I challenge you to prove me or what I wrote wrong...
The New Scramble for and Pertition Of Africa!
- Thread starter jmushi1
- Start date
I challenge you to prove me or what I wrote wrong...
Kuhani
JF-Expert Member
- Apr 2, 2008
- 2,944
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We ushanambia eff the Arab IQ talk. Sasa ni dili nae wa nini tena.
jmushi1
Platinum Member
- Nov 2, 2007
- 24,987
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- Thread starter
- #46
Huyu bwana kiingereza chake na kile anachopigania hapa havina dalili zozote za MTANZANIA!
Fatilia postings zake zote toka siku ya kwanza nilipopost hii thread miezi karibia minne sasa!
Mtu gani huyu anagangamala na IQ za waarabu na wazungu?
Mjumbe wa SINCLAIR AMBAYE MAKALA YA KIUKOMBOZI IMEMGUSA!
Fatilia postings zake zote toka siku ya kwanza nilipopost hii thread miezi karibia minne sasa!
Mtu gani huyu anagangamala na IQ za waarabu na wazungu?
Mjumbe wa SINCLAIR AMBAYE MAKALA YA KIUKOMBOZI IMEMGUSA!
jmushi1
Platinum Member
- Nov 2, 2007
- 24,987
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- Thread starter
- #52
Ala!
Na wewe!
Hayo ni makosa ya kawaida mimi si huyo THE TRUTH WENU!
Njowepo nilipoanzisha hii mada..Hakuna hata aliyenipa thanks!
Lakini bubu mnayemjua alipoisapoti...Basi wote mkajua kumbe kweli!
Kuwa independent na usapoti watu kwa hoja!
Sasa unakuja kuni inspect utafikiri na mimi nagombea kitu!
Kata issue acha hizo mshatoka nishai!
jmushi1
Platinum Member
- Nov 2, 2007
- 24,987
- 22,515
- Thread starter
- #54
PRECIOUS RESOURCES IN NEED OF PROTECTION
United States: the new scramble for Africa
The United States is turning its diplomatic and military attention to Africa, not just to the continents oil and natural gas supplies (although these represent an important future contribution to US energy supplies) but to its metal and industrial diamond resources. It is quietly establishing military training and equipment links with a number of countries to secure future supply lines.
By Pierre Abramovici
THE United States, under the pretext of the war on terrorism, has boosted its presence in Africa.
Washington has realised that it is dependent on strategic raw materials and is increasing political and military accords with the majority of African countries in an effort to secure its supply lines. The US army, oil companies and US security companies are winning.
Despite this active encroachment on its former preserve, France seems to be adopting a passive stance.
On 23-24 March 2004 the chiefs of staff of Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Senegal and Tunisia took part, for the first time, in a little publicised meeting at the headquarters of the US armys European command (US-Eucom) in Stuttgart. The meeting was described as unprecedented and its proceedings have remained secret: it dealt with military cooperation in the war on terrorism and focused on the Sahel, a buffer zone between the Maghreb and sub-Saharan Africa, between the oil fields of the north and those of the Gulf of Guinea.
The US political and military interest in Africa has increased significantly in recent years. That is clear from Secretary of State Colin Powells visit to Gabon and Angola in September 2002 (he spent just one hour in each) and from President George Bushs tour of Senegal, Nigeria, Botswana, Uganda and South Africa in July 2003, as well as the tour of Ghana, Algeria, Nigeria, Angola, South Africa, Namibia, Gabon, Sao Tomé, Niger and Tunisia by the deputy commander of US-Eucom, General Charles Wald, two weeks before the Stuttgart meeting.
More important was Washingtons indirect involvement this March in a military operation by Sahel countries Mali, Chad, Niger and Algeria against the Salafist Group for preaching and combat (GSPC). The GSPC second in command, Ammari Saïfi, known as "Abderrazak the para", is said to have been arrested in Chad in May (1). In June the Algerian army announced that it had killed Nabil Sahraoui, the GSPCs main leader. Like the Armed Islamic Group (GIA), the GSPC is on the US list of terrorist organisations, and is suspected by Washington of having links with al-Qaida. It came to public attention when it kidnapped 32 European tourists in the Algerian Sahara in early 2003. This years operation was a first in Africa and confirmed the close cooperation between the US and Algeria.
Since January the US army has used substantial resources to support local troops in their struggle against the GSPC. This was organised as part of the Pan Sahel Initiative (PSI), a military assistance programme which has run since November 2003 and has $6.5m funding for 2004. It is designed to help Mali, Chad, Niger and Mauritania combat smuggling, international crime and terrorism.
Some 250 tonnes of equipment and 350 soldiers were airlifted to the region over two weeks from the Rota airbase in Spain. Once troops and equipment arrived, air defence resources were made available from Royal Air Force bases in Mildenhall and Lakenheath in Britain.
Elements of the 32nd Special Operations Group, a unit linked to the CIA, were mobilised to protect the operation. In the weeks before, elements of the 10th Special Forces Group, based in Stuttgart, were sent to supervise training of Malian troops.
Colonel Victor Nelson, who oversees the programme for the US Defence Departments Office of International Security Affairs, explained that "the PSI is an important tool in the war on terrorism and has gone a long way to open doors and strengthen relationships, notably between Algeria and Mali, Niger and Chad, in a region we have largely ignored in the past. We have said for a long time that if you squeeze the terrorists in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq and other places, they will find new places to operate, and one of those places is the Sahel/Maghreb"
(2). In just nine months, from Bushs Africa visit to the Stuttgart conference, the US military commitment in Africa has clearly been intensified after being at a standstill during the post-cold war era. Washington has realised that it is dependent on raw materials from Africa: manganese (for steel production), cobalt and chrome vital for alloys (particularly in aeronautics), vanadium, gold, antimony, fluorspar and germanium - and for industrial diamonds.
Zaire and Zambia possess 50% of world cobalt reserves, and 98% of the worlds chrome reserves are in Zimbabwe and South Africa. South Africa also accounts for 90% of reserves of metals in the platinum group (platinum, palladium, rhodium, ruthenium, iridium and osmium). US thirst for oil will boost the importance of countries such as Angola and Nigeria.
After the failure of the US intervention in Somalia, from 9 December 1992 to 31 March 1994, President Bill Clinton relaunched US policy on Africa. The revived US interest was apparent when it hosted the first meeting between the heads of eight African regional organisations, plus 83 African ministers and their US counterparts in March 1999. The aim of the meeting in Washington was to strengthen the partnership between the US and Africa and encourage increased economic development, trade, investment, political reform and mutual economic growth
(3). Although terrorism was on the agenda because of the 1998 attacks on US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, for which al-Qaida was held responsible, the main outcome of the meeting was the adoption of the African growth and opportunity Act, giving African products greater access to the US market.
A coherent system of military assistance
Less obvious was the gradual introduction, from the mid-1990s, of a coherent system of military assistance. In 1996 Washington created an African crisis response force, which was soon replaced by the African crisis response initiative (Acri)
(4). Acris official mandate is to provide both training for peace-keeping and humanitarian aid; "non-lethal" equipment was supplied. Acri was actually designed to modernise local armed forces and bring them into line with US norms, particularly in response to emerging terrorism in Africa. Its other purpose is to avoid a repeat of the Somalia disaster.
Although Acri is the creation of the US State Department, it is the US armys European Command that coordinates military resources, particularly the use of special forces. Private companies specialising in the sector, such as Logicon from the Northrop-Grumman group or Military Professional Resources Inc (MPRI) provide logistical support, including equipment or specialist civilian personnel. MPRI is a private security consultancy whose directors include former US officers; it works for governments the world over, including in Iraq.
Although Acri claims to have humanitarian objectives, its programme coordinator is Colonel Nestor Pino-Marina, a former US officer with an impressive record. He is a Cuban exile who took part in the 1961 failed US landing in the Bay of Pigs. He is also a former special forces officer who served in Vietnam and Laos. During the Reagan era he belonged to the Inter-American Defence Board and, in the 1990s, he took part in clandestine operations against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, alongside the Contras. He was accused of having been involved in drug trafficking to fund arms sent to Central America.
The Acri training programme is designed to develop basic military capabilities, strengthen combat formations and boost headquarters organisation. The programme revolves around using the minimum equipment for the maximum training. It is based on six keys:
standardisation, inter-operability, training the trainers, transparency, support and team working. There are plans to extend the training standards to programmes run by other countries such as France, Britain and Belgium, and to cooperate with them.
Between July 1997 and May 2000 Acri organised training for battalions (800-1,000 soldiers) in Senegal, Uganda, Malawi, Mali, Ghana, Benin and Ivory Coast. The US State Department provided some 8,000 soldiers with light equipment - electric generators, vehicles, mine detectors, night- vision gear - and especially with communications. In 2001-02 the programme received funds of $30m.
Acri is extending selective military or civilian assistance programmes, developed by the US since the early 1990s and managed by the Defence Department. That is the case in Mali.
In July 2001, 400 Senegalese soldiers were trained in psychological warfare as part of the Acri programme. According to Colonel Nestor Pino-Marina, "accepted doctrine commonly used in Nato is being absorbed"
(5). Political and military seminars were arranged for 65 officers to enable them to understand how best to prepare for peacekeeping operations. The exercise culminated in the computer simulation, using satellite technology, of a crisis. Logicon devised the Janus programme on which the exercise was based. The objective is to bring integration and operability into line with Pentagon norms and to install US equipment over the long term.
The Pentagon moves in
But Acri is just one aspect of the US expanding its military commitment in Africa.The Africa centre for strategic studies, established in 1999, is a branch of the Pentagons National Defence University, which trains high-level military personnel and civilian leaders (political leaders or the heads of associations and company bosses). The programmes cover civilian-military relations, national security and defence budgets. In May 2003 Mali was chosen to host a seminar on combating terrorism in the region. Algeria, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria and Senegal took part. France and Germany were represented.
After the attacks of 11 September 2001, the US boosted military investment in Africa. The war on terrorism gave it the necessary pretext. As Bush made clear during his African tour in July 2003, "we will not allow terrorists to threaten African peoples, or to use Africa as a base to threaten the world"
(6).In spring 2002 the Bush administration transformed (or "reorganised", as the Pentagon put it) Acri into Acota (Africa contingency operations training assistance). As well as peacekeeping and humanitarian aid, Acota includes offensive training, particularly for regular infantry units and small units modelled on special forces, as well as training for hostile environments. The African forces now have standardised attack equipment (assault rifles, machine guns and mortars). In Washington the talk is no longer of non-lethal weapons, as it was with Acri - the emphasis is on "offensive" cooperation.
While the forces deployed within the Acri framework were never placed in a situation in which their security was threatened, those in the Acota framework will have to be prepared to face danger, since they will be responsible for restoring peace.
(7). Acota is linked to the training centres of the joint combined arms training system (JCATS). Described as "indispensable", they make it pos sible to maintain levels of qualification and military preparation; the first was opened in Abuja, in Nigeria, on 25 November 2003.
The JCATS are run by MPRI and are based on the use of sophisticated simulation software that mimics battlefield conditions. Nigeria and Canada are the only countries with JCATS software (. According to Colonel Victor Nelson, former US military attaché to Nigeria and responsible for overseeing the Pan Sahel Initiative, this is an inexpensive way of providing officer training. Even countries with few resources can use JCATS. It involves bringing people together for a couple of weeks for war exercises, which the US military is already doing.
(9).Besides Acota, 44 African countries are taking part in a programme specifically for officers. The international military education and training programme (Imet) provided training for more than 1,500 officers in 2002. For the main countries involved, Botswana, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal and South Africa, the total cost of Imet increased from $8m in 2001 to $11m in 2003. The Africa regional peacekeeping programme includes training in offensive tactics and the transfer of military technology. Between 2001 and 2003, it received funding estimated at $100m.
Markets and communication channels
US strategy in Africa has two main axes. The first is unlimited access to the key markets, energy and other strategic resources, and the second the military securing of communication channels, particularly to allow the transport of raw materials to the US. According to a former secretary of state for energy, James Schlesinger, at the 15th World Energy Council in September 1992, what the American people learned from the Gulf war was that it was far easier to kick people in the Middle East into line than to make sacrifices to limit US dependence on oil imports.
Clearly African oil interests the US.
(10). On 5 September 2002 Colin Powell travelled from Johannesburg, where he had been at the Earth Summit, to Luanda (Angola) and Libreville (Gabon), both oil-producing countries. Experts agree that over the next 10 years Africa will become the USs second-most important supplier of oil, and possibly natural gas, after the Middle East. At least until things calm down.
Two strategic routes are at the centre of US thought: in the west, the Chad-Cameroon pipeline and, in the east, the Higleig-Port Sudan pipeline. There is talk of building a pipeline linking Chad and Sudan.
In July 2003 an attempted coup in São Tomé and Principe, a small state rich in oil reserves and associated with Nigeria, triggered US intervention in the archipelago. Three months later, oil companies, mostly US ones, offered more than $500m to explore the deep waters of the Gulf of Guinea, shared by Nigeria and São Tomé and Principe. That was double what the countries had hoped for.
Shortly after, the US army announced a programme of aid to small local security forces. There is said to be the possibility of setting up a military base. The US Congress and Bush administration have formally declared the region of vital interest for the US. Washington has prepared the ground well, using the State and Defence Departments: the commander-in-chief of US-Eucom, General Carlton Fulford, went to São Tomé in October 2002 to look into the possibility of establishing a regional mandate in West Africa and MPRI is training coastguards in Guinea and Angola.
In Africa the US is trying to establish partnerships with all countries, using a range of pretexts. The US claims, for example, that the South African army would be incapable of conducting a large-scale operation because a large proportion of South African soldiers are infected with HIV, and further claims that Pretoria would need massive support from Washington to reinforce those unreliable elements. As a result, South Africa is preparing to rejoin the Acota programme. (Although not all South African soldiers can be afflicted since thousands of them are employed by private companies in Iraq as civilian back-up.)
In reality, it is South Africas strategic position that is of interest to the US. During the cold war, Pretoria opened its bases to US armed forces, enabling Washington to control the Indian Ocean between Africa and the Diego Garcia naval base. It was also a vital element in the battle against African liberation movements that were suspected of attachment to Moscow. In 2001 US Ambassador Cameron Hume claimed that South African and the US shared a similar attachment to democracy, market economy and the search for a better future for all.
(11).US military interventionism in Africa is encroaching on traditional zones of influence of the former colonial powers, including France. That competition is evident in Djibouti, one of the poorest countries in the world, a desert without resources, a country of no apparent interest were it not for its strategic position. It juts out into a maritime zone through which a quarter of world oil production passes (the Sudanese pipeline is nearby), and is also on the strategic strip between the Sahel and the Horn of Africa that Washington is trying to secure. Although France retains its main foreign military base, Camp Lemonier, in Djibouti, it has now become a permanent US base (12).
US-Eucom deputy commander General Charles Wald spends a lot of time in Africa. In March 2004 he travelled in a week to Morocco, Algeria, Nigeria, Angola, South Africa, Namibia, Gabon, São Tomé, Ghana, Niger and Tunisia. At a press conference held in Washington for African journalists, he stressed that the US and France had many interests in common: "Theyre francophile countries that obviously have strong lineage and history with France. The French would be involved in that respect"
(13). Not the most stylish way of allocating responsibilities and establishing a US political presence in Africa.
United States: the new scramble for Africa
The United States is turning its diplomatic and military attention to Africa, not just to the continents oil and natural gas supplies (although these represent an important future contribution to US energy supplies) but to its metal and industrial diamond resources. It is quietly establishing military training and equipment links with a number of countries to secure future supply lines.
By Pierre Abramovici
THE United States, under the pretext of the war on terrorism, has boosted its presence in Africa.
Washington has realised that it is dependent on strategic raw materials and is increasing political and military accords with the majority of African countries in an effort to secure its supply lines. The US army, oil companies and US security companies are winning.
Despite this active encroachment on its former preserve, France seems to be adopting a passive stance.
On 23-24 March 2004 the chiefs of staff of Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Senegal and Tunisia took part, for the first time, in a little publicised meeting at the headquarters of the US armys European command (US-Eucom) in Stuttgart. The meeting was described as unprecedented and its proceedings have remained secret: it dealt with military cooperation in the war on terrorism and focused on the Sahel, a buffer zone between the Maghreb and sub-Saharan Africa, between the oil fields of the north and those of the Gulf of Guinea.
The US political and military interest in Africa has increased significantly in recent years. That is clear from Secretary of State Colin Powells visit to Gabon and Angola in September 2002 (he spent just one hour in each) and from President George Bushs tour of Senegal, Nigeria, Botswana, Uganda and South Africa in July 2003, as well as the tour of Ghana, Algeria, Nigeria, Angola, South Africa, Namibia, Gabon, Sao Tomé, Niger and Tunisia by the deputy commander of US-Eucom, General Charles Wald, two weeks before the Stuttgart meeting.
More important was Washingtons indirect involvement this March in a military operation by Sahel countries Mali, Chad, Niger and Algeria against the Salafist Group for preaching and combat (GSPC). The GSPC second in command, Ammari Saïfi, known as "Abderrazak the para", is said to have been arrested in Chad in May (1). In June the Algerian army announced that it had killed Nabil Sahraoui, the GSPCs main leader. Like the Armed Islamic Group (GIA), the GSPC is on the US list of terrorist organisations, and is suspected by Washington of having links with al-Qaida. It came to public attention when it kidnapped 32 European tourists in the Algerian Sahara in early 2003. This years operation was a first in Africa and confirmed the close cooperation between the US and Algeria.
Since January the US army has used substantial resources to support local troops in their struggle against the GSPC. This was organised as part of the Pan Sahel Initiative (PSI), a military assistance programme which has run since November 2003 and has $6.5m funding for 2004. It is designed to help Mali, Chad, Niger and Mauritania combat smuggling, international crime and terrorism.
Some 250 tonnes of equipment and 350 soldiers were airlifted to the region over two weeks from the Rota airbase in Spain. Once troops and equipment arrived, air defence resources were made available from Royal Air Force bases in Mildenhall and Lakenheath in Britain.
Elements of the 32nd Special Operations Group, a unit linked to the CIA, were mobilised to protect the operation. In the weeks before, elements of the 10th Special Forces Group, based in Stuttgart, were sent to supervise training of Malian troops.
Colonel Victor Nelson, who oversees the programme for the US Defence Departments Office of International Security Affairs, explained that "the PSI is an important tool in the war on terrorism and has gone a long way to open doors and strengthen relationships, notably between Algeria and Mali, Niger and Chad, in a region we have largely ignored in the past. We have said for a long time that if you squeeze the terrorists in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq and other places, they will find new places to operate, and one of those places is the Sahel/Maghreb"
(2). In just nine months, from Bushs Africa visit to the Stuttgart conference, the US military commitment in Africa has clearly been intensified after being at a standstill during the post-cold war era. Washington has realised that it is dependent on raw materials from Africa: manganese (for steel production), cobalt and chrome vital for alloys (particularly in aeronautics), vanadium, gold, antimony, fluorspar and germanium - and for industrial diamonds.
Zaire and Zambia possess 50% of world cobalt reserves, and 98% of the worlds chrome reserves are in Zimbabwe and South Africa. South Africa also accounts for 90% of reserves of metals in the platinum group (platinum, palladium, rhodium, ruthenium, iridium and osmium). US thirst for oil will boost the importance of countries such as Angola and Nigeria.
After the failure of the US intervention in Somalia, from 9 December 1992 to 31 March 1994, President Bill Clinton relaunched US policy on Africa. The revived US interest was apparent when it hosted the first meeting between the heads of eight African regional organisations, plus 83 African ministers and their US counterparts in March 1999. The aim of the meeting in Washington was to strengthen the partnership between the US and Africa and encourage increased economic development, trade, investment, political reform and mutual economic growth
(3). Although terrorism was on the agenda because of the 1998 attacks on US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, for which al-Qaida was held responsible, the main outcome of the meeting was the adoption of the African growth and opportunity Act, giving African products greater access to the US market.
A coherent system of military assistance
Less obvious was the gradual introduction, from the mid-1990s, of a coherent system of military assistance. In 1996 Washington created an African crisis response force, which was soon replaced by the African crisis response initiative (Acri)
(4). Acris official mandate is to provide both training for peace-keeping and humanitarian aid; "non-lethal" equipment was supplied. Acri was actually designed to modernise local armed forces and bring them into line with US norms, particularly in response to emerging terrorism in Africa. Its other purpose is to avoid a repeat of the Somalia disaster.
Although Acri is the creation of the US State Department, it is the US armys European Command that coordinates military resources, particularly the use of special forces. Private companies specialising in the sector, such as Logicon from the Northrop-Grumman group or Military Professional Resources Inc (MPRI) provide logistical support, including equipment or specialist civilian personnel. MPRI is a private security consultancy whose directors include former US officers; it works for governments the world over, including in Iraq.
Although Acri claims to have humanitarian objectives, its programme coordinator is Colonel Nestor Pino-Marina, a former US officer with an impressive record. He is a Cuban exile who took part in the 1961 failed US landing in the Bay of Pigs. He is also a former special forces officer who served in Vietnam and Laos. During the Reagan era he belonged to the Inter-American Defence Board and, in the 1990s, he took part in clandestine operations against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, alongside the Contras. He was accused of having been involved in drug trafficking to fund arms sent to Central America.
The Acri training programme is designed to develop basic military capabilities, strengthen combat formations and boost headquarters organisation. The programme revolves around using the minimum equipment for the maximum training. It is based on six keys:
standardisation, inter-operability, training the trainers, transparency, support and team working. There are plans to extend the training standards to programmes run by other countries such as France, Britain and Belgium, and to cooperate with them.
Between July 1997 and May 2000 Acri organised training for battalions (800-1,000 soldiers) in Senegal, Uganda, Malawi, Mali, Ghana, Benin and Ivory Coast. The US State Department provided some 8,000 soldiers with light equipment - electric generators, vehicles, mine detectors, night- vision gear - and especially with communications. In 2001-02 the programme received funds of $30m.
Acri is extending selective military or civilian assistance programmes, developed by the US since the early 1990s and managed by the Defence Department. That is the case in Mali.
In July 2001, 400 Senegalese soldiers were trained in psychological warfare as part of the Acri programme. According to Colonel Nestor Pino-Marina, "accepted doctrine commonly used in Nato is being absorbed"
(5). Political and military seminars were arranged for 65 officers to enable them to understand how best to prepare for peacekeeping operations. The exercise culminated in the computer simulation, using satellite technology, of a crisis. Logicon devised the Janus programme on which the exercise was based. The objective is to bring integration and operability into line with Pentagon norms and to install US equipment over the long term.
The Pentagon moves in
But Acri is just one aspect of the US expanding its military commitment in Africa.The Africa centre for strategic studies, established in 1999, is a branch of the Pentagons National Defence University, which trains high-level military personnel and civilian leaders (political leaders or the heads of associations and company bosses). The programmes cover civilian-military relations, national security and defence budgets. In May 2003 Mali was chosen to host a seminar on combating terrorism in the region. Algeria, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria and Senegal took part. France and Germany were represented.
After the attacks of 11 September 2001, the US boosted military investment in Africa. The war on terrorism gave it the necessary pretext. As Bush made clear during his African tour in July 2003, "we will not allow terrorists to threaten African peoples, or to use Africa as a base to threaten the world"
(6).In spring 2002 the Bush administration transformed (or "reorganised", as the Pentagon put it) Acri into Acota (Africa contingency operations training assistance). As well as peacekeeping and humanitarian aid, Acota includes offensive training, particularly for regular infantry units and small units modelled on special forces, as well as training for hostile environments. The African forces now have standardised attack equipment (assault rifles, machine guns and mortars). In Washington the talk is no longer of non-lethal weapons, as it was with Acri - the emphasis is on "offensive" cooperation.
While the forces deployed within the Acri framework were never placed in a situation in which their security was threatened, those in the Acota framework will have to be prepared to face danger, since they will be responsible for restoring peace.
(7). Acota is linked to the training centres of the joint combined arms training system (JCATS). Described as "indispensable", they make it pos sible to maintain levels of qualification and military preparation; the first was opened in Abuja, in Nigeria, on 25 November 2003.
The JCATS are run by MPRI and are based on the use of sophisticated simulation software that mimics battlefield conditions. Nigeria and Canada are the only countries with JCATS software (. According to Colonel Victor Nelson, former US military attaché to Nigeria and responsible for overseeing the Pan Sahel Initiative, this is an inexpensive way of providing officer training. Even countries with few resources can use JCATS. It involves bringing people together for a couple of weeks for war exercises, which the US military is already doing.
(9).Besides Acota, 44 African countries are taking part in a programme specifically for officers. The international military education and training programme (Imet) provided training for more than 1,500 officers in 2002. For the main countries involved, Botswana, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal and South Africa, the total cost of Imet increased from $8m in 2001 to $11m in 2003. The Africa regional peacekeeping programme includes training in offensive tactics and the transfer of military technology. Between 2001 and 2003, it received funding estimated at $100m.
Markets and communication channels
US strategy in Africa has two main axes. The first is unlimited access to the key markets, energy and other strategic resources, and the second the military securing of communication channels, particularly to allow the transport of raw materials to the US. According to a former secretary of state for energy, James Schlesinger, at the 15th World Energy Council in September 1992, what the American people learned from the Gulf war was that it was far easier to kick people in the Middle East into line than to make sacrifices to limit US dependence on oil imports.
Clearly African oil interests the US.
(10). On 5 September 2002 Colin Powell travelled from Johannesburg, where he had been at the Earth Summit, to Luanda (Angola) and Libreville (Gabon), both oil-producing countries. Experts agree that over the next 10 years Africa will become the USs second-most important supplier of oil, and possibly natural gas, after the Middle East. At least until things calm down.
Two strategic routes are at the centre of US thought: in the west, the Chad-Cameroon pipeline and, in the east, the Higleig-Port Sudan pipeline. There is talk of building a pipeline linking Chad and Sudan.
In July 2003 an attempted coup in São Tomé and Principe, a small state rich in oil reserves and associated with Nigeria, triggered US intervention in the archipelago. Three months later, oil companies, mostly US ones, offered more than $500m to explore the deep waters of the Gulf of Guinea, shared by Nigeria and São Tomé and Principe. That was double what the countries had hoped for.
Shortly after, the US army announced a programme of aid to small local security forces. There is said to be the possibility of setting up a military base. The US Congress and Bush administration have formally declared the region of vital interest for the US. Washington has prepared the ground well, using the State and Defence Departments: the commander-in-chief of US-Eucom, General Carlton Fulford, went to São Tomé in October 2002 to look into the possibility of establishing a regional mandate in West Africa and MPRI is training coastguards in Guinea and Angola.
In Africa the US is trying to establish partnerships with all countries, using a range of pretexts. The US claims, for example, that the South African army would be incapable of conducting a large-scale operation because a large proportion of South African soldiers are infected with HIV, and further claims that Pretoria would need massive support from Washington to reinforce those unreliable elements. As a result, South Africa is preparing to rejoin the Acota programme. (Although not all South African soldiers can be afflicted since thousands of them are employed by private companies in Iraq as civilian back-up.)
In reality, it is South Africas strategic position that is of interest to the US. During the cold war, Pretoria opened its bases to US armed forces, enabling Washington to control the Indian Ocean between Africa and the Diego Garcia naval base. It was also a vital element in the battle against African liberation movements that were suspected of attachment to Moscow. In 2001 US Ambassador Cameron Hume claimed that South African and the US shared a similar attachment to democracy, market economy and the search for a better future for all.
(11).US military interventionism in Africa is encroaching on traditional zones of influence of the former colonial powers, including France. That competition is evident in Djibouti, one of the poorest countries in the world, a desert without resources, a country of no apparent interest were it not for its strategic position. It juts out into a maritime zone through which a quarter of world oil production passes (the Sudanese pipeline is nearby), and is also on the strategic strip between the Sahel and the Horn of Africa that Washington is trying to secure. Although France retains its main foreign military base, Camp Lemonier, in Djibouti, it has now become a permanent US base (12).
US-Eucom deputy commander General Charles Wald spends a lot of time in Africa. In March 2004 he travelled in a week to Morocco, Algeria, Nigeria, Angola, South Africa, Namibia, Gabon, São Tomé, Ghana, Niger and Tunisia. At a press conference held in Washington for African journalists, he stressed that the US and France had many interests in common: "Theyre francophile countries that obviously have strong lineage and history with France. The French would be involved in that respect"
(13). Not the most stylish way of allocating responsibilities and establishing a US political presence in Africa.
jmushi1
Platinum Member
- Nov 2, 2007
- 24,987
- 22,515
- Thread starter
- #55
Kumbe kama si Zimbabwe hata hizo crome rims zao wamarekani wasingekuwa wanatamba...Sasa kweli tunajuwa kuwa bila Afrika HAKUNA DUNIA!
Na kama wasipomchaguwa Obama hapa na mimi narudi bongo na wazungu wafungashe na wao warudi kwao...Sijali kama ni Mcanada,Mmarekani ama Mdachi na Mwingereza!
This time kama hawatawaheshimu waafrika na kuwapa kile wananchostahili ili wapate maendeleo ya utajiri wao...Basi na waondoke na sisi tutarudi kwetu!
Huu ni Upuuzi!
Halafu kuna vibaraka waliokuwa wakipingana na Mbeki?
Yani UTAJIRI WOTE HUU TUWAACHIE WAKOLONI?
Na ndio maana MBEKI aliwaambia kuwa hataki hata hayo madawa ya ukimwi kwani madai yake Mbeki ni kwamba madawa hao yalikuwa ni ya kuwamalizia mbali waafrika ili waendelee kuteseka na ardhi yao kuchukuliwa!
No wonder wanajeshi asilimia kubwa wa South Afrika wana UKIMWI!
Naamini hii si bure!
Na kuna wanao amini kuwa UKIMWI umeletwa kuwaangamiza waafrika!
Tatizo ni kuwa kabla hata hawajafa vizuri watu wanataka kuwazika hai na kuwarithi!
AFRIKA TIS IS OUR TIME!
jmushi1
Platinum Member
- Nov 2, 2007
- 24,987
- 22,515
- Thread starter
- #56
How China's taking over Africa, and why the West should be VERY worried
Last updated at 17:16pm on 18.07.08
https://www.jamiiforums.com/l readerComments
On June 5, 1873, in a letter to The Times, Sir Francis Galton, the cousin of Charles Darwin and a distinguished African explorer in his own right, outlined a daring (if by today's standards utterly offensive) new method to 'tame' and colonise what was then known as the Dark Continent.
'My proposal is to make the encouragement of Chinese settlements of Africa a part of our national policy, in the belief that the Chinese immigrants would not only maintain their position, but that they would multiply and their descendants supplant the inferior Negro race,' wrote Galton.
'I should expect that the African seaboard, now sparsely occupied by lazy, palavering savages, might in a few years be tenanted by industrious, order-loving Chinese, living either as a semidetached dependency of China, or else in perfect freedom under their own law.'
http://i.dailymail.co.uk/i/pix/2008/07/17/article-0-01FD664F00000578-148_468x286_popup.jpg
Close relations: Chinese President Hu Jintao accompanies Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe to a ceremony in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing
Despite an outcry in Parliament and heated debate in the august salons of the Royal Geographic Society, Galton insisted that 'the history of the world tells the tale of the continual displacement of populations, each by a worthier successor, and humanity gains thereby'.
A controversial figure, Galton was also the pioneer of eugenics, the theory that was used by Hitler to try to fulfil his mad dreams of a German Master Race.
Eventually, Galton's grand resettlement plans fizzled out because there were much more exciting things going on in Africa.
But that was more than 100 years ago, and with legendary explorers such as Livingstone, Speke and Burton still battling to find the source of the Nile - and new discoveries of exotic species of birds and animals featuring regularly on newspaper front pages - vast swathes of the continent had not even been 'discovered'.
Yet Sir Francis Galton, it now appears, was ahead of his time. His vision is coming true - if not in the way he imagined. An astonishing invasion of Africa is now under way.
In the greatest movement of people the world has ever seen, China is secretly working to turn the entire continent into a new colony.
Reminiscent of the West's imperial push in the 18th and 19th centuries - but on a much more dramatic, determined scale - China's rulers believe Africa can become a 'satellite' state, solving its own problems of over-population and shortage of natural resources at a stroke.
With little fanfare, a staggering 750,000 Chinese have settled in Africa over the past decade. More are on the way.
The strategy has been carefully devised by officials in Beijing, where one expert has estimated that China will eventually need to send 300 million people to Africa to solve the problems of over-population and pollution.
The plans appear on track. Across Africa, the red flag of China is flying. Lucrative deals are being struck to buy its commodities - oil, platinum, gold and minerals. New embassies and air routes are opening up. The continent's new Chinese elite can be seen everywhere, shopping at their own expensive boutiques, driving Mercedes and BMW limousines, sending their children to exclusive private schools.
The pot-holed roads are cluttered with Chinese buses, taking people to markets filled with cheap Chinese goods. More than a thousand miles of new Chinese railroads are crisscrossing the continent, carrying billions of tons of illegally-logged timber, diamonds and gold.
New horizons? Mugabe has said: 'We must turn from the West and face the East'
The trains are linked to ports dotted around the coast, waiting to carry the goods back to Beijing after unloading cargoes of cheap toys made in China.
Confucius Institutes (state-funded Chinese 'cultural centres') have sprung up throughout Africa, as far afield as the tiny land-locked countries of Burundi and Rwanda, teaching baffled local people how to do business in Mandarin and Cantonese.
Massive dams are being built, flooding nature reserves. The land is scarred with giant Chinese mines, with 'slave' labourers paid less than £1 a day to extract ore and minerals.
Pristine forests are being destroyed, with China taking up to 70 per cent of all timber from Africa.
All over this great continent, the Chinese presence is swelling into a flood. Angola has its own 'Chinatown', as do great African cities such as Dar es Salaam and Nairobi.
Exclusive, gated compounds, serving only Chinese food, and where no blacks are allowed, are being built all over the continent. 'African cloths' sold in markets on the continent are now almost always imported, bearing the legend: 'Made in China'.
From Nigeria in the north, to Equatorial Guinea, Gabon and Angola in the west, across Chad and Sudan in the east, and south through Zambia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique, China has seized a vice-like grip on a continent which officials have decided is crucial to the superpower's long-term survival.
'The Chinese are all over the place,' says Trevor Ncube, a prominent African businessman with publishing interests around the continent. 'If the British were our masters yesterday, the Chinese have taken their place.'
Likened to one race deciding to adopt a new home on another planet, Beijing has launched its so-called 'One China In Africa' policy because of crippling pressure on its own natural resources in a country where the population has almost trebled from 500 million to 1.3 billion in 50 years.
China is hungry - for land, food and energy. While accounting for a fifth of the world's population, its oil consumption has risen 35-fold in the past decade and Africa is now providing a third of it; imports of steel, copper and aluminium have also shot up, with Beijing devouring 80 per cent of world supplies.
President Robert Mugabe leaving the eleventh ordinary session of the assembly of the African Union heads of State and government in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt
Fuelling its own boom at home, China is also desperate for new markets to sell goods. And Africa, with non-existent health and safety rules to protect against shoddy and dangerous goods, is the perfect destination.
The result of China's demand for raw materials and its sales of products to Africa is that turnover in trade between Africa and China has risen from £5million annually a decade ago to £6billion today.
However, there is a lethal price to pay. There is a sinister aspect to this invasion. Chinese-made war planes roar through the African sky, bombing opponents. Chinese-made assault rifles and grenades are being used to fuel countless murderous civil wars, often over the materials the Chinese are desperate to buy.
Take, for example, Zimbabwe. Recently, a giant container ship from China was due to deliver its cargo of three million rounds of AK-47 ammunition, 3,000 rocket-propelled grenades and 1,500 mortars to President Robert Mugabe's regime.
After an international outcry, the vessel, the An Yue Jiang, was forced to return to China, despite Beijing's insistence that the arms consignment was a 'normal commercial deal'.
Indeed, the 77-ton arms shipment would have been small beer - a fraction of China's help to Mugabe. He already has high-tech, Chinese-built helicopter gunships and fighter jets to use against his people.
Ever since the U.S. and Britain imposed sanctions in 2003, Mugabe has courted the Chinese, offering mining concessions for arms and currency.
While flying regularly to Beijing as a high-ranking guest, the 84-year-old dictator rants at 'small dots' such as Britain and America.
He can afford to. Mugabe is orchestrating his campaign of terror from a 25-bedroom, pagoda-style mansion built by the Chinese. Much of his estimated £1billion fortune is believed to have been siphoned off from Chinese 'loans'.
The imposing grey building of ZANU-PF, his ruling party, was paid for and built by the Chinese. Mugabe received £200 million last year alone from China, enabling him to buy loyalty from the army.
In another disturbing illustration of the warm relations between China and the ageing dictator, a platoon of the China People's Liberation Army has been out on the streets of Mutare, a city near the border with Mozambique, which voted against the president in the recent, disputed election.
Almost 30 years ago, Britain pulled out of Zimbabwe - as it had done already out of the rest of Africa, in the wake of Harold Macmillan's 'wind of change' speech. Today, Mugabe says: 'We have turned East, where the sun rises, and given our backs to the West, where the sun sets.'
Despite Britain's commendable colonial legacy of a network of roads, railways and schools, the British are now being shunned.
According to one veteran diplomat: 'China is easier to do business with because it doesn't care about human rights in Africa - just as it doesn't care about them in its own country. All the Chinese care about is money.'
Nowhere is that more true than Sudan. Branded 'Africa's Killing Fields', the massive oil-rich East African state is in the throes of the genocide and slaughter of hundreds of thousands of black, non-Arab peasants in southern Sudan.
In effect, through its supplies of arms and support, China has been accused of underwriting a humanitarian scandal. The atrocities in Sudan have been described by the U.S. as 'the worst human rights crisis in the world today'.
Mugabe has received hundreds of millions of pounds from Chinese sources
The government in Khartoum has helped the feared Janjaweed militia to rape, murder and burn to death more than 350,000 people.
The Chinese - who now buy half of all Sudan's oil - have happily provided armoured vehicles, aircraft and millions of bullets and grenades in return for lucrative deals. Indeed, an estimated £1billion of Chinese cash has been spent on weapons.
According to Human Rights First, a leading human rights advocacy organisation, Chinese-made AK-47 assault rifles, grenade launchers and ammunition for rifles and heavy machine guns are continuing to flow into Darfur, which is dotted with giant refugee camps, each containing hundreds of thousands of people.
Between 2003 and 2006, China sold Sudan $55 million worth of small arms, flouting a United Nations weapons embargo.
With new warnings that the cycle of killing is intensifying, an estimated two thirds of the non-Arab population has lost at least one member of their families in Darfur.
Although two million people have been uprooted from their homes in the conflict, China has repeatedly thwarted United Nations denunciations of the Sudanese regime.
While the Sudanese slaughter has attracted worldwide condemnation, prompting Hollywood film-maker Steven Spielberg to quit as artistic director of the Beijing Olympics, few parts of Africa are now untouched by China.
In Congo, more than £2billion has been 'loaned' to the government. In Angola, £3 billion has been paid in exchange for oil. In Nigeria, more than £5billion has been handed over.
In Equatorial Guinea, where the president publicly hung his predecessor from a cage suspended in a theatre before having him shot, Chinese firms are helping the dictator build an entirely new capital, full of gleaming skyscrapers and, of course, Chinese restaurants.
After battling for years against the white colonial powers of Britain, France, Belgium and Germany, post-independence African leaders are happy to do business with China for a straightforward reason: cash.
With western loans linked to an insistence on democratic reforms and the need for 'transparency' in using the money (diplomatic language for rules to ensure dictators do not pocket millions), the Chinese have proved much more relaxed about what their billions are used for.
Certainly, little of it reaches the continent's impoverished 800 million people. Much of it goes straight into the pockets of dictators. In Africa, corruption is a multi-billion pound industry and many experts believe that China is fuelling the cancer.
The Chinese are contemptuous of such criticism. To them, Africa is about pragmatism, not human rights. 'Business is business,' says Chinese Deputy Foreign Minister Zhou Wenzhong, adding that Beijing should not interfere in 'internal' affairs. 'We try to separate politics from business.'
While the bounty has, not surprisingly, been welcomed by African dictators, the people of Africa are less impressed. At a market in Zimbabwe recently, where Chinese goods were on sale at nearly every stall, one woman told me she would not waste her money on 'Zing-Zong' products.
'They go Zing when they work, and then they quickly go Zong and break,' she said. 'They are a waste of money. But there's nothing else. China is the only country that will do business with us.'
There have also been riots in Zambia, Angola and Congo over the flood of Chinese immigrant workers. The Chinese do not use African labour where possible, saying black Africans are lazy and unskilled.
In Angola, the government has agreed that 70 per cent of tendered public works must go to Chinese firms, most of which do not employ Angolans.
As well as enticing hundreds of thousands to settle in Africa, they have even shipped Chinese prisoners to produce the goods cheaply.
In Kenya, for example, only ten textile factories are still producing, compared with 200 factories five years ago, as China undercuts locals in the production of 'African' souvenirs.
Where will it all end? As far as Beijing is concerned, it will stop only when Africa no longer has any minerals or oil to be extracted from the continent.
A century after Sir Francis Galton outlined his vision for Africa, the Chinese are here to stay. More will come.
The people of this bewitching, beautiful continent, where humankind first emerged from the Great Rift Valley, desperately need progress. The Chinese are not here for that.
They are here for plunder. After centuries of pain and war, Africa deserves better.
Last updated at 17:16pm on 18.07.08
https://www.jamiiforums.com/l readerComments
On June 5, 1873, in a letter to The Times, Sir Francis Galton, the cousin of Charles Darwin and a distinguished African explorer in his own right, outlined a daring (if by today's standards utterly offensive) new method to 'tame' and colonise what was then known as the Dark Continent.
'My proposal is to make the encouragement of Chinese settlements of Africa a part of our national policy, in the belief that the Chinese immigrants would not only maintain their position, but that they would multiply and their descendants supplant the inferior Negro race,' wrote Galton.
'I should expect that the African seaboard, now sparsely occupied by lazy, palavering savages, might in a few years be tenanted by industrious, order-loving Chinese, living either as a semidetached dependency of China, or else in perfect freedom under their own law.'
http://i.dailymail.co.uk/i/pix/2008/07/17/article-0-01FD664F00000578-148_468x286_popup.jpg
Close relations: Chinese President Hu Jintao accompanies Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe to a ceremony in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing
Despite an outcry in Parliament and heated debate in the august salons of the Royal Geographic Society, Galton insisted that 'the history of the world tells the tale of the continual displacement of populations, each by a worthier successor, and humanity gains thereby'.
A controversial figure, Galton was also the pioneer of eugenics, the theory that was used by Hitler to try to fulfil his mad dreams of a German Master Race.
Eventually, Galton's grand resettlement plans fizzled out because there were much more exciting things going on in Africa.
But that was more than 100 years ago, and with legendary explorers such as Livingstone, Speke and Burton still battling to find the source of the Nile - and new discoveries of exotic species of birds and animals featuring regularly on newspaper front pages - vast swathes of the continent had not even been 'discovered'.
Yet Sir Francis Galton, it now appears, was ahead of his time. His vision is coming true - if not in the way he imagined. An astonishing invasion of Africa is now under way.
In the greatest movement of people the world has ever seen, China is secretly working to turn the entire continent into a new colony.
Reminiscent of the West's imperial push in the 18th and 19th centuries - but on a much more dramatic, determined scale - China's rulers believe Africa can become a 'satellite' state, solving its own problems of over-population and shortage of natural resources at a stroke.
With little fanfare, a staggering 750,000 Chinese have settled in Africa over the past decade. More are on the way.
The strategy has been carefully devised by officials in Beijing, where one expert has estimated that China will eventually need to send 300 million people to Africa to solve the problems of over-population and pollution.
The plans appear on track. Across Africa, the red flag of China is flying. Lucrative deals are being struck to buy its commodities - oil, platinum, gold and minerals. New embassies and air routes are opening up. The continent's new Chinese elite can be seen everywhere, shopping at their own expensive boutiques, driving Mercedes and BMW limousines, sending their children to exclusive private schools.
The pot-holed roads are cluttered with Chinese buses, taking people to markets filled with cheap Chinese goods. More than a thousand miles of new Chinese railroads are crisscrossing the continent, carrying billions of tons of illegally-logged timber, diamonds and gold.
New horizons? Mugabe has said: 'We must turn from the West and face the East'
The trains are linked to ports dotted around the coast, waiting to carry the goods back to Beijing after unloading cargoes of cheap toys made in China.
Confucius Institutes (state-funded Chinese 'cultural centres') have sprung up throughout Africa, as far afield as the tiny land-locked countries of Burundi and Rwanda, teaching baffled local people how to do business in Mandarin and Cantonese.
Massive dams are being built, flooding nature reserves. The land is scarred with giant Chinese mines, with 'slave' labourers paid less than £1 a day to extract ore and minerals.
Pristine forests are being destroyed, with China taking up to 70 per cent of all timber from Africa.
All over this great continent, the Chinese presence is swelling into a flood. Angola has its own 'Chinatown', as do great African cities such as Dar es Salaam and Nairobi.
Exclusive, gated compounds, serving only Chinese food, and where no blacks are allowed, are being built all over the continent. 'African cloths' sold in markets on the continent are now almost always imported, bearing the legend: 'Made in China'.
From Nigeria in the north, to Equatorial Guinea, Gabon and Angola in the west, across Chad and Sudan in the east, and south through Zambia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique, China has seized a vice-like grip on a continent which officials have decided is crucial to the superpower's long-term survival.
'The Chinese are all over the place,' says Trevor Ncube, a prominent African businessman with publishing interests around the continent. 'If the British were our masters yesterday, the Chinese have taken their place.'
Likened to one race deciding to adopt a new home on another planet, Beijing has launched its so-called 'One China In Africa' policy because of crippling pressure on its own natural resources in a country where the population has almost trebled from 500 million to 1.3 billion in 50 years.
China is hungry - for land, food and energy. While accounting for a fifth of the world's population, its oil consumption has risen 35-fold in the past decade and Africa is now providing a third of it; imports of steel, copper and aluminium have also shot up, with Beijing devouring 80 per cent of world supplies.
President Robert Mugabe leaving the eleventh ordinary session of the assembly of the African Union heads of State and government in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt
Fuelling its own boom at home, China is also desperate for new markets to sell goods. And Africa, with non-existent health and safety rules to protect against shoddy and dangerous goods, is the perfect destination.
The result of China's demand for raw materials and its sales of products to Africa is that turnover in trade between Africa and China has risen from £5million annually a decade ago to £6billion today.
However, there is a lethal price to pay. There is a sinister aspect to this invasion. Chinese-made war planes roar through the African sky, bombing opponents. Chinese-made assault rifles and grenades are being used to fuel countless murderous civil wars, often over the materials the Chinese are desperate to buy.
Take, for example, Zimbabwe. Recently, a giant container ship from China was due to deliver its cargo of three million rounds of AK-47 ammunition, 3,000 rocket-propelled grenades and 1,500 mortars to President Robert Mugabe's regime.
After an international outcry, the vessel, the An Yue Jiang, was forced to return to China, despite Beijing's insistence that the arms consignment was a 'normal commercial deal'.
Indeed, the 77-ton arms shipment would have been small beer - a fraction of China's help to Mugabe. He already has high-tech, Chinese-built helicopter gunships and fighter jets to use against his people.
Ever since the U.S. and Britain imposed sanctions in 2003, Mugabe has courted the Chinese, offering mining concessions for arms and currency.
While flying regularly to Beijing as a high-ranking guest, the 84-year-old dictator rants at 'small dots' such as Britain and America.
He can afford to. Mugabe is orchestrating his campaign of terror from a 25-bedroom, pagoda-style mansion built by the Chinese. Much of his estimated £1billion fortune is believed to have been siphoned off from Chinese 'loans'.
The imposing grey building of ZANU-PF, his ruling party, was paid for and built by the Chinese. Mugabe received £200 million last year alone from China, enabling him to buy loyalty from the army.
In another disturbing illustration of the warm relations between China and the ageing dictator, a platoon of the China People's Liberation Army has been out on the streets of Mutare, a city near the border with Mozambique, which voted against the president in the recent, disputed election.
Almost 30 years ago, Britain pulled out of Zimbabwe - as it had done already out of the rest of Africa, in the wake of Harold Macmillan's 'wind of change' speech. Today, Mugabe says: 'We have turned East, where the sun rises, and given our backs to the West, where the sun sets.'
Despite Britain's commendable colonial legacy of a network of roads, railways and schools, the British are now being shunned.
According to one veteran diplomat: 'China is easier to do business with because it doesn't care about human rights in Africa - just as it doesn't care about them in its own country. All the Chinese care about is money.'
Nowhere is that more true than Sudan. Branded 'Africa's Killing Fields', the massive oil-rich East African state is in the throes of the genocide and slaughter of hundreds of thousands of black, non-Arab peasants in southern Sudan.
In effect, through its supplies of arms and support, China has been accused of underwriting a humanitarian scandal. The atrocities in Sudan have been described by the U.S. as 'the worst human rights crisis in the world today'.
Mugabe has received hundreds of millions of pounds from Chinese sources
The government in Khartoum has helped the feared Janjaweed militia to rape, murder and burn to death more than 350,000 people.
The Chinese - who now buy half of all Sudan's oil - have happily provided armoured vehicles, aircraft and millions of bullets and grenades in return for lucrative deals. Indeed, an estimated £1billion of Chinese cash has been spent on weapons.
According to Human Rights First, a leading human rights advocacy organisation, Chinese-made AK-47 assault rifles, grenade launchers and ammunition for rifles and heavy machine guns are continuing to flow into Darfur, which is dotted with giant refugee camps, each containing hundreds of thousands of people.
Between 2003 and 2006, China sold Sudan $55 million worth of small arms, flouting a United Nations weapons embargo.
With new warnings that the cycle of killing is intensifying, an estimated two thirds of the non-Arab population has lost at least one member of their families in Darfur.
Although two million people have been uprooted from their homes in the conflict, China has repeatedly thwarted United Nations denunciations of the Sudanese regime.
While the Sudanese slaughter has attracted worldwide condemnation, prompting Hollywood film-maker Steven Spielberg to quit as artistic director of the Beijing Olympics, few parts of Africa are now untouched by China.
In Congo, more than £2billion has been 'loaned' to the government. In Angola, £3 billion has been paid in exchange for oil. In Nigeria, more than £5billion has been handed over.
In Equatorial Guinea, where the president publicly hung his predecessor from a cage suspended in a theatre before having him shot, Chinese firms are helping the dictator build an entirely new capital, full of gleaming skyscrapers and, of course, Chinese restaurants.
After battling for years against the white colonial powers of Britain, France, Belgium and Germany, post-independence African leaders are happy to do business with China for a straightforward reason: cash.
With western loans linked to an insistence on democratic reforms and the need for 'transparency' in using the money (diplomatic language for rules to ensure dictators do not pocket millions), the Chinese have proved much more relaxed about what their billions are used for.
Certainly, little of it reaches the continent's impoverished 800 million people. Much of it goes straight into the pockets of dictators. In Africa, corruption is a multi-billion pound industry and many experts believe that China is fuelling the cancer.
The Chinese are contemptuous of such criticism. To them, Africa is about pragmatism, not human rights. 'Business is business,' says Chinese Deputy Foreign Minister Zhou Wenzhong, adding that Beijing should not interfere in 'internal' affairs. 'We try to separate politics from business.'
While the bounty has, not surprisingly, been welcomed by African dictators, the people of Africa are less impressed. At a market in Zimbabwe recently, where Chinese goods were on sale at nearly every stall, one woman told me she would not waste her money on 'Zing-Zong' products.
'They go Zing when they work, and then they quickly go Zong and break,' she said. 'They are a waste of money. But there's nothing else. China is the only country that will do business with us.'
There have also been riots in Zambia, Angola and Congo over the flood of Chinese immigrant workers. The Chinese do not use African labour where possible, saying black Africans are lazy and unskilled.
In Angola, the government has agreed that 70 per cent of tendered public works must go to Chinese firms, most of which do not employ Angolans.
As well as enticing hundreds of thousands to settle in Africa, they have even shipped Chinese prisoners to produce the goods cheaply.
In Kenya, for example, only ten textile factories are still producing, compared with 200 factories five years ago, as China undercuts locals in the production of 'African' souvenirs.
Where will it all end? As far as Beijing is concerned, it will stop only when Africa no longer has any minerals or oil to be extracted from the continent.
A century after Sir Francis Galton outlined his vision for Africa, the Chinese are here to stay. More will come.
The people of this bewitching, beautiful continent, where humankind first emerged from the Great Rift Valley, desperately need progress. The Chinese are not here for that.
They are here for plunder. After centuries of pain and war, Africa deserves better.
jmushi1
Platinum Member
- Nov 2, 2007
- 24,987
- 22,515
- Thread starter
- #57
Mugabe threatens to take over all foreign...
2008-07-21 09:10:17
By HARARE
Zimbabwe will transfer ownership of all foreign-owned firms that support Western sanctions against President Robert Mugabe`s government to locals and investors from ``friendly`` countries, a state newspaper reported on Sunday.
The southern African state is struggling with an economic crisis many blame on Mugabes policies, which has left it with an inflation rate of over 2.2 million percent and chronic shortages of food and other basic needs.
Mugabe`s government blames the crisis on sabotage by enemies angry over his seizures of white-owned farms for blacks, and has followed up that policy with another controversial law seeking to transfer majority ownership of foreign-owned firms to locals.
The Sunday Mail said Zimbabwe had begun auditing the ownership of Western firms in the country as part of a black empowerment drive ``and to counter the possible withdrawal of investment under sanctions imposed and proposed by Britain and the U.S.``
Mugabe fighting to retain power after a winning a runoff poll boycotted by his rival says Zimbabwe`s severe economic crisis is due to sabotage by former colonial master Britain, its European Union allies and the United States.
The Sunday Mail paper said preliminary results of Zimbabwe`s audit of foreign investments showed that 499 companies enjoyed British investments.
Of these, 309 had majority shareholders in Britain and 97 were wholly owned by Britons.
The audit also found 353 firms with shareholders from other European countries, the weekly said in a story largely attributed to unnamed government sources.
``A high-ranking government source told the Sunday Mail that these companies would be targeted for takeover by local investors and companies from friendly countries, particularly those in the Far East, should they heed calls by the U.S. and European governments for them to disinvest from Zimbabwe,`` it said.
Most of the Western investments in Zimbabwe are in tourism, agriculture, manufacturing and food processing industries.
The newspaper quoted its source as saying: ``In the context of growing hostility, the government is planning to invite companies from friendly countries to move in and take over companies that will close down.``
The move to line up local and Far East investors for the takeover was also aimed at boosting low industrial capacity which has led to chronic shortages on the market, it said.
Although some British investors had so far rebuffed a call by London to pull out of Zimbabwe, Mugabe was taking no chances, the newspaper said.
``It would have been foolhardy for the government to adopt a `business-as-usual` approach when the UK and the U.S. are dishing out threats,`` one source said. ``We had to take action and this is the beginning.``
Mugabe has previously warned that he will target and nationalise companies he accuses of supporting what he calls a ``racist and imperialist`` plot to topple his ZANU-PF government.
Mugabes spokesman George Charamba confirmed the governments drive against Western firms, telling the Sunday Mail: ``The government is not sleeping.``
``It is hard at work and the spotlight is on the corporate sector. We are anxious to understand the behaviour of corporate bodies and whether this (shortages and price hikes) owes to market imperatives or political obligation of the foreign investors,`` Charamba said.
Industry leaders say Zimbabwes economy has been hurt by Mugabes policies, and its future lies in a negotiated political settlement between the ruling ZANU-PF and the opposition MDC.
The MDC has refused to recognise Mugabe`s overwhelming victory in a June 27 vote held after its leader Morgan Tsvangirai pulled out, citing violence by ruling party militia.
2008-07-21 09:10:17
By HARARE
Zimbabwe will transfer ownership of all foreign-owned firms that support Western sanctions against President Robert Mugabe`s government to locals and investors from ``friendly`` countries, a state newspaper reported on Sunday.
The southern African state is struggling with an economic crisis many blame on Mugabes policies, which has left it with an inflation rate of over 2.2 million percent and chronic shortages of food and other basic needs.
Mugabe`s government blames the crisis on sabotage by enemies angry over his seizures of white-owned farms for blacks, and has followed up that policy with another controversial law seeking to transfer majority ownership of foreign-owned firms to locals.
The Sunday Mail said Zimbabwe had begun auditing the ownership of Western firms in the country as part of a black empowerment drive ``and to counter the possible withdrawal of investment under sanctions imposed and proposed by Britain and the U.S.``
Mugabe fighting to retain power after a winning a runoff poll boycotted by his rival says Zimbabwe`s severe economic crisis is due to sabotage by former colonial master Britain, its European Union allies and the United States.
The Sunday Mail paper said preliminary results of Zimbabwe`s audit of foreign investments showed that 499 companies enjoyed British investments.
Of these, 309 had majority shareholders in Britain and 97 were wholly owned by Britons.
The audit also found 353 firms with shareholders from other European countries, the weekly said in a story largely attributed to unnamed government sources.
``A high-ranking government source told the Sunday Mail that these companies would be targeted for takeover by local investors and companies from friendly countries, particularly those in the Far East, should they heed calls by the U.S. and European governments for them to disinvest from Zimbabwe,`` it said.
Most of the Western investments in Zimbabwe are in tourism, agriculture, manufacturing and food processing industries.
The newspaper quoted its source as saying: ``In the context of growing hostility, the government is planning to invite companies from friendly countries to move in and take over companies that will close down.``
The move to line up local and Far East investors for the takeover was also aimed at boosting low industrial capacity which has led to chronic shortages on the market, it said.
Although some British investors had so far rebuffed a call by London to pull out of Zimbabwe, Mugabe was taking no chances, the newspaper said.
``It would have been foolhardy for the government to adopt a `business-as-usual` approach when the UK and the U.S. are dishing out threats,`` one source said. ``We had to take action and this is the beginning.``
Mugabe has previously warned that he will target and nationalise companies he accuses of supporting what he calls a ``racist and imperialist`` plot to topple his ZANU-PF government.
Mugabes spokesman George Charamba confirmed the governments drive against Western firms, telling the Sunday Mail: ``The government is not sleeping.``
``It is hard at work and the spotlight is on the corporate sector. We are anxious to understand the behaviour of corporate bodies and whether this (shortages and price hikes) owes to market imperatives or political obligation of the foreign investors,`` Charamba said.
Industry leaders say Zimbabwes economy has been hurt by Mugabes policies, and its future lies in a negotiated political settlement between the ruling ZANU-PF and the opposition MDC.
The MDC has refused to recognise Mugabe`s overwhelming victory in a June 27 vote held after its leader Morgan Tsvangirai pulled out, citing violence by ruling party militia.
- SOURCE: Guardian
jmushi1
Platinum Member
- Nov 2, 2007
- 24,987
- 22,515
- Thread starter
- #58
Baada ya wazungu kubanwa na kuambiwa kuwa watanyanganywa hata viwanda walivyovyonavyo...Wameamuwa kumwambia Tsivangirai anayesapotiwa na JK kuwa asaini makubaliano ya mazungumzo na pia amtambuwe Mugabe kama Rais wa ZIMBABWE Tangia awapore mabosi wa Tsivangirai Taifa hilo mwaka wa 1980.
ITS TIME FOR AFRICA TO COME TOGETHER!
Starting with Tanzania...Kwani Taifa letu limekuwa likitowa dira ya mwelekeo wa Bara letu la Africa lakini hata kina Mandela na Mbeki na kina Mugabe wanajuwa tuna vibaraka wala rushwa MADARAKANI!
WATANZANIA AMKENI!
Na sasa habari ni kuwa wameshasaini makubaliano hayo...JK ZIII! NA AU Yake ya VIBARAKA!Agence France-Presse - 7/21/2008 12:40 PM GMT
Zimbabwe's parties to sign talks pact: minister
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe and his bitter rival Morgan Tsvangirai were to attend the signing of a deal on Monday to pave the way for full-fledged talks between their feuding parties, in their first joint appearance for years.
The agreement will set in motion discussions on resolving the embattled country's protracted political crisis.
The two rivals are not thought to have met in public at least since Tsvangirai, a former chief trade unionist, formed his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) at the end of 1999.
"Their last meeting was certainly long ago," said Tsvangirai's personal spokesman George Sibotshiwe.
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa said an agreement would be inked Monday afternoon, laying out a framework within which negotiations would be held under the mediation of South African President Thabo Mbeki.
"The signing will take place this afternoon," Chinamasa, who is also the chief negotiator for Mugabe's ZANU-PF party, told AFP.
Mbeki was met by Mugabe when he arrived in Zimbabwe to oversee the signing.
"The memorandum represents a positive step forward in the ongoing dialogue among the parties as facilitated by President Mbeki acting on behalf of SADC," said a South African foreign ministry statement
"Of course the president (Mugabe) will be there for the signing ceremony," Chinamasa told AFP.
A member of the MDC, who asked not to be named, said: "Yes, Morgan is going to be signing the memorandum of understanding personally but before that he is going into a standing committee meeting."
The signing of the pact comes after a series of meetings between Mbeki, the rival parties and officials from the United Nations and African Union.
UN special representative to Zimbabwe Haile Menkerios and African Union commission chairman Jean Ping, who met with the parties over the weekend, had both earlier expressed confidence the pact would be signed.
Menkerios said the draft, once signed, would clear the way for actual talks on the future of the crisis-ridden country to take place.
The 14-nation Southern African Development Community (SADC) which mandated Mbeki to mediate the Zimbabwe crisis in March 2007, said it hoped the talks would yield a result before a meeting of the bloc's leaders in August.
"Our hope is to see Zimbabwe's problems resolved even before the summit next month in South Africa," the head of the organisation's politics, defence and security organ, Tanki Mothae, said.
"Our hope is that they will agree on a principle ... that talks will go ahead and all other issues that are provided for in the MoU should be implemented," Mothae told South African public radio. "It is our hope that they will live up to their commitments."
International pressure for the parties to negotiate intensified after Mugabe won a one-man presidential run-off, after it had been boycotted by Tsvangirai because of a wave of deadly attacks against his supporters.
The memorandum of understanding was to be signed last Wednesday, but Tsvangirai backed out as he pushed for other players to be brought into the mediation process alongside Mbeki.
The opposition leader has rejected the idea of a national unity government in favour of a transitional phase leading to fresh elections, demanding the release of political prisoners, the cessation of violence and an additional mediator from the AU.
Mugabe, 84, who has ruled the former British colony since independence in 1980, has for his part insisted that the MDC has to acknowledge his victory in the run-off if there is to be any kind of power-sharing deal.
Zimbabwe rivals sign talks pact
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai signed a framework agreement Monday which paves the way for fully-fledged talks on ending a protracted political crisis.
The two men signed a memorandum of understanding at a ceremony overseen by South African President Thabo Mbeki, the region's long-time mediator between Mugabe and Tsvangirai's rival parties.
Mbeki said all parties wanted a rapid resolution to their dispute sparked by elections in March.
"It commits the negotiating parties to an intense programme of work to try and finalise the negotiations as quickly as possible," said Mbeki.
"All the Zimbabwean parties recognise the urgency of the matters they are discussing and all are committed to trying to complete this process as quickly as possible."
ITS TIME FOR AFRICA TO COME TOGETHER!
Starting with Tanzania...Kwani Taifa letu limekuwa likitowa dira ya mwelekeo wa Bara letu la Africa lakini hata kina Mandela na Mbeki na kina Mugabe wanajuwa tuna vibaraka wala rushwa MADARAKANI!
WATANZANIA AMKENI!
jmushi1
Platinum Member
- Nov 2, 2007
- 24,987
- 22,515
- Thread starter
- #59
Ukiangalia kwa makini T SHIRTS ZA HAO WAZIMBABWE HAPO JUU ZINAWAPIGA VIJEMBE BUSH NA KIKWETE!
Ya huyo jamaa aliyeko kulia inasema USA get out of Zimbabwe.
Na nyingine ya mwanamama aliyeko kushoto inampiga kijembe JK kuwa yuko wapi...Na huku ni wazi sasa kuwa Mbeki anaheshimika Afrika kuliko hata Mweyekiti wao.
jmushi1
Platinum Member
- Nov 2, 2007
- 24,987
- 22,515
- Thread starter
- #60
Mbeki: Afrika imeangushwa na wasomi
na Ratifa Baranyikwa
RAIS wa Afrika Kusini, Thabo Mbeki, amesema wasomi barani Afrika, hawatakiwi kulalamikia matatizo yaliyopo, kwani wao ndio chachu ya suluhisho ya matatizo hayo.
Akizungumza katika mdahalo uliofanyika juzi katika Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam, Rais Mbeki aliwapa changamoto wasomi nchini, nao kuacha kulalamika na badala yake watoe mchango wao katika kushughulikia matatizo.
Alisema wasomi nchini ndio wana jibu sahihi kuhusu matatizo yanayotokana na umaskini. Alisema thamani ya vyuo ni kutoa fikra zitakazowezesha kuchangia shughuli za maendeleo na kuwataka wasomi hao kufanya tafiti kuhusu hali za nchi zao katika kushughulikia matatizo ambayo yanazikabili.
Mbeki alisema Tanzania na Afrika Kusini wanaweza kukaa pamoja na kutafuta suluhisho kuhusu tatizo la umaskini na matatizo mengine ambayo yanakwamisha maendeleo ya kiuchumi iwapo wasomi watafanya ipasavyo yale wanayopaswa kuyafanya.
Nchi zetu zina maliasili nyingi za kutosha kama maji, madini na kadhalika, sasa tunazitumiaje maliasili zetu katika kuzungumzia umaskini, ndilo jambo ambalo wasomi wanatakiwa kutoa mchango wao. Tumekuja kwa wasomi kusema nini tufanye kuhusu maliasili zilizopo Tanzania, hii ni changamoto, nyinyi kama wasomi kushirikiana na serikali zenu, alisema Mbeki.
Alisema kama nchi za Afrika ziliweza kuwaondoa wakoloni, sasa ni wakati wa kuondoa umaskini kwa kutumia maliasili zilizopo, lakini pia kwa mchango wa watu wenye ujuzi ambao ni wasomi.
Mbeki alisema hivi sasa nchi hizo mbili zimeanzisha ushirikiano ambao una lengo la kuleta maendeleo na kusema kuwa, katika mkutano wake na Rais Kikwete (uliofanyika juzi kabla ya kuhutubia wanafunzi wa chuo hicho), nchi hizo zilikubaliana kuanzisha Tume ya Maendeleo ili kupambana na umaskini.
Mbeki ambaye aliingia katika ukumbi wa chuo hicho wa Nkuruma majira ya saa 9 alasiri, alihutubia kwa muda wa saa mbili bila kupumzika mbele ya umati wa wanafunzi waliojaa kupita kiasi na kuwalazimisha baadhi yao kusikiliza mdahalo huo wakiwa nje ya ukumbi.
Alisema: Hatuhitaji watu wengine kutoka nje kuwa waangalizi katika mambo yetu ya kimaendeleo, Waafrika wenyewe tunapaswa kuwa waangalizi wa masuala yanayohusu nchi zetu.
Aidha, Rais Mbeki alisema kati ya matatizo ya kiuchumi ambayo viongozi wa Kiafrika wanatakiwa kuyavalia njuga, ni biashara. Akita mfano, alisema kiasi cha dola za Kimarekani milioni 500 zilipaswa kukusanywa kutokana na mauzo ya Tanzania nje ya nchi, lakini takwimu zilizopo zinaonyesha kuwa kiasi kilichokusanywa ni dola milioni nane tu.
Alisema hii inatokana na uchimbaji na usafirishaji wa madini hayo, ambao si halali na kutokuwa na uhalali wa kuuza madini hayo nje. Alisema kwa mantiki hiyo, mchango wa wasomi hasa wa kifikra, ni muhimu sana kwa serikali zao kwa kushauri nini kifanyike kutokana na nchi zao kuwa na maliasili nyingi ambazo hazitumiki ipasavyo.
Mbeki alikuwa ameambatana na balozi wa Afrika Kusini nchini, pamoja na mawaziri kadhaa wa Afrika Kusini akiwemo Waziri wa Viwanda, Waziri wa Mawasiliano na Uchukuzi, Waziri wa Kilimo, Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje na mshauri wake wa mambo ya sheria.
Wenyeji wake aliokuwa ameongozana nao ni Waziri wa Elimu ya Juu Sayansi na Teknolojia, Profesa Peter Msola pamoja na Waziri wa Viwanda, Biashara na Masoko, Basil Mramba.
Akimkaribisha Rais Mbeki awali, Makamu Mkuu wa Chuo hicho, Profesa Rwekaza Mukandala, alimshukuru Rais Mbeki kwa kutenga muda wake na kukutana na wanafunzi hao na kutambua mchango wa wasomi.
Wakizungumza na gazeti hili baada ya hotuba hiyo, baadhi ya wanafunzi walisema kuwa, alichokisema rais huyo ni changamoto kwa serikali, pia kuhakikisha kuwa inaboresha elimu nchini.
Tanzania Daima: 7 Aprili 2007
na Ratifa Baranyikwa
RAIS wa Afrika Kusini, Thabo Mbeki, amesema wasomi barani Afrika, hawatakiwi kulalamikia matatizo yaliyopo, kwani wao ndio chachu ya suluhisho ya matatizo hayo.
Akizungumza katika mdahalo uliofanyika juzi katika Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam, Rais Mbeki aliwapa changamoto wasomi nchini, nao kuacha kulalamika na badala yake watoe mchango wao katika kushughulikia matatizo.
Alisema wasomi nchini ndio wana jibu sahihi kuhusu matatizo yanayotokana na umaskini. Alisema thamani ya vyuo ni kutoa fikra zitakazowezesha kuchangia shughuli za maendeleo na kuwataka wasomi hao kufanya tafiti kuhusu hali za nchi zao katika kushughulikia matatizo ambayo yanazikabili.
Mbeki alisema Tanzania na Afrika Kusini wanaweza kukaa pamoja na kutafuta suluhisho kuhusu tatizo la umaskini na matatizo mengine ambayo yanakwamisha maendeleo ya kiuchumi iwapo wasomi watafanya ipasavyo yale wanayopaswa kuyafanya.
Nchi zetu zina maliasili nyingi za kutosha kama maji, madini na kadhalika, sasa tunazitumiaje maliasili zetu katika kuzungumzia umaskini, ndilo jambo ambalo wasomi wanatakiwa kutoa mchango wao. Tumekuja kwa wasomi kusema nini tufanye kuhusu maliasili zilizopo Tanzania, hii ni changamoto, nyinyi kama wasomi kushirikiana na serikali zenu, alisema Mbeki.
Alisema kama nchi za Afrika ziliweza kuwaondoa wakoloni, sasa ni wakati wa kuondoa umaskini kwa kutumia maliasili zilizopo, lakini pia kwa mchango wa watu wenye ujuzi ambao ni wasomi.
Mbeki alisema hivi sasa nchi hizo mbili zimeanzisha ushirikiano ambao una lengo la kuleta maendeleo na kusema kuwa, katika mkutano wake na Rais Kikwete (uliofanyika juzi kabla ya kuhutubia wanafunzi wa chuo hicho), nchi hizo zilikubaliana kuanzisha Tume ya Maendeleo ili kupambana na umaskini.
Mbeki ambaye aliingia katika ukumbi wa chuo hicho wa Nkuruma majira ya saa 9 alasiri, alihutubia kwa muda wa saa mbili bila kupumzika mbele ya umati wa wanafunzi waliojaa kupita kiasi na kuwalazimisha baadhi yao kusikiliza mdahalo huo wakiwa nje ya ukumbi.
Alisema: Hatuhitaji watu wengine kutoka nje kuwa waangalizi katika mambo yetu ya kimaendeleo, Waafrika wenyewe tunapaswa kuwa waangalizi wa masuala yanayohusu nchi zetu.
Aidha, Rais Mbeki alisema kati ya matatizo ya kiuchumi ambayo viongozi wa Kiafrika wanatakiwa kuyavalia njuga, ni biashara. Akita mfano, alisema kiasi cha dola za Kimarekani milioni 500 zilipaswa kukusanywa kutokana na mauzo ya Tanzania nje ya nchi, lakini takwimu zilizopo zinaonyesha kuwa kiasi kilichokusanywa ni dola milioni nane tu.
Alisema hii inatokana na uchimbaji na usafirishaji wa madini hayo, ambao si halali na kutokuwa na uhalali wa kuuza madini hayo nje. Alisema kwa mantiki hiyo, mchango wa wasomi hasa wa kifikra, ni muhimu sana kwa serikali zao kwa kushauri nini kifanyike kutokana na nchi zao kuwa na maliasili nyingi ambazo hazitumiki ipasavyo.
Mbeki alikuwa ameambatana na balozi wa Afrika Kusini nchini, pamoja na mawaziri kadhaa wa Afrika Kusini akiwemo Waziri wa Viwanda, Waziri wa Mawasiliano na Uchukuzi, Waziri wa Kilimo, Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje na mshauri wake wa mambo ya sheria.
Wenyeji wake aliokuwa ameongozana nao ni Waziri wa Elimu ya Juu Sayansi na Teknolojia, Profesa Peter Msola pamoja na Waziri wa Viwanda, Biashara na Masoko, Basil Mramba.
Akimkaribisha Rais Mbeki awali, Makamu Mkuu wa Chuo hicho, Profesa Rwekaza Mukandala, alimshukuru Rais Mbeki kwa kutenga muda wake na kukutana na wanafunzi hao na kutambua mchango wa wasomi.
Wakizungumza na gazeti hili baada ya hotuba hiyo, baadhi ya wanafunzi walisema kuwa, alichokisema rais huyo ni changamoto kwa serikali, pia kuhakikisha kuwa inaboresha elimu nchini.
Tanzania Daima: 7 Aprili 2007
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