalivyoweza kushirikiana bila mfarakano na kuitikia mwito wa Mwalimu Nyerere katika hizo harakati za kudai uhuru. Je mwamko wa wakazi wa jimbo la Ziwa ulikuwaje na mapokezi gani aliyapata kila wakati Mwalimu aliporudi kwenye hili jimbo ambalo idadi ya wakazi wake kwenye miaka ya 50s ilikuwa mara tatu ya majimbo mengi Tanganyika kama Pwani. Pia nitaonyesha ni wakati gani walianza kuyasikia hayo majina anayodai Mohamed Said ya wazee wa Gerezani Dar es Salaam !

Kitu kimoja nilicho na hakika nacho kwa asilimia 100% ni kwamba wale wote wenye mapenzi ya kweli kwa taifa letu la Tanzania wanasita sana kuchangia hii hoja inayofinyangwafinyangwa na huyu anayejiita Mohamed Said. Bila kumung'unya maneno nayaita madai ya Mohamed Said la kutoa elimu ya historia ya kweli ni porojo hatari iliyojaa uchochezi ambayo lengo lake hasa ni kuleta uhasama wa kidini miongoni mwa wananchi. Sijui anachotegemea kufaidika nacho kwa kupanda hii mbegu ya hatari ambayo nina hakika mtu kama Mohamed Said anajua fika madhara yake.

Mohamed Said ni kama kipofu ambaye baada ya kusimuliwa na wazee kwamba tembo ni mnyama mkubwa kuliko wanyama wengi anapata nafasi ya kumpapasa tembo. Kwa bahati mbaya anaupapasa mguu wa tembo na si mwili wote halafu katika imani yake anadai anao uwezo wa kutoa somo kuhusu umbo la mnyama tembo na ushuhuda wake, kuwa tembo ni kama gogo la mti mkubwa, ndio ukweli na anayesema tofauti hajui kitu. Watu wote wanaolalamikiwa na Mohamed Said kuwa walisahauliwa, wengi wao walikuwa wakazi wa Dar es Salaam eneo la Gerezani.

Kabla ya uhuru Tanganyika iligawanywa katika majimbo makuu manane na katika majimbo yote hayo, jimbo la pwani kwa ujumla lilikuwa moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa nyuma kimaendeleo kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na hiyo ni licha ya kuwa makao makuu ya serikali ya kikoloni yalikuwa Dar es Salaam. TAA ilianzishwa na watumishi wa serikali (civil servants) na kwa wakati wote kazi kubwa ya TAA ilikuwa ni kulalamika ikidai haki ya wafanyakazi bila upendeleo na hasa ubaguzi wa rangi katila utumishi kubwa ukiwa uonevu dhidi ya wazawa, mtu mweusi.

Jimbo la Ziwa ni moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa mbele kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na kama kuna kitu kinaweza kudaiwa kuwa kilisahaulika katika harakati ya kupigania uhuru ni mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa (Bukoba, Mwanza, Mara na Shinyanga) Jimbo la Ziwa ndilo lililoongoza kwa idadi ya watu, idadi ya makabila, idadi ya mali asili na idadi ya machifu ambao nafasi yao ilikuwa kubwa tu katika kuhamasisha watu. Moja wa watu ambao mchango wao nitautaja kidogo tu ingawa alifanya jitihada kubwa labda zaidi ya wazee wa Mohamed Said ni Paul "Kishamapanda" Bomani.



Historia ya harakati za uhuru ni zaidi ya porojo za Mohamed Said, watu walipigania uhuru kama Watanganyika na bila kubaguana kikabila, kidini wala kijinsia. Ndio maana mimi sitaki kabisa kuwa na majibizano na huyu Mohamed Said moja kwa moja ila kwa kuwa hoja ileletwa JF, akae tayari kupewa somo kuhusu umbile zima la mnyama tembo na sio mguu moja wa tembo alioupapasa. Hapa mimi nitaongea sana kuhusu mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa na baadaye kuonyesha jinsi maadui wa nchi yetu wanavyowatumia kidini watu kama huyu Mohamed Said.



Baadaye nitaeleza jinsi Mkoa wa Mara yenye makabila karibu hamsini yalivyoweza kushirikiana bila mfarakano na kuitikia mwito wa Mwalimu Nyerere katika hizo harakati za kudai uhuru. Je mwamko wa wakazi wa jimbo la Ziwa ulikuwaje na mapokezi gani aliyapata kila wakati Mwalimu aliporudi kwenye hili jimbo ambalo idadi ya wakazi wake kwenye miaka ya 50s ilikuwa mara tatu ya majimbo mengi Tanganyika kama Pwani. Pia nitaonyesha ni wakati gani walianza kuyasikia hayo majina anayodai Mohamed Said ya wazee wa Gerezani Dar es Salaam !

Pasco,
Jibu langu kwa Mag3 lilikuwa kama lilivyo hapo chini:

Mag3,
Ndugu yangu una tatizo moja. Hasira. Nakusihi tufanye mjadala wa heshima acha maneno ya hamaki kama ''huyu anayejiita Mohamed Said...''Nadhani unajua maana ya maneno hayo na nini yanaashiria. Mimi sijjiti Mohamed Said mimi jina hili ndilo nilopewa na wazazi wangu.

Kwanza ningependa unipatie kwa ukamilifu chanzo (source) cha hiyo historia iliyoandikwa kwa Kiingereza. Sasa nami nakupa niliyoandika mimi katika kitabu changu yaani mimi ndiyo chanzo cha historia hiyo ambayo naiweka hapo chini:

‘’It was about this time that Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership approached Chief Kidaha Makwaia and invited him to the leadership of the Association as president. Abdulwahid told Chief Kidaha that his assumption of the leadership of the African people through TAA would make him a pioneer of change in Tanganyika because all the other chiefs would follow him. Chief Kidaha was the favourite chief of the colonial government and did not, therefore, accept the invitation. In spite of the statement he had made demanding that African civil servants be allowed to participate freely in politics, which was probably why the TAA leadership invited him to lead the Association, Chief Kidaha believed in the system of chiefdoms and close cooperation with the British government through indirect rule. He was not the kind of person to jeopardize his position and that of his people by supporting TAA's radical nationalism. He only came to realise when it was too late that he had let pass his only chance of becoming president of Tanganyika's first open political party and probably of becoming the first Prime Minister when Tanganyika became independent in 1961.’’

‘’In the Lake Province in 1950s Mwanza was the most active TAA branch. Its leaders, a Manyema poet, Saadani Abdu Kandoro and Bhoke Munanka were in the black books of the colonial administration. Kandoro and Munanka were trying to give support to Ali Migeyo who single handedly was trying to establish TAA branches around Bukoba.

In Bukoba Migeyo, a senior politician then fifty-three years old, was single-handedly trying to establish TAA branches inWest Lake Province. He was once attacked with three tear gas canisters by the police at Kamachumu while addressing a public meeting campaigning for TAA. Migeyo was a fiery orator who could easily fire the passions of his audience. On that fateful day he was in Kamachumu preparing the groundwork for TANU and addressing the people, when the police came to disperse the crowd. Tear gas canisters were fired at the crowd and Migeyo was arrested. The colonial government tactically opened charges against Migeyo as an individual, not jointly charging him with TAA. Iliffe has captured the mood in the Lake Province:

''The danger-at the height of Mau Mau-was that the unsophisticated militants of the Lake Province might provoke disorder and thereby either break TAA's unity-carrying out a ‘green revolution' against established political leaders such as happened in Kenya, Senegal, and Sierra Leone-or embroil TAA in open confrontation with government, thereby enormously complicating the nationalist task.''

Dr Lugazia, hailing from Bukoba, had taken special interest to see that his home area was represented at the TANU founding conference. Dr Lugazia therefore took the initiative to send the draft constitution to TAA Bukoba branch. After the arrest of Migeyo, TAA in Bukoba was as good as dead. Nothing could rekindle the fire left behind by him. An important letter of invitation to Bukoba written by Dr Lugazia, enclosing the TANU constitution to be tabled at the forthcoming delegates conference in Dar es Salaam, did not receive any attention.

Felix Muganda reflecting the problem in Bukoba wrote to Nyerere to appraise him of the situation:’’I have called the whole executive leadership of the Buhaya to raise their morale so that they don't despair as a result of what has happened to Migeyo.'’]

The TAA leadership at the headquarters saw Migeyo's arrest as direct intimidation and harassment of its leaders, given the fact that the people had assembled peacefully for the meeting. The incident was a clear message from Governor Twining that the government was not ready to accept mass mobilisation of the people against the state. Abdulwahid got in touch with Seaton to represent Migeyo who was standing trial on criminal charges in Bukoba. The TAA Meru Land Case Committee which was touring the Lake Province at that time went to Bukoba to make on the spot assessment of the Kamachumu incident. Soon after, Abdulwahid, Nyerere and Rupia visited Migeyo's home village Bugandika in April, 1954.[4]On 14 th April, 1954 Migeyo was imprisoned for three years for holding a meeting without permit from the District Officer. When TANU was founded on 7 th July, 1954, Migeyo was at the notorious Butimba Prison in Mwanza serving his sentence.

See G. Mutahaba, Portrait of a Nationalist: The Life of Ali Migeyo, East African Publishing House, 1969, p. 21.

Iliffe, A Modern History...p. 510.
Felix Muganda to Julius Nyerere, 18 th August, 1954, TANU 10 CCM Archives.

Mutahaba, ibid. p. 21.

Mag3,
Nimekuwekea hapo juu historia ya baadhi ya wazalendo wa Lake Province na uhusiano wao
na wazee wangu wa Gerezani.Umelitumia neno ''porojo'' dhidi yangu mara kadhaa.
Naomba nikuulize bado unaamini hata baada ya kusoma hyo ''excerpts'' kutoka kitabu cha Sykes kuwa mimi naandika porojo? Si lazima unipe jibu hata ukibakia kimya kama ulivyobakia kimya katika ile ya kuniita mimi mtu wa ''kijiwe'' kwangu utakuwa umenipa jibu.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Kitu kimoja nilicho na hakika nacho kwa asilimia 100% ni kwamba wale wote wenye mapenzi ya kweli kwa taifa letu la Tanzania wanasita sana kuchangia hii hoja inayofinyangwafinyangwa na huyu anayejiita Mohamed Said. Bila kumung'unya maneno nayaita madai ya Mohamed Said la kutoa elimu ya historia ya kweli ni porojo hatari iliyojaa uchochezi ambayo lengo lake hasa ni kuleta uhasama wa kidini miongoni mwa wananchi. Sijui anachotegemea kufaidika nacho kwa kupanda hii mbegu ya hatari ambayo nina hakika mtu kama Mohamed Said anajua fika madhara yake.

Mohamed Said ni kama kipofu ambaye baada ya kusimuliwa na wazee kwamba tembo ni mnyama mkubwa kuliko wanyama wengi anapata nafasi ya kumpapasa tembo. Kwa bahati mbaya anaupapasa mguu wa tembo na si mwili wote halafu katika imani yake anadai anao uwezo wa kutoa somo kuhusu umbo la mnyama tembo na ushuhuda wake, kuwa tembo ni kama gogo la mti mkubwa, ndio ukweli na anayesema tofauti hajui kitu. Watu wote wanaolalamikiwa na Mohamed Said kuwa walisahauliwa, wengi wao walikuwa wakazi wa Dar es Salaam eneo la Gerezani.

Kabla ya uhuru Tanganyika iligawanywa katika majimbo makuu manane na katika majimbo yote hayo, jimbo la pwani kwa ujumla lilikuwa moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa nyuma kimaendeleo kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na hiyo ni licha ya kuwa makao makuu ya serikali ya kikoloni yalikuwa Dar es Salaam. TAA ilianzishwa na watumishi wa serikali (civil servants) na kwa wakati wote kazi kubwa ya TAA ilikuwa ni kulalamika ikidai haki ya wafanyakazi bila upendeleo na hasa ubaguzi wa rangi katila utumishi kubwa ukiwa uonevu dhidi ya wazawa, mtu mweusi.

Jimbo la Ziwa ni moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa mbele kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na kama kuna kitu kinaweza kudaiwa kuwa kilisahaulika katika harakati ya kupigania uhuru ni mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa (Bukoba, Mwanza, Mara na Shinyanga) Jimbo la Ziwa ndilo lililoongoza kwa idadi ya watu, idadi ya makabila, idadi ya mali asili na idadi ya machifu ambao nafasi yao ilikuwa kubwa tu katika kuhamasisha watu. Moja wa watu ambao mchango wao nitautaja kidogo tu ingawa alifanya jitihada kubwa labda zaidi ya wazee wa Mohamed Said ni Paul "Kishamapanda" Bomani.



Historia ya harakati za uhuru ni zaidi ya porojo za Mohamed Said, watu walipigania uhuru kama Watanganyika na bila kubaguana kikabila, kidini wala kijinsia. Ndio maana mimi sitaki kabisa kuwa na majibizano na huyu Mohamed Said moja kwa moja ila kwa kuwa hoja ileletwa JF, akae tayari kupewa somo kuhusu umbile zima la mnyama tembo na sio mguu moja wa tembo alioupapasa. Hapa mimi nitaongea sana kuhusu mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa na baadaye kuonyesha jinsi maadui wa nchi yetu wanavyowatumia kidini watu kama huyu Mohamed Said.



Baadaye nitaeleza jinsi Mkoa wa Mara yenye makabila karibu hamsini yalivyoweza kushirikiana bila mfarakano na kuitikia mwito wa Mwalimu Nyerere katika hizo harakati za kudai uhuru. Je mwamko wa wakazi wa jimbo la Ziwa ulikuwaje na mapokezi gani aliyapata kila wakati Mwalimu aliporudi kwenye hili jimbo ambalo idadi ya wakazi wake kwenye miaka ya 50s ilikuwa mara tatu ya majimbo mengi Tanganyika kama Pwani. Pia nitaonyesha ni wakati gani walianza kuyasikia hayo majina anayodai Mohamed Said ya wazee wa Gerezani Dar es Salaam !

***************************************************************************************************
Jibu la Mohamed Said zaidi ya mitano iliyopita

Pasco,
Jibu langu kwa Mag3 lilikuwa kama lilivyo hapo chini:

Mag3,
Ndugu yangu una tatizo moja. Hasira. Nakusihi tufanye mjadala wa heshima acha maneno ya hamaki kama ''huyu anayejiitaMohamed Said...''Nadhani unajua maana ya maneno hayo na nini yanaashiria. Mimi sijjiti Mohamed Said mimi jina hili ndilo nilopewa na wazazi wangu.

Kwanza ningependa unipatie kwa ukamilifu chanzo (source) cha hiyo historia iliyoandikwa kwa Kiingereza. Sasa nami nakupa niliyoandika mimi katika kitabu changu yaani mimi ndiyo chanzo cha historia hiyo ambayo naiweka hapo chini:

‘’It was about this time that Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership approached Chief Kidaha Makwaia and invited him to the leadership of the Association as president. Abdulwahid told Chief Kidaha that his assumption of the leadership of the African people through TAA would make him a pioneer of change in Tanganyika because all the other chiefs would follow him. Chief Kidaha was the favourite chief of the colonial government and did not, therefore, accept the invitation. In spite of the statement he had made demanding that African civil servants be allowed to participate freely in politics, which was probably why the TAA leadership invited him to lead the Association, Chief Kidaha believed in the system of chiefdoms and close cooperation with the British government through indirect rule. He was not the kind of person to jeopardize his position and that of his people by supporting TAA's radical nationalism. He only came to realise when it was too late that he had let pass his only chance of becoming president of Tanganyika's first open political party and probably of becoming the first Prime Minister when Tanganyika became independent in 1961.’’

‘’In the Lake Province in 1950s Mwanza was the most active TAA branch. Its leaders, a Manyema poet, Saadani Abdu Kandoro and Bhoke Munanka were in the black books of the colonial administration. Kandoro and Munanka were trying to give support to Ali Migeyo who single handedly was trying to establish TAA branches around Bukoba.

In Bukoba Migeyo, a senior politician then fifty-three years old, was single-handedly trying to establish TAA branches inWest Lake Province. He was once attacked with three tear gas canisters by the police at Kamachumu while addressing a public meeting campaigning for TAA. Migeyo was a fiery orator who could easily fire the passions of his audience. On that fateful day he was in Kamachumu preparing the groundwork for TANU and addressing the people, when the police came to disperse the crowd. Tear gas canisters were fired at the crowd and Migeyo was arrested. The colonial government tactically opened charges against Migeyo as an individual, not jointly charging him with TAA. Iliffe has captured the mood in the Lake Province:

''The danger-at the height of Mau Mau-was that the unsophisticated militants of the Lake Province might provoke disorder and thereby either break TAA's unity-carrying out a ‘green revolution' against established political leaders such as happened in Kenya, Senegal, and Sierra Leone-or embroil TAA in open confrontation with government, thereby enormously complicating the nationalist task.''

Dr Lugazia, hailing from Bukoba, had taken special interest to see that his home area was represented at the TANU founding conference. Dr Lugazia therefore took the initiative to send the draft constitution to TAA Bukoba branch. After the arrest of Migeyo, TAA in Bukoba was as good as dead. Nothing could rekindle the fire left behind by him. An important letter of invitation to Bukoba written by Dr Lugazia, enclosing the TANU constitution to be tabled at the forthcoming delegates conference in Dar es Salaam, did not receive any attention.

Felix Muganda reflecting the problem in Bukoba wrote to Nyerere to appraise him of the situation:’’I have called the whole executive leadership of the Buhaya to raise their morale so that they don't despair as a result of what has happened to Migeyo.'’]

The TAA leadership at the headquarters saw Migeyo's arrest as direct intimidation and harassment of its leaders, given the fact that the people had assembled peacefully for the meeting. The incident was a clear message from Governor Twining that the government was not ready to accept mass mobilisation of the people against the state. Abdulwahid got in touch with Seaton to represent Migeyo who was standing trial on criminal charges in Bukoba. The TAA Meru Land Case Committee which was touring the Lake Province at that time went to Bukoba to make on the spot assessment of the Kamachumu incident. Soon after, Abdulwahid, Nyerere and Rupia visited Migeyo's home village Bugandika in April, 1954.[4]On 14 th April, 1954 Migeyo was imprisoned for three years for holding a meeting without permit from the District Officer. When TANU was founded on 7 th July, 1954, Migeyo was at the notorious Butimba Prison in Mwanza serving his sentence.

See G. Mutahaba, Portrait of a Nationalist: The Life of Ali Migeyo, East African Publishing House, 1969, p. 21.

Iliffe, A Modern History...p. 510.
Felix Muganda to Julius Nyerere, 18 th August, 1954, TANU 10 CCM Archives.

Mutahaba, ibid. p. 21.

Mag3,
Nimekuwekea hapo juu historia ya baadhi ya wazalendo wa Lake Province na uhusiano wao
na wazee wangu wa Gerezani.Umelitumia neno ''porojo'' dhidi yangu mara kadhaa.
Naomba nikuulize bado unaamini hata baada ya kusoma hyo ''excerpts'' kutoka kitabu cha Sykes kuwa mimi naandika porojo? Si lazima unipe jibu hata ukibakia kimya kama ulivyobakia kimya katika ile ya kuniita mimi mtu wa ''kijiwe'' kwangu utakuwa umenipa jibu.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Pasco,
Jibu langu kwa Mag3 lilikuwa kama lilivyo hapo chini:

Mag3,
Ndugu yangu una tatizo moja. Hasira. Nakusihi tufanye mjadala wa heshima acha maneno ya hamaki kama ''huyu anayejiitaMohamed Said...''Nadhani unajua maana ya maneno hayo na nini yanaashiria. Mimi sijjiti Mohamed Said mimi jina hili ndilo nilopewa na wazazi wangu.

Kwanza ningependa unipatie kwa ukamilifu chanzo (source) cha hiyo historia iliyoandikwa kwa Kiingereza. Sasa nami nakupa niliyoandika mimi katika kitabu changu yaani mimi ndiyo chanzo cha historia hiyo ambayo naiweka hapo chini:

‘’It was about this time that Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership approached Chief Kidaha Makwaia and invited him to the leadership of the Association as president. Abdulwahid told Chief Kidaha that his assumption of the leadership of the African people through TAA would make him a pioneer of change in Tanganyika because all the other chiefs would follow him. Chief Kidaha was the favourite chief of the colonial government and did not, therefore, accept the invitation. In spite of the statement he had made demanding that African civil servants be allowed to participate freely in politics, which was probably why the TAA leadership invited him to lead the Association, Chief Kidaha believed in the system of chiefdoms and close cooperation with the British government through indirect rule. He was not the kind of person to jeopardize his position and that of his people by supporting TAA's radical nationalism. He only came to realise when it was too late that he had let pass his only chance of becoming president of Tanganyika's first open political party and probably of becoming the first Prime Minister when Tanganyika became independent in 1961.’’

‘’In the Lake Province in 1950s Mwanza was the most active TAA branch. Its leaders, a Manyema poet, Saadani Abdu Kandoro and Bhoke Munanka were in the black books of the colonial administration. Kandoro and Munanka were trying to give support to Ali Migeyo who single handedly was trying to establish TAA branches around Bukoba.

In Bukoba Migeyo, a senior politician then fifty-three years old, was single-handedly trying to establish TAA branches inWest Lake Province. He was once attacked with three tear gas canisters by the police at Kamachumu while addressing a public meeting campaigning for TAA. Migeyo was a fiery orator who could easily fire the passions of his audience. On that fateful day he was in Kamachumu preparing the groundwork for TANU and addressing the people, when the police came to disperse the crowd. Tear gas canisters were fired at the crowd and Migeyo was arrested. The colonial government tactically opened charges against Migeyo as an individual, not jointly charging him with TAA. Iliffe has captured the mood in the Lake Province:

''The danger-at the height of Mau Mau-was that the unsophisticated militants of the Lake Province might provoke disorder and thereby either break TAA's unity-carrying out a ‘green revolution' against established political leaders such as happened in Kenya, Senegal, and Sierra Leone-or embroil TAA in open confrontation with government, thereby enormously complicating the nationalist task.''

Dr Lugazia, hailing from Bukoba, had taken special interest to see that his home area was represented at the TANU founding conference. Dr Lugazia therefore took the initiative to send the draft constitution to TAA Bukoba branch. After the arrest of Migeyo, TAA in Bukoba was as good as dead. Nothing could rekindle the fire left behind by him. An important letter of invitation to Bukoba written by Dr Lugazia, enclosing the TANU constitution to be tabled at the forthcoming delegates conference in Dar es Salaam, did not receive any attention.

Felix Muganda reflecting the problem in Bukoba wrote to Nyerere to appraise him of the situation:’’I have called the whole executive leadership of the Buhaya to raise their morale so that they don't despair as a result of what has happened to Migeyo.'’]

The TAA leadership at the headquarters saw Migeyo's arrest as direct intimidation and harassment of its leaders, given the fact that the people had assembled peacefully for the meeting. The incident was a clear message from Governor Twining that the government was not ready to accept mass mobilisation of the people against the state. Abdulwahid got in touch with Seaton to represent Migeyo who was standing trial on criminal charges in Bukoba. The TAA Meru Land Case Committee which was touring the Lake Province at that time went to Bukoba to make on the spot assessment of the Kamachumu incident. Soon after, Abdulwahid, Nyerere and Rupia visited Migeyo's home village Bugandika in April, 1954.[4]On 14 th April, 1954 Migeyo was imprisoned for three years for holding a meeting without permit from the District Officer. When TANU was founded on 7 th July, 1954, Migeyo was at the notorious Butimba Prison in Mwanza serving his sentence.

See G. Mutahaba, Portrait of a Nationalist: The Life of Ali Migeyo, East African Publishing House, 1969, p. 21.

Iliffe, A Modern History...p. 510.
Felix Muganda to Julius Nyerere, 18 th August, 1954, TANU 10 CCM Archives.

Mutahaba, ibid. p. 21.

Mag3,
Nimekuwekea hapo juu historia ya baadhi ya wazalendo wa Lake Province na uhusiano wao
na wazee wangu wa Gerezani.Umelitumia neno ''porojo'' dhidi yangu mara kadhaa.
Naomba nikuulize bado unaamini hata baada ya kusoma hyo ''excerpts'' kutoka kitabu cha Sykes kuwa mimi naandika porojo? Si lazima unipe jibu hata ukibakia kimya kama ulivyobakia kimya katika ile ya kuniita mimi mtu wa ''kijiwe'' kwangu utakuwa umenipa jibu.

Kitu kimoja nilicho na hakika nacho kwa asilimia 100% ni kwamba wale wote wenye mapenzi ya kweli kwa taifa letu la Tanzania wanasita sana kuchangia hii hoja inayofinyangwafinyangwa na huyu anayejiita Mohamed Said. Bila kumung'unya maneno nayaita madai ya Mohamed Said la kutoa elimu ya historia ya kweli ni porojo hatari iliyojaa uchochezi ambayo lengo lake hasa ni kuleta uhasama wa kidini miongoni mwa wananchi. Sijui anachotegemea kufaidika nacho kwa kupanda hii mbegu ya hatari ambayo nina hakika mtu kama Mohamed Said anajua fika madhara yake.

Mohamed Said ni kama kipofu ambaye baada ya kusimuliwa na wazee kwamba tembo ni mnyama mkubwa kuliko wanyama wengi anapata nafasi ya kumpapasa tembo. Kwa bahati mbaya anaupapasa mguu wa tembo na si mwili wote halafu katika imani yake anadai anao uwezo wa kutoa somo kuhusu umbo la mnyama tembo na ushuhuda wake, kuwa tembo ni kama gogo la mti mkubwa, ndio ukweli na anayesema tofauti hajui kitu. Watu wote wanaolalamikiwa na Mohamed Said kuwa walisahauliwa, wengi wao walikuwa wakazi wa Dar es Salaam eneo la Gerezani.

Kabla ya uhuru Tanganyika iligawanywa katika majimbo makuu manane na katika majimbo yote hayo, jimbo la pwani kwa ujumla lilikuwa moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa nyuma kimaendeleo kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na hiyo ni licha ya kuwa makao makuu ya serikali ya kikoloni yalikuwa Dar es Salaam. TAA ilianzishwa na watumishi wa serikali (civil servants) na kwa wakati wote kazi kubwa ya TAA ilikuwa ni kulalamika ikidai haki ya wafanyakazi bila upendeleo na hasa ubaguzi wa rangi katila utumishi kubwa ukiwa uonevu dhidi ya wazawa, mtu mweusi.

Jimbo la Ziwa ni moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa mbele kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na kama kuna kitu kinaweza kudaiwa kuwa kilisahaulika katika harakati ya kupigania uhuru ni mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa (Bukoba, Mwanza, Mara na Shinyanga) Jimbo la Ziwa ndilo lililoongoza kwa idadi ya watu, idadi ya makabila, idadi ya mali asili na idadi ya machifu ambao nafasi yao ilikuwa kubwa tu katika kuhamasisha watu. Moja wa watu ambao mchango wao nitautaja kidogo tu ingawa alifanya jitihada kubwa labda zaidi ya wazee wa Mohamed Said ni Paul "Kishamapanda" Bomani.



Historia ya harakati za uhuru ni zaidi ya porojo za Mohamed Said, watu walipigania uhuru kama Watanganyika na bila kubaguana kikabila, kidini wala kijinsia. Ndio maana mimi sitaki kabisa kuwa na majibizano na huyu Mohamed Said moja kwa moja ila kwa kuwa hoja ileletwa JF, akae tayari kupewa somo kuhusu umbile zima la mnyama tembo na sio mguu moja wa tembo alioupapasa. Hapa mimi nitaongea sana kuhusu mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa na baadaye kuonyesha jinsi maadui wa nchi yetu wanavyowatumia kidini watu kama huyu Mohamed Said.



Baadaye nitaeleza jinsi Mkoa wa Mara yenye makabila karibu hamsini yalivyoweza kushirikiana bila mfarakano na kuitikia mwito wa Mwalimu Nyerere katika hizo harakati za kudai uhuru. Je mwamko wa wakazi wa jimbo la Ziwa ulikuwaje na mapokezi gani aliyapata kila wakati Mwalimu aliporudi kwenye hili jimbo ambalo idadi ya wakazi wake kwenye miaka ya 50s ilikuwa mara tatu ya majimbo mengi Tanganyika kama Pwani. Pia nitaonyesha ni wakati gani walianza kuyasikia hayo majina anayodai Mohamed Said ya wazee wa Gerezani Dar es Salaam !

 

[AlphaPii]

Naona kila wanapojaribu huwa wanashindwa hata pa kuanzia na wanaamuwa kuanza na matusi. Pole Sheikh Mohamed kwa kutusiwa bila sababu.

Halafu wamejaribu kufika mpaka Upare wakakumbana na TAA sasa waeleze hao wapare kwanini waliungana na TAA na waasisi wa TAA ni kina nani.

Naona wanakuja na hadithi zisizo na mpango wala kichwa wala miguu. Wasomi hao. Wanashangaza!

Nimefuatilia thread kwa muda mrefu ila nlipofika hapa nikaona niweke kambi kidogo.
Samahani kwa kunukuu post ya miaka 7 iliyopita dada yangu.
Hao waasisi wa TAA ni kina nani ukiondoa imani yao dini?

 

[Mbase1970]

Laah la la! Mkuu Mag3, ahsante sana umenikumbusha kisa kimoja. Unajua hilo la wanawake wa Kipare lilitokana na mambo kadhaa. Mwingereza aliweka kodi ya kichwa na wakati huo ilikuwa ni kubwa sana.
Wanaume wa Kipare wakalazimika kulala maporini ili wasikamatwe. Wake zao wakaungana na kuwatia ushujaa wa kupambana.

Wanaume woote( aliyebaki alikuwa mahututi) na wale vijana waliotoka jando wakaungana bila kujali dini zao au koo zao. Wakabeba mishale na mikuki na kuandamana kwa miguu kutoka upare milimani, zaidi ya KM 180 kwenda Boma la iliyokuwa makao makuu ya Pare, Same.

Maandamano yalikuwa ya amani lakini tayari kwa lolote lile. Mwingereza DC alipoona Boma limevamiwa akapiga simu kwa Gavana na kutoa amri ya kufuta kodi hio hapo hapo.

Wazee wakarudi mshaujaa. Hiyo inaitwa KODI YA MBIRU. Muulize mzee yoyote wa kipare mwenye 70+ atakueleza. Hili nimeelezwa na wazee wangu na wapo hai baadhi, kama kuna anayetaka ushaidi ahlan wahsalan, nitatoa nauli, malazi na chakula Tukawahoji wazee wangu.

Ndiyo maana wakati wa kupigania uhuru Nyerere alikubalika sana huko. Je hawa hawakuwa wapigania uhuru!
Na hao akina mama aliotaja Mag3 na kwingine huko, je si wapigania uhuru wa Tanganyika!

Kina mama waliona bora kufa kuliko fedheha

 

[Mbase1970]

Nimefuatilia thread kwa muda mrefu ila nlipofika hapa nikaona niweke kambi kidogo.
Samahani kwa kunukuu post ya miaka 7 iliyopita dada yangu.
Hao waasisi wa TAA ni kina nani ukiondoa imani yao dini?

Hilo sharti uliloliweka ni gumu sana kwa kina Faizafoxy na Mzee Said

 

[Mbase1970]

sasa hapo ndugu yangu ndio wengine tunapata tatizo kwa sababu si kwamba unataka kutusaidia kujua bali kutuchagulia unachotaka tujue. Miye swali langu kwa kweli ni genuine ili kuelewa lakini kuniambia hutaki kuniambia ili usije nitie dhiki ni kama unaona unataka kunikomoa na hivyo kuendeleza kitu cha "selective history" ambayo unatupatia. Nyerere hakuandika yaweza kabisa kuwa kweli lakini alikuwa na mchango gani katika uandishi wa hiyo katiba? Je huyo aliyeandika (ambaye humtaji) alimshirikisha Nyerere au kiongozi mwingine yeyote au alijifanyia mwenyewe hiyo kazi chumbani na kuwaletea wakaipitisha tu?

Mimi binafsi siujui umri wa huyu M Said labda ni wale wa wakati wetu wa miaka ya themanini walio lalamikia serikali kwamba wanakosa nafasi za elimu ya juu sababu ya waseminari na serikali kuzuia nafasi za kuingia form five kosa letu likiwa kufanya vizuri katika mitihani.

Matunda yake ni usomi kama wa kina Mohamed Said.

 

[Mbase1970]

Nooo. Mwandishi wa topic hii ni Mag3. C'mon, let's be honest

Hujamuelewa pia. Mag3 anajibu hoja za topic ya Mohammed Said. Na ka quote kabisa kila kipengele lakini yaonekana umvamia agenda ambayo huijui mwanzo wake. Wewe ni kama mtu uliyealikwa katika sherehe mtaa fulani ukapotea ukafika mtaani ukaona kuna mziki na watu wanakunywa pombe kapangusa makalio ukakaa chini bila kuuliza. Kumbe upo kwenye msiba wa wajaluo ama wanyakyusa.

 

[AlphaPii]

Hilo sharti uliloliweka ni gumu sana kwa kina Faizafoxy na Mzee Said

Hapana,inatubidi tujue ni nani alikuwa na jukumu la kudai uhuru wa Tanganyika.
Je,wapo waliodai uhuru sababu ya wao kuwa ni dini fulani?
Au wao walidai kama Watanganyika na leo tunawaclassify by their religion?

 

[Mazindu Msambule]

Hii sasa shule; yawezekana kumbe watu kama kina Paulo Kajiru walimtangulia Abdulwahid Sykes katika harakati za kupinga ukoloni Tanganyika. Sidhani kama mgogoro huu wa Upareni Bw. Said kaugusia kwenye kitabu chake maana Mgogoro wa Ardhi wa Meru inaonekana umekuja baadaye.

Huyu ndiye Mwanakijiji wa Enzi zile, sio mwanakijiji huyu wa sasa hivi.

 

[Pablo Blanco]

aisee

 

[GAS STATE]

Pwani ndio kulikuwa na hela hata gharama za kudai uhuru zilibebwa na watu wa pwani nyie wa ziwa hata maana ya uhuru mlikuwa hamjuwi sembuse kumiliki mali may be mifugo.
watu mkivaa magome tu muda wote hata huo uhuru mtadai vp. ukiangalia wajumbe wa TANU wote ni midume ya pwani huko ziwani akiwajuwa nani nyie kama sio sangara tu.

 

[masopakyindi]

Pwani ndio kulikuwa na hela hata gharama za kudai uhuru zilibebwa na watu wa pwani nyie wa ziwa hata maana ya uhuru mlikuwa hamjuwi sembuse kumiliki mali may be mifugo.
watu mkivaa magome tu muda wote hata huo uhuru mtadai vp. ukiangalia wajumbe wa TANU wote ni midume ya pwani huko ziwani akiwajuwa nani nyie kama sio sangara tu.

Kwani kina Chief Mkwawa, Meli, Songea walikuwa wala chapati?

 

[GAS STATE]

Kwani kina Chief Mkwawa, Meli, Songea walikuwa wala chapati?

hahahaaa eti wala chapati, pwani ndio tz ndugu wewe wa kolomije huko hata kiswahili hujuwi utamdai nani uhuru, hao unaowasema walikuwa hawataki mkoloni aingie ila wakashindwa watu wa pwani tukamtoa kiulaiiiini kama wananawa huku ikitumika akili kubwa kuliko mabavu. hakika mjini akili bush ziwani nguvu

 

[masopakyindi]

hahahaaa eti wala chapati, pwani ndio tz ndugu wewe wa kolomije huko hata kiswahili hujuwi utamdai nani uhuru, hao unaowasema walikuwa hawataki mkoloni aingie ila wakashindwa watu wa pwani tukamtoa kiulaiiiini kama wananawa huku ikitumika akili kubwa kuliko mabavu. hakika mjini akili bush ziwani nguvu

Endeleeni kula chapati na pilau, huku mnakuwa displaced miji yote ya pwani.
Na usisahau nani alienda UN kudai self rule kwa kiingereza tena cha kwao.

 

[GAS STATE]

Endeleeni kula chapati na pilau, huku mnakuwa displaced miji yote ya pwani.
Na usisahau nani alienda UN kudai self rule kwa kiingereza tena cha kwao.

umeishiwa bbabu we kama upo mkoani juwa uko bush tu UN tulimtuma Kambarage mwana wa Butiama ili kuendana na matakwa ya wakoloni. ikumbukwe yeye sio wa kwanza kwenda tulishawatuma wengine hapo awali.
kwenda pembeni ya mji hilo halina shida kwani mji unakuwa je huko kwenu kukoje mko vilevile tangu uhuru lahaullah usibishane na watanzania wewe bado upo tanganyika. KARIBU

 

[Mohamed Said]

...........
P

Pascal,
Mimi Mohamed Said ndilo jina nililopewa na wazazi wangu si kuwa najiita.

Kitabu cha Abdul Sykes kipo mwaka wa 20 na tumetoa matoleo matatu
tunakwenda toleo la nne.

Sijasikia popote kapigwa mtu kwa sababu ya kitabu cha historia ya wazee
wangu waliopigania uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Laiti ningelikuwa muhalifu ningekuwa siku nyingi nimeshashtakiwa.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Hapana,inatubidi tujue ni nani alikuwa na jukumu la kudai uhuru wa Tanganyika.
Je,wapo waliodai uhuru sababu ya wao kuwa ni dini fulani?
Au wao walidai kama Watanganyika na leo tunawaclassify by their religion?

Alpha,
Uislam usikutishe na zipo tafiti nyingi sana zimefanywa.
Hii ni field ya enquiry kama zilizvyo nyingine.

Watafiti wanatafuta kwa nini ilikuwa vile kwa nini isiwe hivi.

Wanataka kujua kwa nini Mufti wa Tanganyika Sheikh
Hassan bin Ameir alikuwa mjumbe katika TAA Political
Subcommittee?

Wanataka kujua kwa nini Kleist Sykes waasisi wa African
Association 1929 wakaja tena kuasisi Al Jamiatul Islamiyya
fi Tanganyika?

Kwa nini taasisi hizi mbili ndizo zilizotoa wanachana na viongozi
wa mwanzo wa TANU?

Wanataka kujua kwa nini historia hii inawatisha baadhi ya watu.
Ni haya tu wanataka kujua.

Kwani wewe maswali haya hayakupitikii akilini kwako?

 

[Mzizi wa Mbuyu]

Nimepitia hoja humu za kumuweka sawa MS!

Huyu binafsi namwona anagoja za kupotosha makusudi na mtu aliejaa hila! Maandiko yake yamejaa hila huwa Wigan alibi hata kusoma!