Tujikumbushe sakata la Rada

Lunyungu

JF-Expert Member
Aug 7, 2006
8,873
1,894
Titus Kaguo, London
HabariLeo; Monday,February 19, 2007 @00:06

Ataka ichunguze kama kuna kigogo alihusika

RAIS Jakaya Kikwete ameiagiza Taasisi ya Kuzuia Rushwa Tanzania (PCB),
kuchunguza kama kuna kiongozi wa Tanzania alihusika kupokea rushwa wakati
wa ununuzi wa rada inayodaiwa iliongezwa bei ya mauzo kwa zaidi ya nusu ya
bei halali.

Kauli hiyo aliitoa jana wakati akizungumza jijini London na Watanzania
wanaoishi Uingereza, ambao aliwapa uwanja wa kuuliza maswali kuanzia
dakika ya kwanza ya kukutana nao. Kauli hiyo ilitokana na kauli ya Aman
Kagugila, aliyedai rushwa imegeuka ni kazi za watu kujiajiri ambayo pia
aliihusisha na suala la ununuzi wa rada kuwa lilikuwa na rushwa, lakini
Serikali haijatoa msimamo zaidi ya Uingereza kusaka wahusika.

Rais Kikwete alisema mjadala uliopo hivi sasa hapa Uingereza ni nani
waliokula fedha hizo ambapo alisema Maofisa wa Ofisi ya Uchunguzi (SFO)
walifika Dar es Salaam kuomba wazungumze na wakala, Serikali yake ikatoa
kibali na hata wakitaka kurudia basi watapewa kibali.

Lakini Rais Kikwete alisema kwa upande wa Tanzania, amewapa jukumu PCB
kuchunguza akina nani inawezekana walikula fedha hiyo. “Nimewaagiza PCB
waangalie hawakupata fedha huku? Na mpaka sasa tunaendelea kuchunguzana
kwa upande wetu na nadhani tuliachie hapa sipendi kutoa maoni yangu,
tuiachie taasisi,” alisema.

Sakata la rada limekuwa likiwagusa Watanzania wengi hata nje ya nchi, kwa
kile kinachoelezwa kuwa iliuzwa kwa gharama ya zaidi ya Sh bilioni 40, bei
inayodaiwa kuongezwa kwa nusu ya bei ya halali na maofisa wa Euro Space,
Kampuni ya Serikali ya Uingereza.

Akizungumzia mikataba ya madini, Rais Kikwete alisema pia ameagiza
mikataba ya masuala ya uchimbaji wa gesi na utafutaji mafuta yote
iangaliwe upya ili yasije kujitokeza ya migodi ya dhahabu.

Akifafanua zaidi, alisema mfumo wa mapato kwenye dhahabu haukuwa na makosa
kwani unaeleza waziwazi kuwa watalipa asilimia tatu ya mrabaha na asilimia
30 ya kodi, lakini tatizo lilikuwa kwenye kifungu kinachosema ulipaji wa
asilimia 30 utafanywa baada ya kampuni kupata faida.

Alisema kutokana na hilo, aliona kabisa wachimbaji wa madini wanaweza
wakaondoka bila kulipa kodi hiyo kwani kutokana na mitaji mikubwa ya
kwenye uchimbaji urudishwaji wa faida kamili unaweza kuwa mgumu hivyo
madini yakaisha bila wao kulipa kodi ya asimilia 30.
 
Wewe mwandishi wa habari hii unapiga kampeni ama ni kweli JK was serious ? Kama ni serious why akae kimya hadi ajibu akiwa London na wewe uandike ? Je baada ya uchunguzi majibu atakuja pia kuyatolea London kwenye mkutano ? He was fooling us na wewe unataka kuendeleza kutu fool ? He was adamant that no bribe involved the rada purchase kweli anaweza kusema uchunguzwe wakati yeye alihusika pia ?
 
Lunyungu,
Hizi habari ni za kweli na kama nilivyosema London walichemsha!...Unajibu unachoulizwa!
Swala hili bado kabisa na JK analifuatilia sana kwa ukaribu.
Yapo mengi sana hatima yake ndio hakuna anayeifahamu!
 
Mkandara,
No, Lunyungu yuko right hapa, tulikuwa hatujui kuwa hii issue iko PCB hadi huyu jamaa alipofika London. Kwa nini alingoja atoe public statement akiwa London? Haya mambo ya kuficha ficha mambo si nzuri!
 
hehe, Maggid hapa ndio penyewe naona patamu ! lakini serikali itaruhusu tume huru wakati viongozi waliopo sasa madarakani nao walihusika na hii skendo awamu iliyopita ?? si unaona siku hizi hii ishu ipo kimyaaa wameshaifreeze na hata kuisikia hawataki !!
 
hehe, Maggid hapa ndio penyewe naona patamu ! lakini serikali itaruhusu tume huru wakati viongozi waliopo sasa madarakani nao walihusika na hii skendo awamu iliyopita ?? si unaona siku hizi hii ishu ipo kimyaaa wameshaifreeze na hata kuisikia hawataki !!
Hizi tume sasa zitapoteza maana,Tume ya nini ?hivi vyombo kama PCB et al vinafanya nini? vinatakiwa vifanye kazi sio tunawalipa mishahara ya bure tu hakuna hata uchunguzi mmoja wa Big Fish.........................lets them do their job.........................To begin with RADA saga.
 
maggid said:
Suala zima ni la utashi wa kisiasa. Je watawala wetu kweli wana nia thabiti ya kuwafichua vigogo au tunapigwa chenga tu na hii danganya toto ya kuwaachia wale krismasi kwanza kisha ndio tuwabane?
Katika hili la rada, labda ni kwa sababu tuna wasiwasi kuwa kuna watu hapa wamekula wote na huyo dalali. Muulize raia yeyote barabarani naye atakuambia anaamini kuna rushwa imepita. Kama hayo si kweli kwanini basi tukwepe utafiti? Tuliwasikia mawaziri wakisema ununuzi huo ulikuwa safi na halali, eti fedha zilitolewa na Bunge kwa hiyo ununuzi huo umepitishwa na bunge. Yaani tangu lini Bunge lina uhuru wa kudadisi na kujua siri ya mikataba na zabuni za mabiloni? Bunge lilishiriki katika mikataba ya IPTL, Richmond, migodi na BAE?
Sasa tunaambiwa kuwa Waziri wa Fedha anaomba msaada wa wachunguzi wa kimataifa ili kufichua mabilioni yaliyoliwa kupitia Benki Kuu, hasa katika ule mpango wa kununua madeni. Kwa nini asizungumzie na rada pia?
Mimi nilifikiri kuwa pamoja na hilo tungeteua tume huru ikisimamiwa na Bunge ili kuchunguza hii kashfa ya rada pamoja na mengineyo tuliyotaja hapo juu. TAKURU tuwaache wasubiri hiyo Krismasi imalizike ndipo waaanze kuwakamata vigogo na kuwahoji. Wanasema wanatafuta ushahidi kwanza. Kwani wanapowabana makatibu kata, mahakimu na makarani wa mahakama za mwanzo na madiwani wanapataje ushahidi haraka haraka?
Ndipo tunarudia lile suala la kulindana. Kuna tatizo kubwa hapa nalo ni ile sheria inayowalinda watawala wanapostaafu. Eti tuwaachie wapumzike na kufaidi mali walizotukupua. Ni tatizo ambalo lipo si hapa Tanzania tu bali Afrika nzima na hata kwengineko.

Paragraph hiyo ya bwana Visram inasema mengi sana. Kwani Tanzania tuna tatizo gani hadi tushindwe kuzungumzia au hata kuwaadhibu viongozi wanaotumia madaraka yao vibaya? Labda ndiyo maana tu maskini hivi
 
BAE accused of secretly paying £1bn to Saudi prince


· Money for 'marketing services' on arms deal
· £30m payments a quarter
· Sanctioned by MoD

David Leigh and Rob Evans
Thursday June 7, 2007
The Guardian


The arms company BAE secretly paid Prince Bandar of Saudi Arabia more than £1bn in connection with Britain's biggest ever weapons contract, it is alleged today.
A series of payments from the British firm was allegedly channelled through a US bank in Washington to an account controlled by one of the most colourful members of the Saudi ruling clan, who spent 20 years as their ambassador in the US.

It is claimed that payments of £30m were paid to Prince Bandar every quarter for at least 10 years.

It is alleged by insider legal sources that the money was paid to Prince Bandar with the knowledge and authorisation of Ministry of Defence officials under the Blair government and its predecessors. For more than 20 years, ministers have claimed they knew nothing of secret commissions, which were outlawed by Britain in 2002.
An inquiry by the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) into the transactions behind the £43bn Al-Yamamah arms deal, which was signed in 1985, is understood to have uncovered details of the payments to Prince Bandar. But the investigation was halted last December by the SFO after a review by the attorney general, Lord Goldsmith. He said it was in Britain's national interest to halt the investigation, and that there was little prospect of achieving convictions. Tony Blair said he took "full responsibility" for the decision.

However, according to those familiar with the discussions at the time, Lord Goldsmith had warned colleagues that British "government complicity" was in danger of being revealed unless the SFO's corruption inquiries were stopped.

The abandonment of the investigation provoked an outcry from anti-corruption campaigners, and led to the world's official bribery watchdog, the OECD, launching its own investigation.

The fresh allegations may also cause BAE problems in America, where corrupt payments to foreign politicians have been outlawed since 1977.

The allegations of payments to Prince Bandar is bound to ignite fresh controversy over the original deal and the aborted SFO investigation.

The Saudi diplomat is known to have played a key role with Mrs Thatcher in setting up Britain's biggest ever series of weapons deals.

For more than 20 years Al-Yamamah, Arabic for "dove", has involved the sale of 120 Tornado aircraft, Hawk warplanes and other military equipment. According to legal sources familiar with the records, BAE Systems made cash transfers to Prince Bandar every three months for 10 years or more. BAE drew the money from a confidential account held at the Bank of England that had been set up to facilitate the Al-Yamamah deal. Up to £2bn a year was deposited in the accounts as part of a complex arrangement allowing Saudi oil to be sold in return for shipments of Tornado aircraft and other arms.

Both BAE and the government's arms sales department, the Defence Export Services Organisation (Deso), allegedly had drawing rights on the funds, which were held in a special Ministry of Defence account run by the government banker, the paymaster general.

Those close to Deso say regular payments were drawn down by BAE and despatched to Prince Bandar's account at Riggs bank in Washington DC.

Under the terms of a previously unknown MoD instruction from the department's permanent secretary, Sir Frank Cooper, the payment deal would have required Deso authorisation. The money was not characterised as commission, but as quasi-official fees for marketing services. The payments are alleged to have continued for at least 10 years and beyond 2002, when Britain outlawed corrupt payments to overseas officials.

SFO investigators led by assistant director Helen Garlick first stumbled on the alleged payments, according to legal sources, when they unearthed highly classified documents at the MoD during their three-year investigation.

Before the investigation was abandoned, the SFO interviewed Alan Garwood, head of Deso. Sources close to the arms sales unit say that he and Stephen Pollard, the commercial director of the Saudi project, were questioned about the reasons for authorising the payments.

Prince Bandar, currently head of the country's national security council, was asked about the alleged payments by the Guardian this week. He did not respond.

BAE Systems also would not explain the alleged payments. The company said: "Your approach is in common with that of the least responsible elements of the media - that is to assume BAE Systems' guilt in complete ignorance of the facts." Its spokesman, John Neilson, added: "We have little doubt that among the reasons the attorney general considered the case was doomed was the fact that we acted in accordance with ... the relevant contracts, with the approval of the government of Saudi Arabia, together with, where relevant, that of the UK MoD."

The attorney general's office would not discuss claims about Lord Goldsmith's concerns of "government complicity" in the payments.

A spokesman said the SFO inquiry had been halted because of the "real and serious threat to national security".

"There were major legal difficulties ... given BAE's claim that the payments were made in accordance with the agreed contractual arrangements". The spokesman added: "None of this is altered by the Guardian story."

The MoD, where minister Paul Drayson runs Britain's government arms sales unit, also refused to elaborate.

"The MoD is unable to respond to the points made ... since to do so would involve disclosing confidential information about Al-Yamamah, and that would cause the damage that ending the investigation was designed to prevent," a spokesman said.

The Liberal Democrat deputy leader, Vince Cable, called for an urgent inquiry into the new disclosures last night. "This is potentially more significant and damaging than anything previously revealed. It is unforgivable if the British government has been actively conniving in under-the-counter payments to a major figure in the Saudi government. There must be a full parliamentary inquiry into whether the government has deceived the public and undermined the anti-corruption legislation which it itself passed through parliament."

He added: "It increasingly looks as if the motives behind the decision to pull the SFO inquiry were less to do with UK national interests but more to do with the personal interests of one of two powerful Saudi ministers ... Tony Blair's claims that the government has been motivated by national security considerations look increasingly hollow."

The new disclosures may also make BAE's attempted takeover of the US-based Armor Holdings more difficult. The deal requires approval from US regulators. Separately, the state department has protested to the Foreign Office about the ending of the SFO inquiry, saying it undermines global efforts to stamp out corruption by exporters.

Story of a £43bn deal

1985 Al-Yamamah agreement signed by Saudi defence minister Prince Sultan and the then defence secretary Michael Heseltine. Saudis agree to buy 72 Tornado and 30 Hawk warplanes. The deal - "the dove" in Arabic - will in time be worth £43bn to BAE

1989 National Audit Office (NAO) starts inquiry into allegations that members of Saudi royal family and middlemen were secretly paid huge bribes to land Al-Yamamah contract

1992 MPs and auditor general Sir John Bourn suppress NAO report after government claims it would upset Saudis. Report never published

2001 Whistleblower alleges BAE operates "slush fund" to keep sweet the Saudi prince in charge of country's air force, but MoD covers up allegations

2004 Second whistleblower discloses to Guardian further details of slush fund. Serious Fraud Office starts investigation into alleged BAE corruption

2006 Government halts SFO inquiry; investigators were about to gain access to Swiss accounts thought to have been linked to Saudi royal family

2007 OECD, the world's anti-bribery watchdog, rebukes Blair government for terminating SFO investigation, and launches own inquiry
 
Hawa jamaa ndio wale wale waliompatia "ponjoro" wa rada $12 million

Halafu tunajidai kuwa ubaguzi ni tatizo la wengine na sisi ni wasafi....

Tanzanianjema
 
Duh! nina marafiki zangu kibao maponjoro nikiwaita ponjoro wala hawaji juu kama wewe na hata wao wenyewe kwa wenyewe wanaitana "ponjoro" au na wewe ni ponjoro? Kama nimekugusa basi niwie radhi kwani inawezekana kabisa kwamba si wahindi wote wanakubali kuitwa maponjoro.
 
Duh! nina marafiki zangu kibao maponjoro nikiwaita ponjoro wala hawaji juu kama wewe na hata wao wenyewe kwa wenyewe wanaitana "ponjoro" au na wewe ni ponjoro? Kama nimekugusa basi niwie radhi kwani inawezekana kabisa kwamba si wahindi wote wanakubali kuitwa maponjoro.

Hilo ndilo tatizo kuu la ubaguzi kaka, mara nyingi huwa tunabagua tukidhani tunafanya sawa na baadae huishia kulalamika wengine wanavyotubagua. Mwanafalsafa mmoja alisema "wafanyie wengine kile ungependa wakufanyie". Kunyamaza kwao ni kama wewe utakaponyamaza wakikuita "golo" ama wengine wakikuita "nigger" ama pale nyumbani tunavyoitana "makafiri", magalatia, waswahili (with negative conotations), "mujaidina" etc...

Hata neno wapinzani tayari limekuwa likitumika kuhalalisha ubaguzi.....

Tanzanianjema
 
Kwa ufupi ni kuwa... kutakuwa na maendeleo ya hiyo kesi nyumbani TZ hivi karibuni.... pay attention very careful...
 
Mwanakijiji, Hilo litakuwa ni jambo jema. Lakini si unajua mahakama zetu? linaweza likazungushwa zungushwa bila uchunguzi wa kina na hatimaye watu wakaendelea kupeta uraiani.
 
Kwa ufupi ni kuwa... kutakuwa na maendeleo ya hiyo kesi nyumbani TZ hivi karibuni.... pay attention very careful...

Mkjj, don't get your hopes so high.

About a month ago, nilizungumza na mmoja wa watu ambaye ofisi yao 'inapaswa' kuhusika na huu uchunguzi. Kauli yake 'wameambiwa na wazito hapo bongo wasubiri uchunguzi wa UK ukamilike, kwani hakuna sababu ya taasisi mbili kufanya kitu kimoja'. Kikubwa wanachofanya sasa ni kujibu tu maswali yanayotoka UK, halafu wanauchuna.

In short, stay put don't do anything.
 
BAE in spotlight over Tanzania radar deal

By Tom Burgis in Dar es Salaam (Financial Times)

Published: September 20 2007 22:04 | Last updated: September 20 2007 22:04

BAE Systems faces fresh controversy over foreign arms sales after Tanzania’s top corruption investigator said he expects to seek criminal charges within weeks in relation to the country’s purchase of a £28m radar system from the company.

The 2002 sale is the subject of parallel investigations by the UK’s Serious Fraud Office and its Tanzanian counterpart, the Prevention of Corruption Bureau. At the heart of both probes are payments amounting to about 30 per cent of the contract’s value, allegedly made by Europe’s biggest defence company to a Tanzanian agent who helped to broker the deal.

Edward Hoseah, head of the Tanzanian bureau, told the Financial Times: “We have been investigating this case; we are almost done. I think we have a case.”

He said he expected within three months to ask the director of public prosecutions to file criminal charges, although he would not name his targets as the investigation is ongoing. People close to the investigation said he is not expected to target BAE. The SFO was assisting by finalising the “nitty gritty” of “tracking the money”, he said.

Investigators’ interest in the radar sale has been rekindled since the British government in December ordered the SFO to drop its probe into the 20-year-old al-Yamamah deal for BAE to supply Saudi Arabia with fighter jets. The US justice department has since launched its own investigation into whether the deal broke anti-corruption laws.

The SFO is continuing to investigate allegations of bribery by BAE in South Africa, Romania, Chile and the Czech Republic, as well as Tanzania.

Helen Garlick, SFO assistant director, said both her agency and Mr Hoseah’s were co-operating to complete investigations into why BAE used a British Virgin Islands company to enter into an agreement with a Panamanian company to provide “advice and various services” in connection with the Tanzanian radar deal.

Under this agreement, Ms Garlick claimed, BAE made payments in excess of $11m to Shailesh Vithlani. Mr Vithlani’s company, Merlin International, was the agent on the radar deal, and he is reported to have played a role in a number of Tanzanian defence procurements.

Critics have attacked the Tanzanian radar deal, arguing that such a sophisticated piece of equipment was far beyond the pocket and the requirements of one of the world’s poorest countries.

The World Bank objected to the sale – which came as Tanzania was granted debt relief of $2bn – and Clare Short, UK international development secretary at the time, opened a rift in the British cabinet with an unsuccessful attempt to block it.

SFO investigators visited Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s capital, last year and interviewed Mr Vithlani and Tanil Somaiya, his former business partner.

Ms Garlick said: “We have nothing but respect for the integrity and persistence of the PCB. We have been working closely with them and will continue to do so.”

A company spokesman said: “BAE Systems continues to fully co-operate with the SFO Investigation. As this is a continuing criminal investigation, it would be inappropriate for us to comment on the substance of the investigation. This cannot of course be taken as any kind of admission.”

Lawyers for Mr Somaiya said he ceased being a shareholder and director of Merlin International on January 8. They said: “Our client had no prior knowledge and was not aware of the alleged $11m commission payment by BAE to Vithlani or at all.”

At the office of Vithcorp Food Packers in Dar es Salaam, staff said Mr Vithlani, the owner and holder of a UK passport, was out of the country. He did not respond to a request for comment.
 
Miye yangu ni macho na masikio. Katika hili tusubiri na tuone nani atajitokeza tena kuwapatia kifua kama kinga ya shutuma hizi na links zao ambazo zimejipenyeza hadi kwenye nucleus ya judicial systems Tanzania. Maana mambo ya presidential immunity hayata-apply tena kama kule kuliko jitokeza kwenye kufanya biashara Ikulu na Takururu kutupatia hii kama sababu, maana wahusika waliotajwa hapo juu siyo na hawakuwa marais, na isitoshe SFO wako involved.

SteveD.
 
Great NEWS.At last we may be able to give them ie.CCM the evidence they keep demanding. Even the most obvious, they want evidence for. Its not suprising if the want evidence even if you say that sea water is salty - "ushadahidi ni wapi". So you have to take him to the sea for him to taste the sea water, by throwing him in the sea, and hope to God he cant swim.
 
kwa PCCB ya bongo iliyo sema RICHMOND hakuna rushwa???

Naomba nibakie 'TOMASO' katika hili! mpaka ntakapo waona Kizimbani!
 
Back
Top Bottom