Historia ya Uhuru isimuliwavyo na Mohammed Said yakosolewa

nimependezwa sana na huu mjadala japo ulikua mwaka 2011, nakubaliana na ww kama wazee wa kiislam wangefanya harakat za uhuru kwa nafas ya nyerere, 2ngekua kama rwanda na burundi 2! 2ngekwisha.

Kwahiyo wale Wanyaruwanda na Warundi wote wale wameuwana kwa sababu ya viongozi wao wa Uislam kina Kagame hao na Nguruziza.

Stereotyping na ignorance ya makusudi ya kutokufanya uchunguzi wa mambo na Udini wako ndio unakisumbua sana.
 
Kitu kimoja nilicho na hakika nacho kwa asilimia 100% ni kwamba wale wote wenye mapenzi ya kweli kwa taifa letu la Tanzania wanasita sana kuchangia hii hoja inayofinyangwafinyangwa na huyu anayejiita Mohamed Said. Bila kumung'unya maneno nayaita madai ya Mohamed Said la kutoa elimu ya historia ya kweli ni porojo hatari iliyojaa uchochezi ambayo lengo lake hasa ni kuleta uhasama wa kidini miongoni mwa wananchi. Sijui anachotegemea kufaidika nacho kwa kupanda hii mbegu ya hatari ambayo nina hakika mtu kama Mohamed Said anajua fika madhara yake.

Mohamed Said ni kama kipofu ambaye baada ya kusimuliwa na wazee kwamba tembo ni mnyama mkubwa kuliko wanyama wengi anapata nafasi ya kumpapasa tembo. Kwa bahati mbaya anaupapasa mguu wa tembo na si mwili wote halafu katika imani yake anadai anao uwezo wa kutoa somo kuhusu umbo la mnyama tembo na ushuhuda wake, kuwa tembo ni kama gogo la mti mkubwa, ndio ukweli na anayesema tofauti hajui kitu. Watu wote wanaolalamikiwa na Mohamed Said kuwa walisahauliwa, wengi wao walikuwa wakazi wa Dar es Salaam eneo la Gerezani.

Kabla ya uhuru Tanganyika iligawanywa katika majimbo makuu manane na katika majimbo yote hayo, jimbo la pwani kwa ujumla lilikuwa moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa nyuma kimaendeleo kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na hiyo ni licha ya kuwa makao makuu ya serikali ya kikoloni yalikuwa Dar es Salaam. TAA ilianzishwa na watumishi wa serikali (civil servants) na kwa wakati wote kazi kubwa ya TAA ilikuwa ni kulalamika ikidai haki ya wafanyakazi bila upendeleo na hasa ubaguzi wa rangi katila utumishi kubwa ukiwa uonevu dhidi ya wazawa, mtu mweusi.

Jimbo la Ziwa ni moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa mbele kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na kama kuna kitu kinaweza kudaiwa kuwa kilisahaulika katika harakati ya kupigania uhuru ni mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa (Bukoba, Mwanza, Mara na Shinyanga) Jimbo la Ziwa ndilo lililoongoza kwa idadi ya watu, idadi ya makabila, idadi ya mali asili na idadi ya machifu ambao nafasi yao ilikuwa kubwa tu katika kuhamasisha watu. Moja wa watu ambao mchango wao nitautaja kidogo tu ingawa alifanya jitihada kubwa labda zaidi ya wazee wa Mohamed Said ni Paul "Kishamapanda" Bomani.



Historia ya harakati za uhuru ni zaidi ya porojo za Mohamed Said, watu walipigania uhuru kama Watanganyika na bila kubaguana kikabila, kidini wala kijinsia. Ndio maana mimi sitaki kabisa kuwa na majibizano na huyu Mohamed Said moja kwa moja ila kwa kuwa hoja ileletwa JF, akae tayari kupewa somo kuhusu umbile zima la mnyama tembo na sio mguu moja wa tembo alioupapasa. Hapa mimi nitaongea sana kuhusu mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa na baadaye kuonyesha jinsi maadui wa nchi yetu wanavyowatumia kidini watu kama huyu Mohamed Said.



Baadaye nitaeleza jinsi Mkoa wa Mara yenye makabila karibu hamsini yalivyoweza kushirikiana bila mfarakano na kuitikia mwito wa Mwalimu Nyerere katika hizo harakati za kudai uhuru. Je mwamko wa wakazi wa jimbo la Ziwa ulikuwaje na mapokezi gani aliyapata kila wakati Mwalimu aliporudi kwenye hili jimbo ambalo idadi ya wakazi wake kwenye miaka ya 50s ilikuwa mara tatu ya majimbo mengi Tanganyika kama Pwani. Pia nitaonyesha ni wakati gani walianza kuyasikia hayo majina anayodai Mohamed Said ya wazee wa Gerezani Dar es Salaam !

Mag3,
Ndugu yangu una tatizo moja.
Hasira.

Nakusihi tufanye mjadala wa heshima acha maneno ya hamaki kama
''huyu anayejiita Mohamed Said...''

Nadhani unajua maana ya maneno hayo na nini yanaashiria.
Mimi sijjiti Mohamed Said mimi jina hili ndilo nilopewa na wazazi
wangu.

Kwanza ningependa unipatie kwa ukamilifu chanzo (source) cha hiyo
historia iliyoandikwa kwa Kiingereza.

Sasa nami nakupa niliyoandika mimi katika kitabu changu yaani mimi
ndiyo chanzo cha historia hiyo ambayo naiweka hapo chini:

It was about this time that Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership approached Chief Kidaha Makwaia and invited him to the leadership of the Association as president. Abdulwahid told Chief Kidaha that his assumption of the leadership of the African people through TAA would make him a pioneer of change in Tanganyika because all the other chiefs would follow him. Chief Kidaha was the favourite chief of the colonial government and did not, therefore, accept the invitation. In spite of the statement he had made demanding that African civil servants be allowed to participate freely in politics, which was probably why the TAA leadership invited him to lead the Association, Chief Kidaha believed in the system of chiefdoms and close cooperation with the British government through indirect rule. He was not the kind of person to jeopardize his position and that of his people by supporting TAA's radical nationalism. He only came to realise when it was too late that he had let pass his only chance of becoming president of Tanganyika's first open political party and probably of becoming the first Prime Minister when Tanganyika became independent in 1961.
In the Lake Province in 1950s Mwanza was the most active TAA branch. Its leaders, a Manyema poet, Saadani Abdu Kandoro and Bhoke Munanka were in the black books of the colonial administration. Kandoro and Munanka were trying to give support to Ali Migeyo who single handedly was trying to establish TAA branches around Bukoba. [1]
In Bukoba Migeyo, a senior politician then fifty-three years old, was single-handedly trying to establish TAA branches in West Lake Province. He was once attacked with three tear gas canisters by the police at Kamachumu while addressing a public meeting campaigning for TAA. Migeyo was a fiery orator who could easily fire the passions of his audience. On that fateful day he was in Kamachumu preparing the groundwork for TANU and addressing the people, when the police came to disperse the crowd. Tear gas canisters were fired at the crowd and Migeyo was arrested. The colonial government tactically opened charges against Migeyo as an individual, not jointly charging him with TAA. Iliffe has captured the mood in the Lake Province:
''The danger-at the height of Mau Mau-was that the unsophisticated militants of the Lake Province might provoke disorder and thereby either break TAA's unity-carrying out a ‘green revolution' against established political leaders such as happened in Kenya, Senegal, and Sierra Leone-or embroil TAA in open confrontation with government, thereby enormously complicating the nationalist task.'' [2]
Dr Lugazia, hailing from Bukoba, had taken special interest to see that his home area was represented at the TANU founding conference. Dr Lugazia therefore took the initiative to send the draft constitution to TAA Bukoba branch. After the arrest of Migeyo, TAA in Bukoba was as good as dead. Nothing could rekindle the fire left behind by him. An important letter of invitation to Bukoba written by Dr Lugazia, enclosing the TANU constitution to be tabled at the forthcoming delegates conference in Dar es Salaam, did not receive any attention.
Felix Muganda reflecting the problem in Bukoba wrote to Nyerere to appraise him of the situation: ‘I have called the whole executive leadership of the Buhaya to raise their morale so that they don't despair as a result of what has happened to Migeyo.' [3]
The TAA leadership at the headquarters saw Migeyo's arrest as direct intimidation and harassment of its leaders, given the fact that the people had assembled peacefully for the meeting. The incident was a clear message from Governor Twining that the government was not ready to accept mass mobilisation of the people against the state. Abdulwahid got in touch with Seaton to represent Migeyo who was standing trial on criminal charges in Bukoba. The TAA Meru Land Case Commitee which was touring the Lake Province at that time went to Bukoba to make on the spot assessment of the Kamachumu incident. Soon after, Abdulwahid, Nyerere and Rupia visited Migeyo's home village Bugandika in April, 1954.[4] On 14 th April, 1954 Migeyo was imprisoned for three years for holding a meeting without permit from the District Officer. When TANU was founded on 7 th July, 1954, Migeyo was at the notorious Butimba Prison in Mwanza serving his sentence. [5]



[1] See G. Mutahaba, Portrait of a Nationalist: The Life of Ali Migeyo, East African Publishing House, 1969, p. 21.

[2] Iliffe, A Modern History...p. 510.


[3] Felix Muganda to Julius Nyerere, 18 th August, 1954, TANU 10 CCM Archives.

[4] Mutahaba, ibid. p. 21.

Mag3,
Nimekuwekea hapo juu historia ya baadhi ya wazalendo wa Lake Province na uhusiano wao
na wazee wangu wa Gerezani.

Umelitumia neno ''porojo'' dhidi yangu mara kadhaa.

Naomba nikuulize bado unaamini hata baada ya kusoma hyo ''excerpts'' kutoka kitabu cha Sykes
kuwa mimi naandika porojo?

Si lazima unipe jibu hata ukibakia kimya kama ulivyobakia kimya katika ile ya kuniita mimi mtu
wa ''kijiwe'' kwangu utakuwa umenipa jibu.
 
asanteni sana Mag3 kwakunirushia link hii hapa upotoshaji wa huyu mzee hakika mmeumaliza.

Remote,
Nadhani nilishakutahadharisha kuhusu kushangilia goli kabla mpira haujagusa wavu.
Soma jibu la Mag3.

Nakuomba msaidiane wewe na Mag3 na ongezeni watu 18 muwe 20 nyote muwe
dhidi yangu ili tufanye mnakasha wa maana.
 
Remote,
Nadhani nilishakutahadharisha kuhusu kushangilia goli kabla mpira haujagusa wavu.
Soma jibu la Mag3.

Nakuomba msaidiane wewe na Mag3 na ongezeni watu 18 muwe 20 nyote muwe
dhidi yangu ili tufanye mnakasha wa maana.

al akhiy MS.. mbona uongo umesasambuliwa wote
 
Gerezani hata kwa sasa ukipita unapaona kama pahala pa watu wavivu wasiofikiri. Pahala panapopatikana vipuri vya magari vya wizi. Hapafanani kama pameshawahi kuwa maskani pa wapigania uhuru
 
Gerezani hata kwa sasa ukipita unapaona kama pahala pa watu wavivu wasiofikiri. Pahala panapopatikana vipuri vya magari vya wizi. Hapafanani kama pameshawahi kuwa maskani pa wapigania uhuru

Wakusudia nini ama mwendelezo wa hekaya za Yericko Nyerere /kijana cha Mzee Msambila....!?
 
Last edited by a moderator:
Mag3,
Ndugu yangu una tatizo moja.
Hasira.

Nakusihi tufanye mjadala wa heshima acha maneno ya hamaki kama
''huyu anayejiita Mohamed Said...''

Nadhani unajua maana ya maneno hayo na nini yanaashiria.
Mimi sijjiti Mohamed Said mimi jina hili ndilo nilopewa na wazazi
wangu.

Kwanza ningependa unipatie kwa ukamilifu chanzo (source) cha hiyo
historia iliyoandikwa kwa Kiingereza.

Sasa nami nakupa niliyoandika mimi katika kitabu changu yaani mimi
ndiyo chanzo cha historia hiyo ambayo naiweka hapo chini:

It was about this time that Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership approached Chief Kidaha Makwaia and invited him to the leadership of the Association as president. Abdulwahid told Chief Kidaha that his assumption of the leadership of the African people through TAA would make him a pioneer of change in Tanganyika because all the other chiefs would follow him. Chief Kidaha was the favourite chief of the colonial government and did not, therefore, accept the invitation. In spite of the statement he had made demanding that African civil servants be allowed to participate freely in politics, which was probably why the TAA leadership invited him to lead the Association, Chief Kidaha believed in the system of chiefdoms and close cooperation with the British government through indirect rule. He was not the kind of person to jeopardize his position and that of his people by supporting TAA's radical nationalism. He only came to realise when it was too late that he had let pass his only chance of becoming president of Tanganyika's first open political party and probably of becoming the first Prime Minister when Tanganyika became independent in 1961.
In the Lake Province in 1950s Mwanza was the most active TAA branch. Its leaders, a Manyema poet, Saadani Abdu Kandoro and Bhoke Munanka were in the black books of the colonial administration. Kandoro and Munanka were trying to give support to Ali Migeyo who single handedly was trying to establish TAA branches around Bukoba. [1]
In Bukoba Migeyo, a senior politician then fifty-three years old, was single-handedly trying to establish TAA branches in West Lake Province. He was once attacked with three tear gas canisters by the police at Kamachumu while addressing a public meeting campaigning for TAA. Migeyo was a fiery orator who could easily fire the passions of his audience. On that fateful day he was in Kamachumu preparing the groundwork for TANU and addressing the people, when the police came to disperse the crowd. Tear gas canisters were fired at the crowd and Migeyo was arrested. The colonial government tactically opened charges against Migeyo as an individual, not jointly charging him with TAA. Iliffe has captured the mood in the Lake Province:
''The danger-at the height of Mau Mau-was that the unsophisticated militants of the Lake Province might provoke disorder and thereby either break TAA's unity-carrying out a ‘green revolution' against established political leaders such as happened in Kenya, Senegal, and Sierra Leone-or embroil TAA in open confrontation with government, thereby enormously complicating the nationalist task.'' [2]
Dr Lugazia, hailing from Bukoba, had taken special interest to see that his home area was represented at the TANU founding conference. Dr Lugazia therefore took the initiative to send the draft constitution to TAA Bukoba branch. After the arrest of Migeyo, TAA in Bukoba was as good as dead. Nothing could rekindle the fire left behind by him. An important letter of invitation to Bukoba written by Dr Lugazia, enclosing the TANU constitution to be tabled at the forthcoming delegates conference in Dar es Salaam, did not receive any attention.
Felix Muganda reflecting the problem in Bukoba wrote to Nyerere to appraise him of the situation: ‘I have called the whole executive leadership of the Buhaya to raise their morale so that they don't despair as a result of what has happened to Migeyo.' [3]
The TAA leadership at the headquarters saw Migeyo's arrest as direct intimidation and harassment of its leaders, given the fact that the people had assembled peacefully for the meeting. The incident was a clear message from Governor Twining that the government was not ready to accept mass mobilisation of the people against the state. Abdulwahid got in touch with Seaton to represent Migeyo who was standing trial on criminal charges in Bukoba. The TAA Meru Land Case Commitee which was touring the Lake Province at that time went to Bukoba to make on the spot assessment of the Kamachumu incident. Soon after, Abdulwahid, Nyerere and Rupia visited Migeyo's home village Bugandika in April, 1954.[4] On 14 th April, 1954 Migeyo was imprisoned for three years for holding a meeting without permit from the District Officer. When TANU was founded on 7 th July, 1954, Migeyo was at the notorious Butimba Prison in Mwanza serving his sentence. [5]



[1] See G. Mutahaba, Portrait of a Nationalist: The Life of Ali Migeyo, East African Publishing House, 1969, p. 21.

[2] Iliffe, A Modern History...p. 510.


[3] Felix Muganda to Julius Nyerere, 18 th August, 1954, TANU 10 CCM Archives.

[4] Mutahaba, ibid. p. 21.

Mag3,
Nimekuwekea hapo juu historia ya baadhi ya wazalendo wa Lake Province na uhusiano wao
na wazee wangu wa Gerezani.

Umelitumia neno ''porojo'' dhidi yangu mara kadhaa.

Naomba nikuulize bado unaamini hata baada ya kusoma hyo ''excerpts'' kutoka kitabu cha Sykes
kuwa mimi naandika porojo?

Si lazima unipe jibu hata ukibakia kimya kama ulivyobakia kimya katika ile ya kuniita mimi mtu
wa ''kijiwe'' kwangu utakuwa umenipa jibu.

Hapo hata mleta mada "kaingia mitini".

Hiyo ni "knockout" ya karne. Bado hajarudi.

"Knockout" hii imenikumbusha miaka ya 70 wakati najifundisha martial arts, Mwalimu wangu akipenda sana kutukumbusha, this is not boxing, do not knock them out, use your opponent strength as your weapon, if you knock them out you might kill them and our art is not for killing".

Nakuomba Al Alama Mohamed Said sitisha mbinu za boxing za Muhammad Ali, maana sasa huyu sijuwi knockout imemuuwa kabisa au yupo hai, maana hajarudi kwenye huu uzi wake toka ulipomchapa hiyo ngumi ya knockout.
 
"Knockout" hii imenikumbusha miaka ya 70 wakati najifundisha martial arts, Mwalimu wangu akipenda sana kutukumbusha, this is not boxing, do not knock them out, use your opponent strength as your weapon, if you knock them out you might kill them and our art is not for killing".

Bila shaka mafunzo hayo ulipata huko Torabora
 
Hapo hata mleta mada "kaingia mitini".

Hiyo ni "knockout" ya karne. Bado hajarudi.

"Knockout" hii imenikumbusha miaka ya 70 wakati najifundisha martial arts, Mwalimu wangu akipenda sana kutukumbusha, this is not boxing, do not knock them out, use your opponent strength as your weapon, if you knock them out you might kill them and our art is not for killing".

Nakuomba Al Alama Mohamed Said sitisha mbinu za boxing za Muhammad Ali, maana sasa huyu sijuwi knockout imemuuwa kabisa au yupo hai, maana hajarudi kwenye huu uzi wake toka ulipomchapa hiyo ngumi ya knockout.
Maalim Faiza,
Nimekusikia dada yangu.

Nikimpenda sana Ali na autobiography yake: ''Ali My Own Story,''
ni katika vitabu ninavyovipenda sana.

Umezungumza, ''knockout,'' niliyompiga yule jamaa ni sawa na
ile ya Ali aliyompiga Oscar Bonavena 1970.

Bonavena akimdhihaki Ali akimwita,''Chicken,'' yaani mwoga kwa
kugoma kwenda kupigana Vietnam.

Ali alimfunza Bonavena adabu ulingoni.
 
Maalim Faiza,
Nimekusikia dada yangu.

Nikimpenda sana Ali na autobiography yake: ''Ali My Own Story,''
ni katika vitabu ninavyovipenda sana.

Umezungumza, ''knockout,'' niliyompiga yule jamaa ni sawa na
ile ya Ali aliyompiga Oscar Bonavena 1970.

Bonavena akimdhihaki Ali akimwita,''Chicken,'' yaani mwoga kwa
kugoma kwenda kupigana Vietnam.

Ali alimfunza Bonavena adabu ulingoni.
Babu naona watekenyana na mjukuu wako Bi Faiza.
 
Babu naona watekenyana na mjukuu wako Bi Faiza.
Ng'wanangwa,
Maalim Faiza
ni mdogo wangu, dada yangu mdogo kwani
nawafahamu mashoga zake ambao takriban wote walikuwa
wadogo zangu.

Siwezi kuwa na mjukuu wa umri kama wake.
Mjukuu wangu wa kwanza ana miaka mitatu.

Hilo neno kwa utamaduni wetu halifai kutumika njia ulotumia wewe
kwani linageuka na kuwa tusi.

Lakini naamini umesema kwa kutofahamu.
 
Ng'wanangwa,
Faiza
ni mdogo wangu, dada yangu mdogo kwani nawafahamu
mashoga zake ambao takriban wote walikuwa wadogo zangu.

Siwezi kuwa na mjukuu wa umri kama wake.

Hilo neno kwa utamaduni wetu halifai kutumika njia ulotumia wewe
kwani linageuka na kuwa tusi.

Lakini naamini umesema kwa kutofahamu.

Hizo ndizo adabu wanazofundishwa majumbani mwao.
 

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