Kenyan-Tanzanian
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 7, 2006
- 302
- 2
Wakuu Mambo yanazidi kunoga hukuu sasa hata wapambe kutoka kwa jamii ya Kibaki wakisalimu amri kwamba ZUMANAMI iliomleta ZUMA madarakani huko USAUZI sasa inamleta RAILANAMI au Sunami ya RAILA huku KENYA. Ni wakati wa kihistoria leo Ikulu Nairobi jili hii ndio Ijumaa ya mwisho ya Kibaki na Serikali yake fisadi mamlakani....Nawaombeni wenzangu waheshimiwa JF mtuombee kila la kheri... Kenya ndio nchi ndugu zaidi ya Tanzania, Africa nzima...
Ahsanteni na someni hii kwa makini hii article ya kwetu.
http://www.canada.com/ottawacitizen/news/story.html?id=0b0074f3-e790-4c12-ad26-36b0b7ee1639&p=1
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'Kenya's Mandela' on his way to victory: At 62, Raila Odinga has a youthful buzz on his side...
By Tim Querengesser, The Ottawa Citizen
Published: Thursday, December 20, 2007
NAIROBI - When Lucy Kibaki slapped an official who introduced her as her husband's unmentionable mistress, Robert Gichira looked on in awe.
"The guy was on stage speaking at the microphone, so the slap echoed throughout the whole compound," says Mr. Gichira, a TV cameraman who captured the mêlée at Kenya's presidential residence last week, but was forced to erase his tape. "Everybody heard it."
If popular sentiment is reflected in the vote when Kenya goes to the polls next Thursday, poets might one day write Mrs. Kibaki's slap sounded like a hammer hitting a nail into the coffin of her husband, president Mwai Kibaki.
Despite steering Kenya clear of economic ruin since being elected in 2002, Mr. Kibaki's bid for a second term is faltering. Over five years, he has drifted from the face of change to being viewed as too close to the regime he replaced.
Polls peg his support between 36 and 43 per cent, behind Raila Odinga, with between 41 and 45 per cent.
Few trust the polls here, and what looks like a race to the finish isn't close, according to people on the street. Many see a youthful buzz surrounding Mr. Odinga, 62, and the comparative lack of energy around Mr. Kibaki, 76 -- who some whisper appears to have suffered a stroke.
Then there's that slap. It isn't the first Mrs. Kibaki has delivered in the presence of reporters. Mr. Gichira says Mr. Kibaki "winced" when it happened.
And there's the age question. More than 50 per cent of Kenya's estimated nine million eligible voters are under 40. Tribal identities that dictate who the older generation votes for are less decisive for the new one. Corruption, ethnic equality and reform are issues they want addressed.
"These will be the most intense elections ever," says Joshua Maina, a 29-year-old artist in Nairobi. "During president Moi and (Jomo) Kenyatta's time there was only one person. Now we have three and they're all fighting each other after ousting Moi."
Karuti Kanyinga, a political science professor at Nairobi University, says the divide between the two front-runners is based on which part of government should be changed.
"This election has become a theatre for competition between economic recovery and political reforms," he says. "People want reforms in both areas. Hence the difficulty for people to decide which one to pitch their tent in."
When Mr. Moi begrudgingly handed power to Mr. Kibaki after 24 years of kleptocratic rule, his car was pelted with mud. But five years after this revolution in all but name, there is still hunger for change, despite Kenya's history with long-lasting leadership.
Mr. Odinga has sold himself as the man for change. Son of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, a former vice-president with a strong socialist bent, he has a son named Fidel Castro, yet drives a Hummer, thanks to a fortune from his family's molasses company. For his role in an unsuccessful coup against Mr. Moi in 1982, he spent nine years in prison and exile before becoming an MP in 1992.
He's the country's closest thing to a freedom fighter and supporters have dubbed him "Kenya's Mandela." Critics, however, say he's rather light on ideas. But Mr. Odinga is popular with the youth and poor, both majorities in Kenya.
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The question is whether these supporters are simply entertained or truly behind him. "There's euphoria around Raila," says Mr. Maina.
"Many guys are looking to him as a fighter and people go to his rallies because he's going to say something funny. But though he might be having 20,000 at a rally, come the election, will people vote because he's leading the polls or because they believe he can do the job?"
Mr. Kibaki is Kenya's first president who can actually run on his track record. The economy is blossoming at nearly six per cent, roads left to crumble by Mr. Moi's regime are being rebuilt and the once-cowed press is now one of the world's freest.
Though many grumble that Mr. Kibaki has failed to remove the country's cancerous corruption as he promised in 2002, his biggest political error appears to be a continuation of patronage.
Most appointed to government positions have been from his tribe, the Kikuyu, which is the largest of Kenya's 42 tribes.
"He's planted Kikuyus all over the government," says Kennedy Omondi, a 22-year-old student from Kakamega. "We want fairness in the distribution of resources. We're all paying taxes. We're not against any particular tribe."
Mr. Odinga's Luo tribe -- the third largest -- appears to be the most enraged by the patronage. But he was once judged "unelectable" because of his tribal baggage.
The former 1997 presidential candidate isn't circumcised, a fact that's tastelessly spoken about in propaganda here. Circumcision is still viewed as a passage to manhood by most Kenyan tribes -- aside from the Luo, who have different rituals. Many elders consider Mr. Odinga a "boy."
Kimani Njogu, a political analyst in Nairobi, says the Luo community's unquestioning support for Mr. Odinga is also a concern. "My biggest worry is will I be able to criticize, or shall I be subject to a community dictatorship?"
That must be taken in context. With its sparking economy and decades of relative peace, Kenya is everything neighbours Somalia, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda are not.
A record 269 female candidates -- of 2,600 running nation-wide -- are vying for seats in the election.
At only 18 out of 210 seats, women made up an abysmal eight per cent of the last parliament, but that looks set to change.
Still, election campaigns here remain colourful, corrupt and somewhat violent. Before Mrs. Kibaki's slap, the government car of Raphael Wanjala, an MP, was discovered filled with machetes, bows, arrows and clubs. Mr. Wanjala was not in the car and no charges were laid.
At 83, Mr. Moi is now supporting Mr. Kibaki, which could be a cynical attempt to shelter himself from Mr. Odinga, who many think is out for revenge. And Mr. Odinga, himself a mix of Rodney Dangerfield and James Brown, has driven his Hummer into the country's largest slum, Kibera, to flaunt wealth -- and some residents say, to buy votes.
previous page 1 2 3 next page
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In fact, 60 per cent of the approximately $180 million spent during the campaign has been "dirty," and nearly 80 per cent of voters have been offered cash or gifts, according to a report by the Coalition for Accountable Political Financing.
"We do not have a democracy," the group's spokesman, Charles Otieno, told the Voice of America. "What we have here is a group of rich people buying their seat in parliament."
At least 20 people have died and thousands have been displaced by clashes in rural towns. In Kibera, Nairobi's largest slum, a 15-year-old boy was recently killed by supporters linked to Mr. Odinga, allegedly for wearing a Kibaki T-shirt. His funeral then became a pro-Kibaki rally.
Some have talked of revolt if Mr. Kibaki wins. "If there will be a war, it will be Kikuyus against the rest," says Mr. Omondi.
But Kenyans have long been adept at finding compromises despite their differences. "There's a feeling that now we need a Luo," says Mr. Maina. He's a Kikuyu who supports Mr. Kibaki, but appears ready for Mr. Odinga as president. "It's like a sort of power sharing."
© The Ottawa Citizen 2007
previous page 1 2 3
_____________________________________________________________________________________
Kibaki baki nyumbani, Raila awe Rais jamani.
Ahsanteni na someni hii kwa makini hii article ya kwetu.
http://www.canada.com/ottawacitizen/news/story.html?id=0b0074f3-e790-4c12-ad26-36b0b7ee1639&p=1
_____________________________________________________________________________________
'Kenya's Mandela' on his way to victory: At 62, Raila Odinga has a youthful buzz on his side...
By Tim Querengesser, The Ottawa Citizen
Published: Thursday, December 20, 2007
NAIROBI - When Lucy Kibaki slapped an official who introduced her as her husband's unmentionable mistress, Robert Gichira looked on in awe.
"The guy was on stage speaking at the microphone, so the slap echoed throughout the whole compound," says Mr. Gichira, a TV cameraman who captured the mêlée at Kenya's presidential residence last week, but was forced to erase his tape. "Everybody heard it."
If popular sentiment is reflected in the vote when Kenya goes to the polls next Thursday, poets might one day write Mrs. Kibaki's slap sounded like a hammer hitting a nail into the coffin of her husband, president Mwai Kibaki.
Despite steering Kenya clear of economic ruin since being elected in 2002, Mr. Kibaki's bid for a second term is faltering. Over five years, he has drifted from the face of change to being viewed as too close to the regime he replaced.
Polls peg his support between 36 and 43 per cent, behind Raila Odinga, with between 41 and 45 per cent.
Few trust the polls here, and what looks like a race to the finish isn't close, according to people on the street. Many see a youthful buzz surrounding Mr. Odinga, 62, and the comparative lack of energy around Mr. Kibaki, 76 -- who some whisper appears to have suffered a stroke.
Then there's that slap. It isn't the first Mrs. Kibaki has delivered in the presence of reporters. Mr. Gichira says Mr. Kibaki "winced" when it happened.
And there's the age question. More than 50 per cent of Kenya's estimated nine million eligible voters are under 40. Tribal identities that dictate who the older generation votes for are less decisive for the new one. Corruption, ethnic equality and reform are issues they want addressed.
"These will be the most intense elections ever," says Joshua Maina, a 29-year-old artist in Nairobi. "During president Moi and (Jomo) Kenyatta's time there was only one person. Now we have three and they're all fighting each other after ousting Moi."
Karuti Kanyinga, a political science professor at Nairobi University, says the divide between the two front-runners is based on which part of government should be changed.
"This election has become a theatre for competition between economic recovery and political reforms," he says. "People want reforms in both areas. Hence the difficulty for people to decide which one to pitch their tent in."
When Mr. Moi begrudgingly handed power to Mr. Kibaki after 24 years of kleptocratic rule, his car was pelted with mud. But five years after this revolution in all but name, there is still hunger for change, despite Kenya's history with long-lasting leadership.
Mr. Odinga has sold himself as the man for change. Son of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, a former vice-president with a strong socialist bent, he has a son named Fidel Castro, yet drives a Hummer, thanks to a fortune from his family's molasses company. For his role in an unsuccessful coup against Mr. Moi in 1982, he spent nine years in prison and exile before becoming an MP in 1992.
He's the country's closest thing to a freedom fighter and supporters have dubbed him "Kenya's Mandela." Critics, however, say he's rather light on ideas. But Mr. Odinga is popular with the youth and poor, both majorities in Kenya.
1 2 3 next page
_________
The question is whether these supporters are simply entertained or truly behind him. "There's euphoria around Raila," says Mr. Maina.
"Many guys are looking to him as a fighter and people go to his rallies because he's going to say something funny. But though he might be having 20,000 at a rally, come the election, will people vote because he's leading the polls or because they believe he can do the job?"
Mr. Kibaki is Kenya's first president who can actually run on his track record. The economy is blossoming at nearly six per cent, roads left to crumble by Mr. Moi's regime are being rebuilt and the once-cowed press is now one of the world's freest.
Though many grumble that Mr. Kibaki has failed to remove the country's cancerous corruption as he promised in 2002, his biggest political error appears to be a continuation of patronage.
Most appointed to government positions have been from his tribe, the Kikuyu, which is the largest of Kenya's 42 tribes.
"He's planted Kikuyus all over the government," says Kennedy Omondi, a 22-year-old student from Kakamega. "We want fairness in the distribution of resources. We're all paying taxes. We're not against any particular tribe."
Mr. Odinga's Luo tribe -- the third largest -- appears to be the most enraged by the patronage. But he was once judged "unelectable" because of his tribal baggage.
The former 1997 presidential candidate isn't circumcised, a fact that's tastelessly spoken about in propaganda here. Circumcision is still viewed as a passage to manhood by most Kenyan tribes -- aside from the Luo, who have different rituals. Many elders consider Mr. Odinga a "boy."
Kimani Njogu, a political analyst in Nairobi, says the Luo community's unquestioning support for Mr. Odinga is also a concern. "My biggest worry is will I be able to criticize, or shall I be subject to a community dictatorship?"
That must be taken in context. With its sparking economy and decades of relative peace, Kenya is everything neighbours Somalia, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda are not.
A record 269 female candidates -- of 2,600 running nation-wide -- are vying for seats in the election.
At only 18 out of 210 seats, women made up an abysmal eight per cent of the last parliament, but that looks set to change.
Still, election campaigns here remain colourful, corrupt and somewhat violent. Before Mrs. Kibaki's slap, the government car of Raphael Wanjala, an MP, was discovered filled with machetes, bows, arrows and clubs. Mr. Wanjala was not in the car and no charges were laid.
At 83, Mr. Moi is now supporting Mr. Kibaki, which could be a cynical attempt to shelter himself from Mr. Odinga, who many think is out for revenge. And Mr. Odinga, himself a mix of Rodney Dangerfield and James Brown, has driven his Hummer into the country's largest slum, Kibera, to flaunt wealth -- and some residents say, to buy votes.
previous page 1 2 3 next page
_____________
In fact, 60 per cent of the approximately $180 million spent during the campaign has been "dirty," and nearly 80 per cent of voters have been offered cash or gifts, according to a report by the Coalition for Accountable Political Financing.
"We do not have a democracy," the group's spokesman, Charles Otieno, told the Voice of America. "What we have here is a group of rich people buying their seat in parliament."
At least 20 people have died and thousands have been displaced by clashes in rural towns. In Kibera, Nairobi's largest slum, a 15-year-old boy was recently killed by supporters linked to Mr. Odinga, allegedly for wearing a Kibaki T-shirt. His funeral then became a pro-Kibaki rally.
Some have talked of revolt if Mr. Kibaki wins. "If there will be a war, it will be Kikuyus against the rest," says Mr. Omondi.
But Kenyans have long been adept at finding compromises despite their differences. "There's a feeling that now we need a Luo," says Mr. Maina. He's a Kikuyu who supports Mr. Kibaki, but appears ready for Mr. Odinga as president. "It's like a sort of power sharing."
© The Ottawa Citizen 2007
previous page 1 2 3
_____________________________________________________________________________________
Kibaki baki nyumbani, Raila awe Rais jamani.