Dilunga Class Struggle wakati wa Nyerere hii hapa chini kwa mujibu wa wachambuzi wengine na sio kwa mujibu wa Shivji uliyemnyanyulia bango utadhani na wewe sio mlalahai kama yeye tena uliyejibanza kwenye hekalu la pembe za ndovu ukibofya lapitopi yako yenye mtandao 24/7:
...Since early 1970s, workers and other sections of the society had attempted to check these [state] abuses, but the government defeated them. The attempts were a consequence of the introduction of Party Guidelines (Mwongozo) in February 1971, a radical document which claimed to empower the people. There were 31 strikes and lock-outs from February to September in the same year. These were supposedly illegal strikes, since they were not sanctioned by NUTA General Council. These strikes were directed against corruption, commandism and abuses of the managers and bureaucrats. These abuses included the lifestyles and eating habits of those in management, grand parties, unnecessary trips and other extravagances. For the first time in the history of Tanzania, these were strikes that were not concerned with pay or remuneration. These strikes continued in 1972 and they were becoming almost a movement by 1973 when the government crushed a strike at the Sungura Textile Mill by dismissing workers. The climax of these strikes was between May and July 1973. This was when the 900 workers of the British-American Tobacco (which was 51% government owned) locked out the personnel manager. The case was taken to the Permanent Labour Tribunal, where the officer was accused of wasting company resources, and of favouring his tribesmen.
It was after the defeat of the workers that the Party (TANU) became supreme in 1975. With the Constitutional amendments in 1977, all mass organizations became party (CCM) affiliates, and NUTA replaced by Jumuiya ya Wafanyakazi wa Tanzania (JUWATA). Under these arrangements, the union was simply a department of the ruling party. This move had resulted into increased statization of society and the trade union in particular. As a consequence of this, the disjunction that had already been created by the mid-1970s between the formal political system and the social system was reinforced further by late 1970s. That was not the only time the state used force against those who opposed privileges and abuse of power: brutal force was used against a peaceful march of students on 5 March 1978. The students sought to oppose the government move raise salaries as much as 40% in most cases and introduce huge fringe benefits to ministers, senior party officials, and members of parliament, when it had been announced that the country was facing a crisis. This move by the government seemed to contradict the Arusha Declaration. After rounding and sending home 400 students, the government accused the students of having opposed ujamaa village managers and marching instead of accepting an invitation from the President. Leaflets were circulated after exposing the undemocratic nature of the state given the manner it had handled the students.
...The government and the party were increasingly coming under heavy criticisms by early 1980s. This was the beginning of the awakening of the people at grassroots level, marked by criticisms of the state, which aimed at restructuring and reshaping power relations between the state and the people. The quest was essentially for democratic rights against the monopolization of politics and decision-making by the state. The concept civil society in Tanzania was rediscovered around this time. The concept was meant to be an expression of human social will, and an agitation of decentralization of processes. Civil society connoted the emergence and consolidation of social and political movements and the whole question of empowering people. In some, the debate more or less raised the fundamental questions of how the society was organized. When a symposium to mark the centenary of Karl Marxs death was held at the University of Dar es Salaam in 1993, intellectuals took the occasion to sum up the experiences and critique the three decades of independence and nation building. They concluded that what was needed in Tanzania and Africa in general was broad democratization and resistance against imperialism, which sought to reinforce the exploitative relations through SAPs...." -
Source:
http://www.codesria.org/Links/conferences/papers/Chachage_Seithy_L_Chachage.pdf
Moshi kama dondoo hiyo hapo juu inavyoonesha, wanafunzi, wakulima, wafanyakazi n.k wamegawanyika kwenye matabaka ndio maana kuna wanafunzi walalahai, wanafunzi walalahoi na wanafunzi walalaheri. Mara nyingi walalahai hawashirikiani na walalahoi kupambana kitabaka na walalaheri maana, kwa mujibu wa Engels, tabaka la kati la walalahai huwa linatamani kufikia kiwango cha tabaka la kilalaheri na wakati mwingine hushirikiana nalo kukandamiza tabaka la walalahoi ili nao wazidi kufika juu kama walalaheri. Ila, kwa mujibu wa Ngugi na Fanon, wapo watu wa tabaka la kati la walalahai wenye 'social/class consciousness', yaani, wenye mwamko wa kifikra na kitabaka, ambao wanaamua kujiunga na tabaka la walalahoi ili kupambana na walalaheri kwa ajili ya kuleta chachu ya mapinduzi ya kijamii yatakayoleta usawa zaidi. Kwa mfano, wale wanafunzi walalahai walioamua kujiunga na wanafunzi walalahoi pale Chuo Kikuu mwaka jana waliamua ku 'commit class suicide' for the sake of 'solidarity forever' japo wao hali yao ingewaruhusu kusoma bila hata mkopo wa Mkono kama ambavyo wanafunzi walalaheri wana uwezo wa kusoma bila mkopo huo.