Tumkumbuke Baba wa Taifa

Lucchese DeCavalcante

JF-Expert Member
Jan 10, 2009
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Julius Kambarage Nyerere
1922 to 1999
Roman Catholic Church
Tanzania




[SIZE=-1]Julius Kambarage Burito Nyerere was born in 1922 at Butiama village, Musoma, Tanzania. He was a Zanaki by tribe. His father was Chief Burito Nyerere and his mother was Mgaya Wanyang'ombe. His father died while Kambarage was still young. His mother who raised him died in 1997 at the ripe old age of almost 100. Kambarage, the name he was given at birth, means "the spirit which gives rain" in Zanaki because the day he was born a very heavy rain fell.

In 1934 he was admitted to Mwetenge Primary School in Musoma, Tanzania, a school that was about forty-two kilometers from his home. Nyerere was a brilliant and hard working student. He regularly scored the highest marks in the class and was the leading pupil in all examinations. He received the highest score in the country on the standard four examination. After that he undertook studies at Tabora Government School in 1937, graduating in 1942.

When he reached the age of twenty, he decided to join the Roman Catholic Church. For the occasion he was asked to take a baptismal name so he chose the name Julius. He was baptized on December 23, 1943 by Father Mathias Koenen.

After passing the examination at Tabora quite successfully, he was able to begin studies at Makerere University in 1945. At the university, Nyerere liked to talk about politics, especially the politics of liberation. He also preferred traditional African dances to western forms of dance. He disapproved of drinking alcohol. Some of his fellow students thought that Julius Nyerere might become a priest later on because of this.

After Makerere University Nyerere took a position as a teacher at Saint Mary's School, owned by the Roman Catholic Church in Tabora.

Nyerere received a scholarship to go to Edinburgh University in Scotland where he studied history, politics, and economics. In addition, in his spare time he studied Greek and Latin. In 1952, he was the first Tanzanian to be awarded a Masters degree. When he returned to Tanzania he was assigned to work at St. Francis School, Pugu.

Nyerere married Maria Gabriel Majige, a primary school teacher, on January 24, 1953. Father William Collins officiated at their wedding.

In 1954 he started to get involved in politics and joined the political party called Tanganyika African Association (TAA). On July 7, 1954 the name of the party was changed to Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). At this meeting Nyerere was elected the first president of TANU. The Roman Catholic leadership in charge of St. Francis School at Pugu where he was teaching asked him to choose between teaching at their school and his work in politics. Consequently he decided to resign his teaching position and pursue politics.

He traveled throughout the country campaigning for independence (Uhuru in Swahili), continuing on even in the face of numerous threats and obstacles from the colonial government. In 1958 he went in front of the United Nations Organization (UNO) to plea for the independence of Tanganyika which was then under the ordinance of the British Trusteeship Territory. On December 9, 1961, Tanzania received its independence and Nyerere became the first prime minister of Tanganyika. After a few months, he resigned from his position in order to strengthen the party and Rashid Mfaume Kawawa became prime minister. On December 9, 1962, Nyerere was elected the first president of the Republic of Tanganyika. When Tanganyika and Zanzibar united to form the United Republic of Tanzania on April 26, 1964, Nyerere became the first president of Tanzania.

He introduced the political ideology of socialism and self-reliance so "that people…could live together and develop in dignity and freedom, receiving the full benefits of their cooperative endeavors." (Man and Development, p. 37)

Even as a politician, Nyerere practiced his Christian faith openly in concrete ways. First, he was a very devoted member of the Roman Catholic Church. When at home he went to early Morning Prayer everyday from 6.00 to 7.00 a.m. at St. Joseph's congregation, Dar es Salaam. Also, instead of fancy titles, he preferred to be called Mwalimu which means "teacher" in Swahili. Secondly, for the sake of religious tolerance he helped to formulate the religious articles in the constitution of the government of Tanzania and endorsed them in the 1960s. These articles, which are still used at the present time, mainly focus on the right to freedom of religion. The article on freedom of religion was re-incorporated in 1984, 1992, 1995, and 1997. Thirdly, Nyerere made many efforts to cultivate mutual relationships with religious leaders.

Fourthly, whenever he was invited to participate in church functions, he challenged churches to strive to fulfill their calling. Nyerere was a committed and professing Christian and church member and, as a result, he felt it was his responsibility as a politician to challenge the church to remember her responsibility to society. In one of the speeches he gave at the Maryknoll Sister's Conference in New York on October 16, 1970 (quoted from Man and Development, p. 48), he emphasized the church's role in society in these words:
Poverty is not the real problem of the modern world. For we have the knowledge and resources which could enable us to overcome poverty. The real problem--the thing which causes misery, wars, and hatred among men--is the division of mankind into rich and poor. We can see this division at two levels. Within nation states there are a few individuals who have great wealth and whose wealth gives them great power, but the vast majority of the people suffer from varying degrees of poverty and deprivation. Even in a country like the United States of America, this division can be seen. In countries like India, Portugal, or Brazil, the contrast between the wealth of a few privileged individuals and the dire poverty of the masses is a crying scandal.​
Again, speaking on the unfair distribution of the world's resources, Nyerere stated:
…There are few wealthy nations that dominate the whole world economically--and therefore politically--and a mass of smaller and poor nations whose destiny, it appears, is to be dominated. The significance about this division between the rich and the poor is not simply that one man has more food than he can eat, more clothes than he can wear and more houses than he can live in, while others are hungry, unclad, and homeless. The significant thing about the division between rich and poor nations is not simply that one has the resources to provide comfort for all its citizens, and the other cannot provide basic services. The reality and depth of the problem arises because the man who is rich has the power over the lives of those who are poor, and the rich nation has power over the nations which are not rich. So the rich get richer and more powerful, while the poor get relatively poorer and less able to control their own future.​
What is the role of the church in such situations? Nyerere calls the church to recognize the need for a social revolution, and to play a leading role in it, "for it is the fact of history, that almost all successful social revolutions which have taken place in the world have been led by people who were themselves beneficiaries under the system they sought to replace" (Man and Development, p.98). He continues to say that,
(…) the church should join with these nations [Scandinavian countries and Canada] and if possible help to increase their number….Only by activities in these fields can the church justify its relevance in the modern world. For the purpose of the church is Man-- his human dignity and his right to develop himself in freedom. For all human institutions including the church, are established in order to serve man And it is the institution of the church, through its members which should be leading to attack on any organization, or any economic, social, or political structure which oppresses men, and which denies to them the right and power to live as the sons of a loving God.​
Finally, Nyerere concludes his speech to the Maryknoll Sisters by quoting from the Encyclical letter of His Holiness Pope Paul VI on the development of people, "If someone who has riches of this earth sees his brother in need and closes his heart to him, how does the love of God abide in him?" The pope then quoted St. Ambrose, "You are not making a gift of possessions to the poor person, you are handing over to him what is his." Later Nyerere quotes the letter again, saying, "To wage war on misery and struggle against injustice is to promote, along with improved conditions, the human and spiritual progress of all men, and therefore the common good of humanity. Peace cannot be limited to a mere absence of war; it is the result of an ever-precarious balance of forces. No, peace is something that is built up day after day, in the pursuit of an order intended by God, which implies a more perfect form of justice among men." (Man and Development, pp. 98-99)

As president of Tanzania from 1961 to 1985--and even afterwards--Nyerere continued to challenge the church until his demise in 1999. He often had the opportunity of speaking to church leaders and the laity and told them that the church had to serve the whole person, mentally, spiritually, and physically. Furthermore, he said that church had to serve people beyond the church. For instance, schools, hospitals, and income generating projects would not only benefit churches and Christians but also non-believers. This was a means of witnessing the Word of God to unbelievers.

In 1989 and 1993, as chairman of the ruling party called Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM or "Revolutionary Party") Nyerere led two seminars--one in Dodoma and one in Zanzibar--on family planning and the development of Tanzania, that were attended by party leaders, government leaders, and religious leaders--both Christian and Muslim.

For the well-being of individuals and the nation in general, Nyerere was committed to peace initiatives in Tanzania especially in the area of religious tolerance. Thanks to his wisdom, Tanzania has lived in a state of religious tolerance since independence in 1961 because of the foundation Nyerere laid, especially between Christians and Muslims. President of the United Republic of Tanzania, His Excellency Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, affirmed this in a speech he gave at Boston University (U.S.A.) on September 25, 2006 entitled "Managing Religious Diversity in a Democratic Environment: The Tanzania Experience" in which he said,
The political unity and religious tolerance that we pride ourselves in did not come by accident. It is a product of deliberate action and the vision of leaders of Tanzania from the founding president, the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, to the present. (…) Thanks to the remarkable foresight of our founding president Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, specific actions were taken to engender tolerance in matters of faith and manage potential cracks to our country. These categories can be classified into four categories: equitable policies, institutional innovations, political messages, and legal constitutional provisions.

Nyerere realized very early on that equal access to education among Christians and Muslims would bring national unity and cohesion. Inversely, he recognized the potential dangers of religious discord resulting from imbalances in that area. Equal opportunities in matters of employment and participation in national affairs for Muslim and Christian Tanzanians were the direct result of equal education opportunities.

Soon after independence Nyerere initiated a legislation which was passed in 1962, compelling missionary schools to admit students of all denominations and faiths. In 1969 all non-state schools (the majority of which belonged to Christian missions) were taken over and made state schools. Seminaries were the only ones spared. (The Guardian, September 28, 2006).​
In his Boston University address, Kikwete expressed a very positive view of all that Nyerere had done to achieve equity in the educational sector for the sake of religious tolerance, saying, "Drastic as they may seem, these steps went a long way toward promoting and projecting the larger cause of national unity and social harmony which has become the hallmark of Tanzania today."

Finally, Nyerere was well versed in his knowledge of the Bible and a good witness to his faith. He emphasized that the African socialism practiced in Tanzania necessarily included religion. A communistic and purely secular system would be against the interests of the country and would not work.

Nyerere resigned from the office of the presidency in 1985. Due to his reputation as a leader, the international community appointed him peacemaker for the Burundi conflicts. Later he was appointed mediator for the political problems in the Democratic Republic of Congo. He was also chairman of the South-South Commission. In his reconciliation efforts, Nyerere noted that the major causes of civil conflicts were poverty, greed for power, and tribalism.

Using his international influence, Nyerere launched a campaign for the cancellation of debts owed by poor countries. The campaign, which was continued by many other organizations worldwide, persuaded some rich countries to cancel the debts of developing countries.

Shortly before his demise, Nyerere predicted his death and promised to pray for the people of Tanzania, saying, "Najua sitapona toka ugonjwa huu. Nasikitika kuwaacha Watanzania wangu. Najua watalia sana. Lakini mimi nitawaombea mbele ya Mungu." ("I know that I shall not recover from this sickness. I am unhappy to leave my Tanzanians. I know that they will mourn very much. But I shall pray for them before God.") Indeed it was a very sad day for President Benjamin Mkapa, the cabinet, all of Tanzania, and friends of Tanzania worldwide, when Julius Kambarage Nyerere, "the father of the nation" died on October 14, 1999 at 10.30 a.m. at St. Thomas' hospital in London, United Kingdom.

His body was flown to Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania on October 18, 1999 then taken to the national stadium in order to give the people an opportunity to bid him farewell. International representatives and presidents from many African nations, the United States, and Canada came to give their condolences to the nation of Tanzania for the death of Mwalimu Nyerere. Afterwards, his body was flown from Dar-es-Salaam to Butiama, his birth place, Musoma district, Tanzania on October 21, 1999 in the afternoon. On October 22 the people from Butiama village, Mara region, and the neighboring regions paid their respects to Mwalimu Nyerere. He was buried on October 23, 1999 in God's graveyard, belonging to Nyerere's family in Butiama village.

Nyerere was a great politician and African thinker as well as a philosopher. He left behind a widow, Maria J. Nyerere, and seven children. Their names are Rosemary, Anna, Madaraka, Makongoro, Andrew, John, and Majige.

Nyerere wrote many books and some of his speeches were compiled into books. Some of his works are After the Arusha Declaration (1967), Azimio la Arusha (The Arusha Declaration) [1976], Crusade for liberation (1978), Education for Self-Reliance (1967), Freedom and Development (1960), Man and Development (1974), Ujamaa--Essays on Socialism (1968 and 1971), Uongozi wetu na hatima ya Tanzania (Our leadership and the destiny of Tanzania) [1993]. Some of his books are used as university text books in Tanzania and beyond and some have been translated from Swahili into English, French, Portuguese, and Arabic. Nyerere also translated some books of the Bible into Zanaki. In 1996 he wrote poetry and spiritual songs inspired by the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, and the Acts of the Apostles.

In 2005 the Catholic Diocese of Musoma opened a cause for Nyerere's beatification. Tanzanian Catholics eagerly await the Vatican's final decision on the canonization of Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, a devout Roman Catholic and first president of the United Republic of Tanzania.

Nyerere was a great historical figure not only in Tanzania but also in the rest of Africa and the world, having committed his life to attaining independence for his country--and supporting the efforts of other surrounding countries--to establishing peace and stability, and to developing economic and educational opportunities in Tanzania while preserving human rights and dignity. His Christian life as a political leader was exemplary. May God bless all the things he achieved for the well-being of mankind. [1] [/SIZE]
[SIZE=-1]Angolwisye Isakwisa Malambugi [/SIZE]
 

PRESIDENT JULIUS NYERERE'S SPEECH AT THE
DINNER IN HONOUR OF MR. LEE KUAN YEW,
PRIME MINISTER OF SINGAPORE, ON
5TH SEPTEMBER, 1970​
Mr. Prime Minister, Your Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen :
It gives me very great pleasure to welcome an old friend to
Tanzania. For although Mr. Lee Kuan Yew was not Prime Minister of the
independent state of Singapore when he last came to Dar-es-Salaam, we
did have an opportunity then to understand his commitment to unity among
under- developed countries. In addition, some of us had the opportunity of
meeting Mr. Lee Kuan Yew at the last Commonwealth Conference, where
his outstanding ability and devastating frankness made him a valuable ally
and friend but a very dangerous opponent. These things, Mr. Prime
Minister, made me very glad that Singapore and Tanzania usually found
themselves on the same side when the Conference was discussing
international affairs.​
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But it is not only because of respect for the Singapore leaders we
have met that I am happy the Prime Minister and his colleagues have come
to Tanzania on their way to Lusaka. For the fact is that we in this country
need to know more about developments in Singapore. Of course, we can
read the reference books. We can learn that about 2 million people live
on 225 square miles - which means a density of well over 8,000 people to
the square mile in Singapore, as aginst about 36 to the square mile in
Tanzania. We can learn, Mr. Prime Minister, that your country has the fifth
largest port in the world judging by the amount of goods passing through
it. We can understand - and envy - your very large provision of higher
educational activities ; we can understand the unemployment problems of a
state where rapid population increase cannot be met by calling for
expanded agriculture. And we can see that industrialisation is a matter of
human survival in your country, not just a question of balancing the
economy and laying the foundation for future prosperity - as it is with us.
But these and other facts only raise questions in our minds. They do
not answer very many. For you, Mr. Prime Minister, are known to be a
socialist, and you lead the People's Action Party - a sociality party. We
therefore want to know how you are tackling the capitalist industrial
complex your government inherited , and how you deal with the problems​
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of socialist management of industry. Indeed, with a population density like
that of Singapore, and the problems arising from rapid economic growth,
we want to know how your Government and Party cope with the basic
questions of ensuring human dignity for all your citizens.
Let me hasten to add, Mr. Prime Minister, that I do not expect you
to answer all these questions this evening! But our desire to hear from you
on these matters does not arise out of simple curiosity. Tazania's
problems are very different from those of Singapore, because our
inheritance and our geographic and economic circumstances are very
different. Yet we believe that socialists must learn from each other if they
are to avoid unnecessary errors and achieve the maximum speed of
advance. And we do have the need to establish an industrial sector of our
economy ; otherwise, for all our natural resources, we shall remain with a
degree of poverty that makes Singapore look almost rich by comparision.
Therefore, we want to know in order to learn from your country.
There is , of course, the further factor that greater knowledge of
each other, and greater understanding of our different roads to socialism,
might well reveal areas of possible co- operation between our two
countries, especially, perhaps, as regards trade.​
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All these matters will come out for discussion during your visit, Mr.
Prime Minister. I suspect there will be a further subject too - world
problems as seen from East Africa, and as seen from South East Asia .
This too can be a fruitful discussion. For althiough our priorities of
concern are naturally different, both our governments are nationalist as
well as socialist. The people of Singapore, as well as those of Tanzania,
have experienced racial discrimination and the indignities of colonialism.
Further, both our governments recognise that only through unity will the
peoples of the Third World be able to defend their independence or
overcome their economic backwardness.
Thus, Tanzania's priority concern with the problems of Southern
Africa and the need to give support to the freedom movements of that area,
I know, receive the full understanding and the co-operation of Singapore.
Southern Africa represents the ' unfinished business' of the African
revolution. Our young states cannot concentrate on the problems of
developing in freedom, while this colonial and racial domination continues
on our continent.​
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Mr. Prime Minister : It is not really my task tonight to announce the
agenda for our discussions. Nor do I wish to make a speech at you - I
would rather listen to you. Let me conclude, therfore, by repeating our
hope that your short stay with us will be beneficial to our respective
peoples, and enjoyable to you and your colleagues.
I therefore ask you, your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, to
join me in a toast to our guest, Mr. Lee Kuan Yew, and his colleagues, and​
to the President, Government, and People of Singapore.
 

Mwalimu J.K. Nyerere is Kicking Himself in His Grave!
by Navaya ole Ndaskoi
Paper presented to the Peace Group Seminar,
Arusha, November 14, 2004
I prepared this paper as a memorial of Julius Nyerere the first President of the Republic of Tanzania. It should have been published on 14 October. It was inevitable to delay it to November 14, after all the saying goes ‘better late than never.' Another event, the kind you do not mix with Nyerere Memorial, took place in October 2004. It was performed by no other than the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania - in broad daylight.
Fidel Castro came to power through a Revolution in 1959. He nationalised everything including his immediate family farm. He had, or so it is said, the interest of people in mind. Castro is not alone in this regard. Given his asthmatic health the doctor advised Ernesto Che Guevara, the Revolutionary icon, to move into a luxurious house situated out of town when his recovery required. Che, reportedly, dismissed the advice on the ground that there are better uses to which the house could be put.
The modest Mwalimu, which means teacher, Nyerere used his arguments and intellectualism to organise Tanganyika and it gain independence in 1961. On 26 1964 Tanganyika was ‘united' with Zanzibar to form today's Tanzania. Nobody would have thought that the British would have left in peace without being molested. In nearby Kenya British predators were ironed out, read Mau Mau War.
In February 1965 Mwalimu Julius Nyerere went to China on the state visit. Then, a few weeks later, on April 26, 1965 he addressed Tanzanians on frugality. He said:
I learned one very important thing. China is a huge country, with a population of more than six hundred million people. And the Chinese Government is one of those which is making money and technicians available to Tanzania to help us with our addressed the nation in the Development Plan. But they are able to do this only because they are a frugal people; they husband their resources very carefully indeed, and only spend money on things which are absolutely essential. This is true both of individuals and of the Government. There are hardly any private cars in China; people go to work by bus or on bicycles. The Government officials too, use cars only when it is really necessary for their job-and then the cars are small and cheap ones.
Mwalimu, the giant who rose from little unknown Tanzania to global politics, was also extremely selfless and fast to learn and listen. In some of his speeches he said that ‘in a truly democratic state the power of the people is supreme.' Sometimes when Nyerere was the President, students of the University of Dar es Salaam demonstrated demanding reduction of MPs salaries. Mwalimu Julius Nyerere saw the point. He courageously reduced his own salary as a prime example. Of course, MPs followed him on the same.
Precisely that was how the giant built the present day Tanzania. He received nothing from German and then British colonial cheats who looted the country clean. Nyerere brought University of Dar es Salaam into being. He built various industries. It is hard to locate a single University or industry built in Tanzania since he left office in 1985.
Principles and Development
It must be remembered too that Mwalimu Nyerere was also supporting Armed Liberation Struggle in Southern Africa. Otherwise the likes of Nelson Mandela, Sam Nujoma, Robert Mugabe and others would have been eaten up by Boers, British and Americans. Mwalimu Nyerere reached a point were he had to explain to the press and a few extremely dedicated patriots, why Tanzania is so concerned with principles. He wrote a short paper titled, Principles and Development, published in 1966 in which he said this:
The boycott of South African goods and the threat to leave the Commonwealth if South Africa remains a member has cost Tanzania a certain amount of annual income from the remittances of workers who used to go to that country under previous Government contracts or who made their way to South Africa. The boycott has also meant the loss of certain markets for our exports, and has necessitated the importation of certain goods from more expensive sources. The total amount of income loss is difficult to estimated and will be partly offset by the value of the goods which Tanzania workers have produced at home now that they no longer go to this racially dominated country. The amount of trade with south Africa was, in any case, never very great, and until the boycott received official backing in 1961, showed an annual adverse trade balance for Tanzania...
It must be accepted, however, that as South Africa is the most advanced industrial nation in Africa, and as transport costs from that country to Tanzania are less than those of other industrial nations, co-operation with South Africa could have brought considerable economic development that we have made sacrifices by our policy towards South Africa. Had the situation arisen where Tanganyika had to refuse to join the Commonwealth however the economic loss would have been very great, involving loss of trade preferences and a reduction on the chances of receiving British and possibly Canadian development loans and grants...Fortunately this situation did not arise since South Africa was excluded from the Commonwealth.
Nyerere refused categorically to see the English Queen, Elizabeth. Reason? British support of Africa's rabid dictators, Ian Smith & Co in Zimbabweans. This is illustrated in the book by J.K. Nyerere, Crusade for Liberation. Tanzania's action in adhering to the O.A.U. decision on Zimbabwe has meant that the £7.5 million interest-free loan which had been agreed between the two Governments but not actually signed, was frozen. The money was therefore not available to pay for development work within the first two years of the 5-year Plan. So Tanzania broke diplomatic relations with Britain. Nyerere wrote:
We have quarreled with the British Government on a number if issues e.g., when we refused to associate ourselves with the Commonwealth communiqué on Rhodesia in June, 1965; when we refused to support proposed Commonwealth Peace Mission to Vietnam on the grounds that it was neither practical nor genuine; and when we received a Chinese offer to help with the building of the railway to Zambia while still discussing the possibility of British and American help on the same project. The British failed to understand our desire to compare the advantages of different offers before turning any of them down.
Almost at the same time Tanzania, which by then was a hardly 5-years old country, differed too with Big Brother, the United States of America. Nyerere explains again:
We have twice quarreled with United States of America Government, once when we believed it to be involved in a plot against us, and. again when two of its officials misbehaved and were asked to leave Tanzania [immediately]. Both matters have since been cleared up by agreement and in neither case was any existing aid agreement affected. But the disagreements certainly induced an unco-operative coldness between us, thus suspending and then greatly slowing down further aid discussion.
Little Tanzania under Mwalimu Nyerere quarrelled with the then West Germany. Why? East Germany wanted Tanzania to give diplomatic recognition to her, and West Germany wanted Tanzania to ignore the existence of the German Democratic Republic and pretend there is no such administration over the eastern part of Germany. As a result of Tanzanians decision West Germany withdrew some types of aid and announced that other aid was under threat if Tanzania did not change her policies. Tanzania refused to do this and told the West Germans to withdraw all their federal Government aid!
That was one of the most difficult times in the contemporary history of Africa. On 16 October 1997 Nyerere addressed the South African Parliament in Cape Town. He reminded the parliamentarians: 'When we were struggling here, South Africa still under apartheid, and you being a destabiliser of your neighbours instead of working together with them to develop our continent, of course that was a different thing. It was a terrible thing. Here was a powerful South Africa, and this power was a curse to us. It was not a blessing for us. We wished it away, because it was not a blessing at all. It destroyed Angola with a combination of apartheid; it was a menace to Mozambique and a menace to its neighbours...When we had the Cold War, boy, I tell you, we couldn't breathe.'
Saints and Presidents
Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, it is said, told his wife to keep herself out, far away from politics. One can look in vain without a single point in his life where anybody accused Nyerere of corruption. His children studied in Tanzania. I do not like to be misunderstood. Nyerere had his own weakness. But he is the giant of the 20th century! If President Mkapa died today, I do not think I would feel anything let alone write.
Nyerere was a living Saint. I am just making a comparison. He was quick to accept criticism and laugh at his mistakes. He had one rare characteristic that must be remembered by mankind. No Government official would remain in office when the public raised an accusing finger at him. Nyerere would smuggle him out through the back door or force him to resign to prevent him from soiling his Government. Ali Hassan Mwinyi had a very little political post and did something that angered President Nyerere. It was ‘too little.' I do not even remember what the scandal was all about. Nyerere forced him to resign? Perhaps Mwinyi repented and pledged never to sin again. Apparently Nyerere forgave him completely. In fact he left him as the President of Tanzania in 1985.
One Obanda commented on press release by Mwalimu Nyerere: 'Nyerere will go down in history as a man who worked so hard to build a nation and then voluntarily handed it over to a bunch of self-seeking, ideologically bankrupt nincompoops. He then watched quietly for 15 years as these people demolished every work he had done...When retiring, Nyerere personally went around Tanzania campaigning for Mwinyi, introducing him to bewildered peasants as "Raisi wangu". Since they trusted him, they went along with it...Mwinyi and the bunch who took over immediately started to unravel Nyerere's work. Nairobi was their London. They envied their counterpart political thieves in Nairobi. Mansions I have not seen in any Western city (maybe in California etc) shot up in the beach area of Dar es Salaam. Corruption was the order of the day. Government workers stopped working as each became a little entrepreneur.' Obanda concluded his comments:
To end, I must add that my respect for Mwalimu will never wane mainly because of his convictions and actions. He never used office for selfish reasons and he tried what was humanly possible to liberate and empower the masses. He is thus a source of inspiration. Above all, he proved that it is possible to forge a nation whereby the vicissitudes of ethnic affiliation are banished from social and public life. He created and promoted a powerful African lingua-franca, [ki]Swahili.
Nyerere was always an example. He taught others by examples. But the poor Mwalimu was watering dead rocks! Thieves stated looting the country left-centre and right! Donors left. Nyerere was provoked to justifiable anger. He addressed the press conference at Kilimanjaro Hotel Dar es Salaam on March 14, 1995. He accused, according to AFP, the Government of President Mwinyi of corruption and violating the constitution. Nyerere told journalists, ‘Corruption in Tanzania has no bounds. Every country I visit they talk about corruption in Tanzania. Tanzania is stinking with corruption.'
In an apparent reference to President Mwinyi himself, Nyerere told the journalists that Tanzanians needed a leader who will defend and promote the national constitution. 'It can't be a person that gets advice from his wife, and tomorrow we see some decision has been made. You can't have such a guy. You won't know what his wife will advise him,' Nyerere said amid applause from more than 100 journalists attending the gathering. His boldness speaks volumes. He made sure that Tanzanians got rid Mwinyi.
Looking on the way he has built the country Mwalimu wanted perhaps to leave it in the hands of responsible persons. In 1995 Mwalimu Julius Nyerere turned to his own student, Benjamin William Mkapa. Nyerere, unfortunately, landed on a huge burden.
The Government of Mkapa formed the Commission of Inquiry Into Corruption in Tanzania sometimes in 1996. It was chaired by Justice Joseph Sinde Warioba. The Commission accused senior Government officials including President Ali Hassan Mwinyi himself. But then the Commission recommendations were rubbished. Mwinyi and his gang have never been made to face the full force of law.
In no time the wife of the President, Mrs Anna Mkapa, established an NGO or rather a begging bowl. At least the press accesses her for suffering from kleptomania; an uncontrollable desire to steal. In English Laws these are just allegations. However President Mkapa has never convincingly denied them. The vividly angry President, according to Adam Lusekelo The EastAfrican Correspondent, says this:
…You people are only jealous of people who have made it. If someone turns in his motorbike and buys a car, you say he is corrupt. If someone builds a house through hard work, you say he is corrupt...If someone is corrupt, then tell us about it and you are going to see. But you must have proof. Even the press- you must have both sides of the story. I was a journalist. I know. You don't just accuse people for corruption without proof!
Way back in 1996 Nyerere told Stanley Meisler, 'There can only be one missionary in this country, and I am the missionary. But I can not tell them how to carry out my ideas. If I put in examples...the Ministry of Education will follow those and do nothing else.'
During the days of Mwalimu Nyerere Tanzania hosted freedom fighters. Now Americans dogs are all over the country. They are building an FBI(?) college in Tanzania, according to Professor Issa Shivji of the University of Dar es Salaam. American military bases are almost all over the continent. All this surely makes Mwalimu kick himself in his grave.
A Cosy Conspiracy
The western Governments and all sorts of 'donors' are forcing dangerous policies down the throat of poor Tanzanians. Consider the following example. Despite opposition in Tanzania the Government planned to buy unnecessary presidential jet (it has one aircraft less than 10 years old to fly the President) costing £15 million. Where will the Government borrow the money from is surely anybody's guess. The aircraft, Gulfstream G550 No.5H-ONE was manufactured by Gulfstream Aerospace of USA.
Prime Minister Frederick Sumaye, a political leper of no clear academic background, in a wasteful inauguration ceremony of the said jet was quoted as saying: ‘This is a working tool, like a motor-vehicle and such other machines. It is not a luxurious property as some people believe.' Hardly the last word came out of him before he was shot down in nearly unprintable language by no other than Transport and Communications Minister, Mark Mwandosya, who boasted that ‘This is a unique aircraft, modern and the first of its kind across Africa South of Sahara. I urge Tanzanians to be proud of it.'
It is exceedingly unlikely that anybody who is not refusing to think will comply with his denigration! In a bitter comment Mr Norman Lamb, the Liberal Democrat Deputy International Development Spokesman, United Kingdom, spoke his mind. Perhaps on behalf of Tanzanians Lamb refused to listen to Mwandosya, 'I am extremely concerned about this...purchase. Coming so soon after £28 million being wasted on a military air traffic control system, this rubs salt into the wound for the people of Tanzania.'
The air traffic control system Mr Lamb is referring to is the one forced on the shoulders of Tanzanians by the Labour Party British Government led by Tony Blair. It gave a license to British Aerospace Systems to sell Tanzania a radar system costing £28 million. The money was borrowed from Barclays Bank, of United Kingdom. The World Bank condemned the radar system ‘as outdated technology.' The deal split the Cabinet, with Tony Blair, Patricia Hewitt, the trade secretary supporting the order.
Blair backed the deal to safeguard 280 British jobs at the Isle of Wight. In contrast the presidential jet, the radar system, and a host of unnoticed others will put millions of already ‘highly indebted poor' Tanzanians deeper into the sea of debt. This is a problem in its extreme form. Crudely one of the chief engineers of corruption and poverty in Tanzania, Tony Blair, almost at the same time is ‘setting up a Commission for Africa to take a fresh look at the challenges facing the continent,' according to New African.
Today we have in Tanzania the notorious club made up of the World Bank, IMF, DfID, USAID, CIDA, DANIDA, FINNIDA(?), SIDA, EU and the UN family (UNDP, UNICEF, FAO, UNEP, UNESCO and all). All eating on the same table with the Public Enemy. All spreading poverty. As said above almost all 'donors' left Tanzania by 1994 because of Government sponsored corruption and lawlessness.
Government sponsored corruption is still with us, perhaps, in a more pronounced way. It follows that all 'donors' are ought to have fled northward by now. But all are still spreading poverty. All are aiding free-spending tyrants. All are in the conspiracy robbing us of our humanity! However, all this have an end. In one of his speeches Mwalimu Nyerere argued against oppression of the weak by the strong saying that:
When only the law of the jungle reigns, the struggle for existence must naturally end up with the survival of the fittest. This may be all right for the beasts; as a method of contact between human beings it is intolerable...if I am humiliated merely for existing, then I have no alternative but to fight, with whatever weapons are available [including stones, knives and Weapons of Mass Destruction].
Arise, Julius Nyerere! Some of us will always do all in our power to ensure that your spirit will live longer. In this century we need neither spears nor guns. Baby Bush has a lot of B52s and countless assault missiles. But he is learning some hard lessons in Iraq.
Fear NOT
We simply need to appeal, appeal honestly to the people of the world, to help us prevent Tanzania from sinking in the troubled waters of western supported thieves. If you are American or British organise a strike in your country until the radar system and jet are returned to the UK Aerospace Systems and USA Aerospace Systems respectively. If your country is giving 'aid' to Tanzania demand that your money, taxes you pay, should not be send to a corrupt country. The Government is corrupt and your money keep it arrogant.
I am told Norway is a rich country. Norway is 'aiding' Tanzania. But the King of Norway has no personal jet. He and all people at his palace travel by public planes, trains and buses! This is true to all other Scandinavian countries. So why should Tanzania, a 'highly indebted poor country,' buy expensive jets at the expense of the poor majority?
Demand diplomatic sanctions against Tanzania. The Government of Zimbabwe has economic sanction while it is not more corrupt than that of the United Republic of Tanzania. You can also write to Nelson Mandela Foundation. Ask Mandela, the voice of the oppressed amongst us, to urge the Tanzanian Government to stop abusing resources.
If you have a newsletter, newspaper, magazine, journal, radio, TV or website publish this article; but please do not censor it. I do not underestimate the power of the mass media in shaping public opinion but censorship is definitely evil.
If you are a lawyer, graduate of the University of Dar es Salaam worth his or her salt, please help us drag Frederick Sumaye and Mark Mwandosya to court as soon as possible for they are demolishing the country built by Mwalimu Nyerere.
Fear NOT. The saying goes, ‘A candle loses nothing by lighting another candle.'
Navaya ole Ndaskoi is the citizen of the United Republic of Tanzania

 
Nakumbuka mwezi Julai 1997 nilipokwenda kuaanza kidato cha tano pale Tabora school kwa kweli shule ile ilikuwa inamuenzi Mwalimu kwa kiasi kikubwa sana. Kila mahala kulikuwa na mabango yenye picha na falsafa za baba wa taifa. mojawapo lilisomeka hivi "kwa miaka mingi wasomi wengi wamekuwa wakikimbilia mijini baada ya kuhitimu masomo yao, hivyo basi tunategemea umalizapo masomo yako utumie elimu yako kendeleza vijiji vyetu vinavyohitaji wasami kwa wingi". Pia kulikuwa na chumba maalamu cha kumbukumbu ya mwalimu Nyerere wakati akiwa mwanafunzi wa shule hii na hata alipokuwa mwalimu. Suaala lingine linalonifanya nimkumbuke mwalimu ni nidhamu aliyoijenga (sasa haipo) toka ngazi ya mwananchi wa kawaida hadi viongozi wa juu. Nakumbuka siku moja tukiwa pale Tabora school mwanafunzi mwenzangu aliyekuwa akisoma HGL kwa jina la Silvanus alikuwa akimponda sana Mwalimu na sera zake za ujamaa na kujitegemea kwenye duka la pale geti kubwa kwa Bw. Maduka bila kufahamu kuwa afande alikuwa pembeni yetu akimsikiliza kwa makini sana. Afande yule alimvaa jamaa pamoja na sie na kutufanya fatiki ya siku ile kwa kumvunjia heshima baba wa Taifa. Leo hii kuanzia wananchi mpaka viongozi wa juu wa serikali nidhamu imewatoweka kabisa sasa unategemea ufanisi au miujiza gani katika jambo gani kama mtu anakuwa hana nidhamu. Tutakukumbuka daima baba wa Taifa kwa kujenga taifa la wananchi wenye nidhamu ya hali ya juu.
 
Kama Nyerere akifufuka sasa ataikana nchi yake -rest in Piece Mwl ..tunakukumbuka kwa hekima na busara zako
 
Why don't just show us the link? Copy and paste historical crap is not remembrance.
Z10
 
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<div align="left"><div align="left"><font face="Tahoma">Why don't just show us the link? Copy and paste historical crap is not remembrance.</font></div></div></p>
<p><font face="Calibri"><font size="3">Z10 </font></font>
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Hi Zakumi you sound agitated ! Something bothering you or is it just a wrong attitude you have bequathed ?
Mzee wa Butiama was a hero ,Tanzania is greatly boasting about throughtout the world!
 
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