Sera za CCM na vifo vya viwanda vyetu

Mzee Mwanakijiji

Platinum Member
Mar 10, 2006
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Tuliwahi kuwa na viwanda vingi na vya namna mbalimbali ambavyo lengo lake kubwa lilikuwa ni kutengeneza uwezo wa ndani wa taifa kuzalisha bidhaa mbalimbali ili kutosheleza kwa kiasi kikubwa mahitaji ya ndani ya nchi..

Lakini, kubwa zaidi katika mawazo ya Mwalimu na waasisi wa taifa letu lengo lilikuwa ni kutengeneza kile ambacho tunakiita "nguvukazi" (manpower) ya ndani ili kuchukua nafasi mbalimbali zilizokuwa zinashikiliwa na wageni. Katika kufanya hili miaka ya mwanzo tukajitahidi sana kuwapa nafasi watanzania kushika nafasi mbalimbali za uongozi katika makampuni na mashirika mbalimbali yale ambayo tuliyajua kuwa ni "mashirika ya umma".

Baada ya kutarajia kuwa lawama kubwa zaweza kuletwa kwa ujamaa na nyerere naomba niwakubalie watakaoleta hoja hizo na tutoke kwenye hayo ya ujamaa na Nyerere na twende mbele zaidi.

Naomba nichochee mjadala kwa misingi ifuatayo:

a. Viwanda hivi vilikuwa na mafanikio ya kiasi gani katika majukumu yake hayo mawili (kuzalidha kwa ulaji wa ndani na kujenga uwezo wa nguvu kazi)?

b. Kwanini hata baada ya yale yaliyoitwa mabadiliko ya uchumi bado viwanda vingi vilikufa au kudumazwa wakati kinadharia na kihalisia tumekuwa na ongezeko kubwa la watanzania wenye ujuzi na uzoefu kuliko wale walioanza baada ya Uhuru?

c. Ni kwa namna gani katika uchumi huu mpya bado tunaweza kufufua baadhi ya viwanda hivyo na kutafuta namna mpya ya umiliki wa viwanda vya umma kama kwa kutumia mtindo wa hisa za mojwa kwa moja kwa wananchi na taasisi binafsi za wananchi?

d. Serikali inaweza vipi kutengeneza mazingira yanayoweza kuboresha uendeshaji wa viwanda hivi aidha kwa mtindo wa private-public patnership au mtindo wowote ambao utahakikisha wamiliki wanapata faida, kizalishwacho ni cha ubora wa kisasa na vile vile ni endelevu?

e. Ni viwanda vipi ungependa unaona vinafufuliwa kwa misingi hiyo hapo juu na kwanini?
 
Baada ya kutarajia kuwa lawama kubwa zaweza kuletwa kwa ujamaa na nyerere naomba niwakubalie watakaoleta hoja hizo na tutoke kwenye hayo ya ujamaa na Nyerere na twende mbele zaidi.
lawama kubwa ziende kwa watu walioviongoza hivi viwanda na sio nyerere. kuna vitu vikubwa viwili ambavyo vimeua hivi viwanda.
1. nyerere alikuwa na mawazo tofauti na watu wanaoviongoza hivi viwanda. nyerere alikuwa anafikiria nchi wakati viongozi wa hivi viwanda walikuwa wanafikiria ku enrich themselves. labda angemodify mawazo ya mtei na kuruhusu watu binafsi kumiliki hayo makampuni na serikali kuwa minority partner. mfano kiwanda cha bora kingekuwa kinamilikiwa na mtu binafsi halafu serikali ina shares zake kidogo, serikali wao kazi yao ingekuwa ni kuimpent protectionist policy si hoja mpaka leo bora kingekuwepo
2. kitu cha pili kilichoua haya makampuni ni corporate welfare. unakuta meneja wa ngazi yeyote ile ana gari na dereva na zaidi kabisa unakuta kila shirika lina hospitali yake.

c. Ni kwa namna gani katika uchumi huu mpya bado tunaweza kufufua baadhi ya viwanda hivyo na kutafuta namna mpya ya umiliki wa viwanda vya umma kama kwa kutumia mtindo wa hisa za mojwa kwa moja kwa wananchi na taasisi binafsi za wananchi?

d. Serikali inaweza vipi kutengeneza mazingira yanayoweza kuboresha uendeshaji wa viwanda hivi aidha kwa mtindo wa private-public patnership au mtindo wowote ambao utahakikisha wamiliki wanapata faida, kizalishwacho ni cha ubora wa kisasa na vile vile ni endelevu?

serikali inatakiwa ianzishe investment arm yake ambayo kazi yake itakuwa kuangalia ni viwanda gani ambavyo vinahitajika TZ, inafinance ujenzi wa hivyo viwanda halafu inaviuza yenyewe inabakia na shares kidogo. mfano matunda yanaoza sana TZ, na bado watu wanauza matunda nje kwa ajili ya kutengeneza juice. serikali ingetakiwa kujenga kiwanda cha matunda na kuaza kitu kama 60% ya shares kwa del monte, serikali kubakia na 5% na kuuza the rest kwa wananchi

moja ya vitu ambavyo ni muhimu serikali inatakiwa ifanye ni kuongeza umeme, shida za umeme zinaongeza gharama za uendeshaji na kufukuza investors.
 
a. Viwanda hivi vilikuwa na mafanikio ya kiasi gani katika majukumu yake hayo mawili (kuzalidha kwa ulaji wa ndani na kujenga uwezo wa nguvu kazi)?
Mkuu hivi viwanda vilikuwa vinatoa msaada ingawa si wa standard za juu kabisa. Naamini kama tungelivitumia vizuri, leo hii vingeweza kabisa kumatch standard nyingi za ulimwengu huu. Ukiangalia viwanda vya nguo, ngozi, uchongaji wa mitambo n.k vimekufa kwasababu watu walimkuwa wanakula mpaka capital ya kuviendesha hivyo viwanda. Plan ingelikuwa ni kuendeleza manpower at the same time kuhakikisha vinaoperate successiful in the local markets
b. Kwanini hata baada ya yale yaliyoitwa mabadiliko ya uchumi bado viwanda vingi vilikufa au kudumazwa wakati kinadharia na kihalisia tumekuwa na ongezeko kubwa la watanzania wenye ujuzi na uzoefu kuliko wale walioanza baada ya Uhuru?
Ukiondoa sigara na TBL, viwanda vyote tulimkabidhi kwa wahindi eti ndio wawekezaji.Hawa jamaa wengi hawajui lolote kuhusu viwanda. Wamevigeuza godowns.Naamini vingine, with good management and supervision vingelikuwa very product leo hii maana
c. Ni kwa namna gani katika uchumi huu mpya bado tunaweza kufufua baadhi ya viwanda hivyo na kutafuta namna mpya ya umiliki wa viwanda vya umma kama kwa kutumia mtindo wa hisa za mojwa kwa moja kwa wananchi na taasisi binafsi za wananchi?
Naamini njia bora ingelikuwa ni kurudi kwa wale waliouziwa ili kuona kama viwanda vile vinafanya kazi zilizokusudiwa. Kwani hawakupewa hivi viwanda kwa masharti?
d. Serikali inaweza vipi kutengeneza mazingira yanayoweza kuboresha uendeshaji wa viwanda hivi aidha kwa mtindo wa private-public patnership au mtindo wowote ambao utahakikisha wamiliki wanapata faida, kizalishwacho ni cha ubora wa kisasa na vile vile ni endelevu?

e. Ni viwanda vipi ungependa unaona vinafufuliwa kwa misingi hiyo hapo juu na kwanini?

National Engineering Company kiwe cha kwanza maana sijui hata kuna nini kinaendelea pale.Hawa walikuwa wanafanya kazi nyingi za vyuma kama cast and foundry ambazo hazifanyiki kirahisi sehemu nyingine. Sasa hivi kama unakazi za aina hiyo hakuna unakoweza kufanya maana hata Nyumbu nayo nu muflisi.

Imagine kazi hizo zilivyo muhimu kwenye production ya metals na mambo yanayoendana na metals!

Tukiweza kufuatilia vema na kuhakikisha watu waionunua wanatekeleza masharti ya manunuzi, vingine vitarudi kwenye uhai, either as private firms or public firms or in partnership with the government
 
Daaaym, this wk has been blessed with a multitude of decent topics!! I'm really lovin it!
 
Ukiondoa sigara na TBL, viwanda vyote tulimkabidhi kwa wahindi eti ndio wawekezaji.Hawa jamaa wengi hawajui lolote kuhusu viwanda. Wamevigeuza godowns.

Mkuu hapo nitapenda kutofautiana na wewe kweli hili, hivi karibuni nimekuwa nikikaa chini na wahindi ambao babu zao waliondoka tanzania wakati wa Nationalization nimegundua mambo mengi sana sababu kwanini wahindi hadi leo hii wanawasiwasi juu ya kuwekeza sana Tanzania.
Naomba Usome Article hii hapa chini pia..kukufungua mambo...hata mimi sikujua kilimanjaro beer ilianzishwa na mhindi!!

Uzawa: Ruffling feathers in Tanzania

Since the onset of the debate on uzawa (indigenisation) in Tanzania, various articles have appeared in different Kiswahili newspapers written by several writers.

Some of the allegations directed against the South Asian community, especially regarding the domination of the business sector, capital flight and the recruitment of expatriates by local South Asian business houses, needed to be answered.

In this article, the African's correspondent, NIZAR FAZAL, explored the real motives behind the debate, and encouraged South Asians in the country to discuss the concept of ''uzawa''.

I will start with the issue of domination in business. Iddi Simba alleged that six Asian businessmen dominate or control business in Tanzania, though he did not mention who these six Asian businessmen were.

I think if Iddi Simba made a thorough investigation then he would discover that his allegation is not true.

South Asian domination of businesses is gradually withering away if one takes into consideration the fact that Tanzanias of non South Asian origin have an upper hand in the importation of goods from outside Tanzania i.e. China, Thailand, Indonesia, Taiwan, South Korea and now South Africa.

A major percentage of imported goods come from Dubai which is the gateway for transiting goods from the above-mentioned countries, not the Zanzibar route.

If Iddi Simba were to go through the records of people travelling by air to Dubai, Bangkok and Mumbai he would find the passenger manifests would reveal more names of East Asians as compared to South Asians.

The evidence could be further corroborated scrutinizing import documentations with the Tanzania Revenue Authority in order to compare statistics on who imports more goods, South Asians or non-South Asians.

However, a significant percentage of documentation relating to importation of goods into Tanzania and their original ownership would be difficult to establish bearing in mind the fact that a major percentage of goods imported into the country is smuggled through the ''transit market'', via neighbouring countries or through the now dominant ''vipanya'' routes, using motorboats, schooners, dhows, and from thereon, using bicycles to deliver these smuggled goods to various distribution networks.

Not forgetting cargo ships anchoring outside the territorial waters and smugglers using their networks of motorboats and dhows to infiltrate smuggled goods into the country.

The local newspapers have highlighted some of these illegal tactics but that is just the tip of the iceberg.

Iddi Simba, I am sure knows about all this, since he has been in politics, in banking, parastatals and in business for a long time.

He needs to go to the Kariakoo area, street by street to witness the number of shops, both wholesale and retail as well as the street pavements displaying, not only mitumba but, finished goods from utensils, crockey, shoes, textiles, electronics and whatnot. In fact Kariakoo has now become the business centre, the shops in the city are now virtually marginalized, save for a few.

There have also been allegations that South Asians don't cooperate with Africans in business.

I am sure that Iddi Simba as a former Trade and Industry minister knows very well how some big African businesses are given colossal amounts of goods on credit basis.

In addition, those using the so called "vipanya" routes get a large quantity of goods from Kenyan South Asian manufacturers on credit basis.

Property development is another case where, apart from the National Housing Corporation, there are many cases of African plot owners going into joint ventures with South Asian-owned enterprises involved in property development and other related businesses.

Buying of plots in the booming Kariakoo area, where it is common to find five to ten storey buildings being constructed, is a case in point.

Former owners of the houses which are being demolished are remunerated tens of millions of shillings, ranging between fifty million shillings to one hundred million shillings.

Indeed for the former owners it is a jackpot bingo many times over. Those former houses were built for about TzShs. 3000 way back in the 1930s. I myself have seen the ownership document of one such former house, dated 1937.

On the subject of South Asians not being willing to invest in industries, as has been alleged by Stephen Wassira in his article (Rai of 17 July, 2003), it does not hold water. Wassira should have done more research before making his accusations.

He would have seen that in the colonial times, ownership of industries was very much the preserve of South Asians, especially with cotton ginneries and other such light industries.

This was particularly so because the colonial government's investment was restricted to only British-owned companies.

Wassira needs to read Dr. Marth Honey's PhD thesis on The Indians in Tanganyika, whereby the author explains in vivid detail how the Indians were referred to then, and how they had to fight tooth and nail to obtain licences for cotton ginneries, and other agro-related industries. They started light cottage industries, such as making laundry soap.

As far back as 1936, the late Habib Punja had a small-scale laundry soap industry in the Gerezani area. Indians then were only allowed to own small-scale milling plants for the grinding of maize into flour viz. dona.

By then sembe had not been introduced. They also owned small-scale machines for extracting edible oil and making jaggery, or ghor as it is called, from processing sugar cane.

In the early sixties, the South Asians began to invest in large scale industries such as Kioo Limited for glass bottle manufacturing and ALAF (Aluminium Africa Ltd) for aluminim products, along Pugu Road (now Nyerere Road).

There were also textile manufacturing plants or factories such as Sunguratex, Kiltex both in Dar es Salaam and Arusha, and a blanket factory in Dar es Salaam.

Soap factories in Tanga, Bukoba, Mwanza and elsewhere were initiated by South Asian-owned companies with assistance from the Industrial Promotion Services (IPS) which was owned by the Aga khan.

The IPS embarked on a systematic promotion of industrial ventures by starting the first shirt and socks factory in Dar es Salaam known by the brand names of ''Kamyn'' and ''Socksey''. Other South Asian communities followed suit and established small scale industries all over the country.

The Madhwani group started the first South Asian-owned brewery in Arusha which manufactured Kilimanjaro beer.

The Karimjee family developed large sisal, cotton and other plantations. The Chandaria group of companies started their famous ALAF enterprise.

In 1966, the Aga khan, on a visit to Tanzania, addressed a gathering of his Ismaili followers at the Diamond Jubilee Hall and advised them to move away gradually from trading i.e. from being dukawallas and venture into industries, engineering, agriculture and tourism.

I personally witnessed this as a young lad of twenty years. Many Ismailis took the Aga Khan's advice to heart and ventured into the rubber sandal industry (in Changombe), shoe-making, biscuit-making (Tabisco factory), wire and nail factories and so forth. Indeed the Aga khan had great ideas about moving his people from trading to industry, agriculture and tourism.

That is why, in 1968, the idea of building the landmark IPS building was conceived. It was opened in November 1970 by the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere in spite of the frenzy of rampant nationalization under the Arusha Declaration of 1967 and the eventual devastating effects of the infamous Buildings Acquisitions Act of 1971.

The nationalization broke the back of Ismaili entrepreneurship; since they were the largest single South Asian community numbering 35,000 out of the total South Asian population of 70,000.

Incidentally, 74 per cent of the nationalized buildings were owned by Ismailis including Dar es Salaam's first ten-storey building, called Mawingo House, along Seaview Road.

It was opened in 1958 by former Governor, Edward Twining, and the IPS building in 1970, by Mwalimu Julius Nyerere.

Ismailis had to migrate to Canada as there was no future for them in Tanzania. I was a regular listener of Radio Tanzania's Mzungumzo Baada ya Habari after the 8.00 p.m. Kiswahili news.

Those commentaries attacked South Asians and called them 'bloodsucking capitalists'', often inserting names like Patels, Meralis and Kanjibhais.

The commentaries were nothing short of outright xenophobic incitements against South Asians.

Such xenophobic statements were also directed against Greeks and Britons for owning sisal, cotton and coffee plantations.

Indeed such commentaries were extremely distressing. One needs to read old copie of The Nationalist, an English newspaper which was started just a few years after independence and owned by the former TANU party.

The Nationalist was selling at just twenty cents as Tanganyika Standard (now Daily News) sold for thirty cents per copy. President Benjamin Mkapa along with Ferdinand Ruhinda (now a member of President Mkapa's kitchen cabinet) managed The Nationalist, which regularly published xenophobic articles and editorials against the South Asian capitalists and others.

Times have changed. President Mkapa is now one of the most forceful and vocal of voices promoting private investment in Tanzania by South Asian and other investors. So is Ferdinand Ruhinda.

Though the development of South Asian-owned industries has started in earnest, the absence of a level playing field is a major obstacle.

Under the trade liberalization and WTO terms and conditions, Tanzania is flooded with manufactured goods from Asian countries which are able to manufacture goods much more cheaply than our Tanzanian-owned industries.

This is due to well-established and decades-old industrial concerns; coupled with a low-cost and efficient output by their workers.

The result is that even locally-owned South Asian industries have been forced to join the bandwagon in evading taxes and resorting to the black economy.

The typical scenario, in the environment of a criminalized economy, is very much in evidence all over Africa, and in many third world countries.

The forces perpetrating criminalisation of the economy are too powerful to be tackled since they involve the high and the mighty in our society who are just ''untouchable''.

One does not need to delve into details as I, along with others, have written at length on this subject. The government on its part must acknowledge the reality of this situation as it seems to have become allied to these nefarious forces.

In 1965, the Aga khan commissioned a team of experts under Dr Hengel, a German industrial economist, who toured all the three countries of East Africa: Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania.

The team carried out detailed research in a study aimed at enabling Ismailis to move away from dukawalla commerce and venture into industrialization, tourism, agriculture, etc.

The KJ (Karmali Juma & Sons) Group of Companies, under its holding company called Industrial Management Services Ltd (IMSL) did a similar exercise. At one stage, The KJ Group had around twenty industries.

A way must be found to discriminate between different players in the economy.

Talking to Tim Sebastian on the BBC "HardTalk" Programme, on July 29, 2003, the Liberian opposition leader, Ms. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, talked at length about the merits of good governance.

She candidly admitted on the programme that African leaders preach about the merits of good governance, but are reluctant to act on it, due to their own vested interests.

Many African leaders, along with their armies, police and intelligence services, have in the past decade or so been exposed in diabolical scandals for the joint looting of resources, minerals oil and even timber logging.

Any African leader, wishing to enforce good governance in his country, knows that confronting these evil forces can mean being overthrown, or at worst, being assassinated.

The key to solving this problem lies with the very forces, the donors, who constantly preach about good governance to African leaders, yet tolerate the necessary enabling environment.

They allow their multinationals, their corporate interests and their banking system, including the secret off-shore accounts, to be given safe haven.

Some writers in the local press have written about South Asians engaging in capital flight, a phenomenon now practiced by othe non-South Asians.

The issue of South Asians indulging in capital flight needs to be examined with reference to past records. In the early sixties, after independence there was hardly any capital flight by South Asians.

Then in 1965, exchange control on repatriation of money outside the country came into force.

In fact the Exchange Control act was a replica of the British exchange control ordinance then in force in Britain under the government of British Prime Minister Harold McMillan.

The coming of the Labour government under Harold Wilson further enforced stringent exchange control on movement of money out of Britain by limiting only #50 for travelers, businessmen being the exception.

This was due to instability in the British economy. South Asians in Tanzania had no reason to engage in capital flight at that time as they considered Tanzania to be their home.

As the saying goes, they had burnt their boats when coming to East Africa from India, before partition of the subcontinent in 1947.

This was evident in the way they put up both residential and commercial buildings, as well as other properties, all over Dar es Salaam and upcountry.

Non-citizen Indian civil servants working in Tanzania with the civil service, Posts and Telecommunications and Railway & Harbours were entitled to send their savings to their country of origin.

Before the 1971 nationalisation of buildings, South Asians wishing to study abroad in countries like the UK (for the wealthy), Indian and Pakistan for the not so wealthy, could easily obtain remittances for college and university fees through local banks, without having to go through the Bank of Tanzania.

Mind you, money earned in those days was all legal money and was hard to come by.

In the economic system today, money is abundant for a certain class of people; previously there was a tight control on the government budget.

There was no corruption within the government or parastal tendering or procurement systems, nor was there the grand smuggling of our mineral resources, or money laundering as is the case today.

As a matter of fact, if immigration records were examined, one would find that there was hardly any movement of South Asians outside East Africa in those days.

Only a handful of South Asian businessmen could travel by air. The majority of Tanzanian South Asians who went for further studies or medical treatment, used passenger steamships.

There were only two to three plying the Indian Ocean sailing via Seychelles, where they stopped for refueling, and visiting the East African ports of Mombasa and Dar es Salaam.

The journey by ship took eight to ten days to Bombay (now Mumbai) or Karach. Some of my schoolmates who went for further studies to India and Pakistan traveled on deck class or third class, paying Tzshs300 which include three meals a day.

They had to take their own bedding. Even after the 1967 Arusha Declaration and the subsequent nationalizations of the commanding heights of the economy such as banks and sisal, cotton and coffee plantations; investments by South Asians did not stop; there were considerable investments in residential and commercial buildings.

The Isamili community, under its motto of homes for all, built up elaborate housing schems. The vast housing estates in Dar es Salaam, like the Garden flats, Nizari flats, City flats along Kisutu Stree, Crescent flats opposite Riddoch Motors, Kamyn flats near the Fire Brigade and many other in the city center well as in Upanga and Kariakoo, were built between 1967 and 1970.

The political turmoil in Africa right after independence in 1960, marked by coups, civil strife and arbitrary detentions all over the continent, fuelled capital flight.

I remember having read and article, written by Andrew Cohen, the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in George Bush Senior's government in 1991, in one of the English newspapers in East Africa which revealed that in many African countries, wealthy personalities keep their money abroad in Europe just because the regime in power happens to be not of their tribe.

The recent revelation in the ongoing Goldenberg inquiry in Kenya reveals that some one billion of US$ Kenya were siphoned out of the country during the 1992 and 1997 elections and this is just one of the many scams.

Some independent studies made by international experts claim that KShs636 billion (or $72 billion) is lying abroad.

The money belongs to both the political elites, civil servants, parastatal executives and businessmen of South Asian, African and European origin.

I wonder how much of Tanzania's wealth is lying in secret enclaves abroad?

The South Asian and Arab communities have not speoken about the debate on uzawa save for the Dodoma urban Member of Parliament, who spoke in parliament in response to Iddi Simba's public pronouncement on the uzawa issue.

In addition, one Dr Hussein Datoo, has written an interesting article on uzawa in The Guardian. Premy Kibanga, the BBC African Service correspondent now in London, was recently interviewed on the BBC Kiswahili Service about uzawa.

Amongst other issues relating to the meaning of uzawa, Premy remarked that the South Asian community has so far not declared its stand on the issue.

Its silence is perplexing to her as many South Asians are two to three generations old here.

Indeed it is high time the South Asian community spoke about the uzawa issue since the whole debate is targeted at it. Let it be said that some South Asians born here have played important roles in politics.

People like the late Amir Jamal, Alnoor Kassum, late Mahmood Nasser Rattansy, the former Tabora MP, and the country's ambassador to The Hague and France.

Also included are the late Akber Saiehe, the only South Asian elected Member of Parliament of the Mafia constituency and the ageing but active, Wolfgang Dourado, former Attorney General of Zanzibar.

Other Asian MPs followed later, people like Rostan Aziz, the later Abbas Gulamali, Azam Premji of Kigoma later to be dethroned on a citizenship technicality, Amirali Mulji, Shamin Khan, now Deputy Minister for Women and Children Affairs, Mohamed Sidiq of Morogoro, Yasmin Aloo, nominated to parliament on a special women's seat and Baby Mawami, the former NEC member from Dodoma.

As for captains of industries, there are numerous South Asians who played their part in the past before nationalization, not forgetting many who are now prominent businessmen, industrialists and academicians in their won right.

If uzawa is construed to mean Tanzanians of black origin than the question of uzawa is not equal to patriotism, for then this does not holder water as there are many uzawa and non-uzawa who have been, or are not, patriots to their country.

The fact that the uzawa debate has now been unbanned within the ruling party, the CCM, is a welcome move. Free ideas and thoughts should be allowed to prevail as long as they do not get out of control and generate into chaos.

We have to bear in mind that Dar es Salaam, with a population nearing four million and with the majority of the people living below the poverty line, can resort ot civil commotion at the slightest pretext and with devastating consequences.

At the moment what Tanzanians of all races, colour, creed or religion should be crusading for is good governance so that poverty can be tackled on all fronts.

The gap between the rich and the poor which is widening day by day is the root cause of all the problems in the country.

The present corrupt oligarchy in power is totally indifferent to the problems of the majority.

It is bent on looting and accumulating as much as possible for itself, just as was done by the previous corrupt administrations.

This article was first published in The African, Tanzania on 2 October 2003 and edited by Awaaz.
 
I believe we cannot go back to correct the mess we created in the past. Nationalising what we could not run was messing up. By privatising with corruption and in many cases accepting bad advice from the IMF, WB, etc. we also messed up. What we now need is not the Government to engage directly in economic activities. What will prevent the fisadis from bankrupting the state owned enterprises this time around? The Government should facilitate the growth of private enterpreneurship at all levels from the informal sector to large scale industries through good policies. There many countries on this planet from whom we can learn. The big questions are, are we willing to learn? Do we have the discipline to put what we learn into action?
 
2. kitu cha pili kilichoua haya makampuni ni corporate welfare. unakuta meneja wa ngazi yeyote ile ana gari na dereva na zaidi kabisa unakuta kila shirika lina hospitali yake.

Kila shirika lina timu ya mpira, lina ofisi ya tanu/ccm, na mwenyekiti wa chama ni LAZIMA awe kwenye bodi ya kiwanda/shirika.
 
I believe we cannot go back to correct the mess we created in the past. Nationalising what we could not run was messing up. By privatising with corruption and in many cases accepting bad advice from the IMF, WB, etc. we also messed up. What we now need is not the Government to engage directly in economic activities. What will prevent the fisadis from bankrupting the state owned enterprises this time around? The Government should facilitate the growth of private enterpreneurship at all levels from the informal sector to large scale industries through good policies. There many countries on this planet from whom we can learn. The big questions are, are we willing to learn? Do we have the discipline to put what we learn into action?
Mkuu uko sahihi lakini nafikiri mtoa hoja anaongelea zaidi viwanda vya umma vilivyojengwa na serikali na siyo nationalization tu.

Hiyo ya serikali kutojishugulika na biashara nafikiri ndo kinachofanyika sasa lakini bado tunamatatizo makubwa gharama za huduma chukulia mfano simu, internate, umeme, bidhaa za viwandani ni kubwa mno wananchi wakawaida hawamudu. umeshauri good policies nafikiri hapo ndo ungetaja zipi hizo ila sisi wananchi na serikali wapata maoni yako maake sote tuko humuhumu tunajifunza.

Swali d kwa mawazo yangu private sector ni muhimu lakini kuna vitu ambazo serikali yenyewe ingesimamia kwa ukamilifu. Kwetu nadhani tatizo kubwa ni umeme kwa ajili ya private sectors cooperate kwa gharama nafuu, chakula cha kutosha ili kupunguza utapiamulo na kuwa na watoto wenye afya wanaoweza kusoma vizuri na kupunguza vifo, barabara kwa ajili ya kurahisisha usafirishaji. Haya yangepewa kipaubele..

Research kwa Tanzania inaonyesha ubovu wa primary roads inachangia asilimia 60 ya bei yakilo ya mahindi. kwa sababu zinachakaza magari maintenance cost inakuwa kubwa magari yanatembea taratibu yanakula mafuta, medereva wanalala siku nyingi njiani kwaiyo wanaongeza pesa za gest na allowance za safari.kwa sababu hizo kijijini wanawalipa kidogo sana wakulima kwasababu middle men wanatumia pesa nyingi kusafirisha. mjini pia wanatoza bei kubwa wafanya kazi wa serikali hawawezi kusave mishahara.given kilimo cha umwagiliaji na large scale farming nafikiri primary roads zingepewa kipaumbele.wakulima wadogo wadogo priorities zingekuwa ni mbegu bora. keeping the size of the farm constant badala ya 1.9t/ha ya mpunga tunayopata sasa aim kwenye 4/ha.

That additional, ita-improve family nutrition na ziada kuuza mijini wakiuza na kupata pesa watanunua pembejeo za kilimo kwa sababu kilimo kinalipa na wanapata ziada.ukisema uwape mbolea tu alafu barabara mbovu inamaana kila msimu watauza kwa bei ya hasara je utampa mbolea mpaka lini?

Mimi nafikiri 'kilimo kwanza' inge-aim ku-improve 'primary' na 'secondary roads' na ingepeleka pesa kwenye research centers ambazo wawe na malengo ya kuinunua yied kutoka wapi hadi wapi.

Serikali inge-change priorities zake, ndo wanavyofanya hata China wanasayansi wanapewa malengo ya serikali wao wanawezesha 'priority' nyingine iwe ni umeme. Hili litawezesha viwanda vya kusindika matunda na mbogamboga. Wawekezaji watavutika badala ya kufanya production huko kwao na kuusafirisha hadi Africa wataona ni faida kuzalishia Tanzania na kuuzia nchi jirani. Makampuni mengi karibia yote ya Ulaya, Amerika, Japan, Honkong, Taiwan wanaouzia China kuzalisha China na siyo kusafirisha hadi huko. Hii imesaidia wananchi kupata ajira na technolojia.

Kwa sasa viwanda vya wageni wanapata ushindani mkubwa kutoka kwa wenyeji, kwa hiyo swala la umeme lingepewa msukumo wa kipekee na siyo siasa, rais wetu anazunguka akihitaji wawekezaji ni jambo jema lakini kwa gharama hizi za umeme atapata wawekezaji uchwara tu au wanaotaka wapewe exemption kibao faida hatupati. Umeme, chakula na mawasiliano ni vitu nyeti sana! China pamoja na hawa watu bilioni moja umeme haukatiki hata kwenye makazi ya watu pia zilizojaa heater, a/c, feezer etc. Source yao kubwa mojawapo ya energy ni coal na na gesi na maji. Sisi hiyo Kiwira eti ilikufa kwa sababu hakukuwa na wateja wengi wa coal.

Kwa ufupi ni kwamba vitu nyeti serikali ishughulikie kama hawana pesa wakope siyo kila mwaka budget zetu ni kwa ajili ya kulipa mishara tu wawekezaji ndo wachangie maendeleo. Maendeleo kwa definition yao na yetu ni tofauti. Bado deni letu la nje linakua kila mwaka kwani tunakopa tunafanyia nini? Ina maana tunakopa siyo kwa ku-invest bali kutoa huduma? Kwa hiyo mtalipaje kwa kuuza rasilimali kwa mikataba ya kilaghai? Ni hatari!

Nawazo yangu tu
 
Tuliwahi kuwa na viwanda vingi na vya namna mbalimbali ambavyo lengo lake kubwa lilikuwa ni kutengeneza uwezo wa ndani wa taifa kuzalisha bidhaa mbalimbali ili kutosheleza kwa kiasi kikubwa mahitaji ya ndani ya nchi..

Lakini, kubwa zaidi katika mawazo ya Mwalimu na waasisi wa taifa letu lengo lilikuwa ni kutengeneza kile ambacho tunakiita "nguvukazi" (manpower) ya ndani ili kuchukua nafasi mbalimbali zilizokuwa zinashikiliwa na wageni. Katika kufanya hili miaka ya mwanzo tukajitahidi sana kuwapa nafasi watanzania kushika nafasi mbalimbali za uongozi katika makampuni na mashirika mbalimbali yale ambayo tuliyajua kuwa ni "mashirika ya umma".

Baada ya kutarajia kuwa lawama kubwa zaweza kuletwa kwa ujamaa na nyerere naomba niwakubalie watakaoleta hoja hizo na tutoke kwenye hayo ya ujamaa na Nyerere na twende mbele zaidi.

Naomba nichochee mjadala kwa misingi ifuatayo:

a. Viwanda hivi vilikuwa na mafanikio ya kiasi gani katika majukumu yake hayo mawili (kuzalidha kwa ulaji wa ndani na kujenga uwezo wa nguvu kazi)?

b. Kwanini hata baada ya yale yaliyoitwa mabadiliko ya uchumi bado viwanda vingi vilikufa au kudumazwa wakati kinadharia na kihalisia tumekuwa na ongezeko kubwa la watanzania wenye ujuzi na uzoefu kuliko wale walioanza baada ya Uhuru?

c. Ni kwa namna gani katika uchumi huu mpya bado tunaweza kufufua baadhi ya viwanda hivyo na kutafuta namna mpya ya umiliki wa viwanda vya umma kama kwa kutumia mtindo wa hisa za mojwa kwa moja kwa wananchi na taasisi binafsi za wananchi?

d. Serikali inaweza vipi kutengeneza mazingira yanayoweza kuboresha uendeshaji wa viwanda hivi aidha kwa mtindo wa private-public patnership au mtindo wowote ambao utahakikisha wamiliki wanapata faida, kizalishwacho ni cha ubora wa kisasa na vile vile ni endelevu?

e. Ni viwanda vipi ungependa unaona vinafufuliwa kwa misingi hiyo hapo juu na kwanini?

Kwanza nijibu B.Viwanda vingi vilikufa kwasababu zifuatazo kubwa.Uselfish,Kubweteka,rushwa na hata undugunaizesheni . Ningetamani kuwaona kina Sungura tex wanarudi ulingoni.
 
Mkuu uko sahihi lakini nafikiri mtoa hoja anaongelea zaidi viwanda vya umma vilivyojengwa na serikali na siyo nationalization tu.

Hiyo ya serikali kutojishugulika na biashara nafikiri ndo kinachofanyika sasa lakini bado tunamatatizo makubwa gharama za huduma chukulia mfano simu, internate, umeme, bidhaa za viwandani ni kubwa mno wananchi wakawaida hawamudu. umeshauri good policies nafikiri hapo ndo ungetaja zipi hizo ila sisi wananchi na serikali wapata maoni yako maake sote tuko humuhumu tunajifunza.

Swali d kwa mawazo yangu private sector ni muhimu lakini kuna vitu ambazo serikali yenyewe ingesimamia kwa ukamilifu. Kwetu nadhani tatizo kubwa ni umeme kwa ajili ya private sectors cooperate kwa gharama nafuu, chakula cha kutosha ili kupunguza utapiamulo na kuwa na watoto wenye afya wanaoweza kusoma vizuri na kupunguza vifo, barabara kwa ajili ya kurahisisha usafirishaji. Haya yangepewa kipaubele..

Research kwa Tanzania inaonyesha ubovu wa primary roads inachangia asilimia 60 ya bei yakilo ya mahindi. kwa sababu zinachakaza magari maintenance cost inakuwa kubwa magari yanatembea taratibu yanakula mafuta, medereva wanalala siku nyingi njiani kwaiyo wanaongeza pesa za gest na allowance za safari.kwa sababu hizo kijijini wanawalipa kidogo sana wakulima kwasababu middle men wanatumia pesa nyingi kusafirisha. mjini pia wanatoza bei kubwa wafanya kazi wa serikali hawawezi kusave mishahara.given kilimo cha umwagiliaji na large scale farming nafikiri primary roads zingepewa kipaumbele.wakulima wadogo wadogo priorities zingekuwa ni mbegu bora. keeping the size of the farm constant badala ya 1.9t/ha ya mpunga tunayopata sasa aim kwenye 4/ha.

That additional, ita-improve family nutrition na ziada kuuza mijini wakiuza na kupata pesa watanunua pembejeo za kilimo kwa sababu kilimo kinalipa na wanapata ziada.ukisema uwape mbolea tu alafu barabara mbovu inamaana kila msimu watauza kwa bei ya hasara je utampa mbolea mpaka lini?

Mimi nafikiri 'kilimo kwanza' inge-aim ku-improve 'primary' na 'secondary roads' na ingepeleka pesa kwenye research centers ambazo wawe na malengo ya kuinunua yied kutoka wapi hadi wapi.

Serikali inge-change priorities zake, ndo wanavyofanya hata China wanasayansi wanapewa malengo ya serikali wao wanawezesha 'priority' nyingine iwe ni umeme. Hili litawezesha viwanda vya kusindika matunda na mbogamboga. Wawekezaji watavutika badala ya kufanya production huko kwao na kuusafirisha hadi Africa wataona ni faida kuzalishia Tanzania na kuuzia nchi jirani. Makampuni mengi karibia yote ya Ulaya, Amerika, Japan, Honkong, Taiwan wanaouzia China kuzalisha China na siyo kusafirisha hadi huko. Hii imesaidia wananchi kupata ajira na technolojia.

Kwa sasa viwanda vya wageni wanapata ushindani mkubwa kutoka kwa wenyeji, kwa hiyo swala la umeme lingepewa msukumo wa kipekee na siyo siasa, rais wetu anazunguka akihitaji wawekezaji ni jambo jema lakini kwa gharama hizi za umeme atapata wawekezaji uchwara tu au wanaotaka wapewe exemption kibao faida hatupati. Umeme, chakula na mawasiliano ni vitu nyeti sana! China pamoja na hawa watu bilioni moja umeme haukatiki hata kwenye makazi ya watu pia zilizojaa heater, a/c, feezer etc. Source yao kubwa mojawapo ya energy ni coal na na gesi na maji. Sisi hiyo Kiwira eti ilikufa kwa sababu hakukuwa na wateja wengi wa coal.

Kwa ufupi ni kwamba vitu nyeti serikali ishughulikie kama hawana pesa wakope siyo kila mwaka budget zetu ni kwa ajili ya kulipa mishara tu wawekezaji ndo wachangie maendeleo. Maendeleo kwa definition yao na yetu ni tofauti. Bado deni letu la nje linakua kila mwaka kwani tunakopa tunafanyia nini? Ina maana tunakopa siyo kwa ku-invest bali kutoa huduma? Kwa hiyo mtalipaje kwa kuuza rasilimali kwa mikataba ya kilaghai? Ni hatari!

Nawazo yangu tu

Mkuu Zhule,

Mchango wako huu mzuri na ndo hasa watawla wa CCM wameshindwa kutumia wasomi wetu na kubadilisha uchumi wa nchi. Ni kweli umetolea mfano china kuhusu wawekezaji kutoka ulaya na marekani badala ya kuzalishia kwao na kusafirisha bidhaa kwenda china, wamejenga viwanda huko huko china na wana zalishia hapo na kuuza kwa karibu.

Yote hayo ni kwa sababu technolojia, umeme, naji, rasilimali watu n.k.vinapatikana pale pale china. Tanzania umeme ni Richmond, IPTL, Kiwira, n.k......upuuzi mtupu. Leo Rais wetu anatembeza bakuli badala ya kuhakikisha kwamba SONGAS wanazalisha umeme 1000MW au serikali ikanunua mitambo yake ya uwezo wa 800MW na ikawekwa pale ubungo kwa pesa ya vitambulisho vya uraia.

Artumas ya Mnazi bay wangeambiwa wazalishe umeme kwa kutumoa gesi asilia angalau 300MW na wasambaze wenyewe mikoa yote ya kusini.

Kiwira serikali ingeweka mitambo ya angalau 400MW n.k. nakwambia baada ya mipango hii kukamilika wawekezaji watamiminika na tutauza umeme nje!!

Lakini CCM wako usingizini na kuendekeza siasa zisizo na maana yoyote na kujaza matumbo yasiyo kuwa na shukurani.
 
Lakini kama hatuna uwezo tunaweza vipi kuyafanya haya? Zhule amependekeza mambo ambayo watu wengi wanayaona kinadharia na kimantiki lakini hata hao walio madarakani wakiwa pembeni sitoshangaa wakija na mawazo hayo hayo; sasa kwanini hawafanyi kile ambacho wataalamu wetu wengi na hata watu wa kawaida wanaweza kuona kuwa ndicho kinapaswa kufanywa?

Kwa mfano Rais aliposema kusema kuwa hatuna wataalamu wa kuandika mikataba si tulitarajia kwanza wangesitisha kuingia mikataba mingine lakini wakaendelea na matokeo yake ni matatizo yale yale..
 
Mkuu Zhule,

Mchango wako nimeukubali mkuu wangu; ulikuwa haujakaa sawa nimeuweka sawa... Naamini wengine wakiusoma wataukubali pia! Shukrani kwa mchango huu mkuu
asante kwa kuimprove mkuu. ni katika kujifunza tu
 
Wengine wanasema kuwa kwa sababu ya SAP's ya miaka 1980's hivi na sera zao lakini mimi siamini katika mambo kama haya maana unaweza kuona kuwa sera za Taifa kam 4 tigers economy zilivyokuwa , na hata hivi viwanda ambavyo CCM wanauza leo ni vya walimu Nyerere na sio vyao
 
Lakini kama hatuna uwezo tunaweza vipi kuyafanya haya? Zhule amependekeza mambo ambayo watu wengi wanayaona kinadharia na kimantiki lakini hata hao walio madarakani wakiwa pembeni sitoshangaa wakija na mawazo hayo hayo; sasa kwanini hawafanyi kile ambacho wataalamu wetu wengi na hata watu wa kawaida wanaweza kuona kuwa ndicho kinapaswa kufanywa?

Kwa mfano Rais aliposema kusema kuwa hatuna wataalamu wa kuandika mikataba si tulitarajia kwanza wangesitisha kuingia mikataba mingine lakini wakaendelea na matokeo yake ni matatizo yale yale..
lakini mkuu wangu mzee mwanakijiji uwezo hatuna au vipaumbele ndo tatizo?.matumizi ya serikali yetu unaifahamu na umeisemea sana tu. sasa hivi tuna kilimo kwanza pesa zipo. lakini wanalenga kufanyia nini?.Tazama wanalenga umwangiliaji, kupanua mashaba na pembejeo. hivi vitu vitatu vinalenga middle men au wakulima wakubwa. ukiwezesha hawa watu wakulima wenye matatizo ya chakula na utapiamulo watafaidika vipi?utawagawia chakula kila msimu? Nakibaya zaidi hiyo voucha ni kwa baadhi ya wilaya mikoa vijiji na watu. wale wasikuwa includede sijuwi wanafaidika vipi.Ndo nikasema walenge kuinua yield na kujenga barabara. Nikatolea mfano wa rice.presentation moja wa rice breeder wa wizara ya kilimo aliyofanya misri inaonyesha tanzania ina ha 21mil zinazofaa kwa mpunga. zinazolimwa hadi sasa ni 550000ha. yield ni 1.9t/ha. kwa wastani huo uzalishaji ni tani 0.95mil. anasema mahitaji ya mchele kwa tanzania ni takriban tani1mil. mahitaji ya chakula kwa ujumla ni takribani tani 10mil.hawa wakulima wanalima kwa kutumia mvua ya asili. imagine umekeep constant 550000ha na ku-increase yield to 4t/ha. utazalisha jumla ya tani mil2.2 tayari kunaziada. Hii ziada hawa wakulima watauza na wata-improve mlo. watanunua pembejeo wenyewe. wewe tengeneza barabara ili wa-acess soko,pereka pesa SUA, UDSM na vyuo vingene uwambie waimprove yield ya rice kutoka 1.9 to 4t/ha. In china kwenye research fields yield inafika tani 17.2/ha mashambani ni 8.9t/ha. research zao kwa sasa ni ku-reduce that gap kati ya mkulima na researcher ambazo ni vyuo vikuu.Research hizi hazihitaji pesa nyingi kama kununua pembejeo ni convectional breeding tu.watakujakuapply genomics huko baadaye kama watahitaji ku-improve yield zaidi na zaidi.nafikiri nifikra potofu tu kwamba sisi hatuwezi kwaiyo mkuu wetu ni kuzunguka akihitaji wawekezaji, wachumi wake nao ni kutekeleza masharti ya imf and world bank.Hebu fikiria maprofesa wa SUA wanafanya biashara za kuuza baa na nyumba za kulala wageni.kwa sababu serikali haina research za kufanya. Kwa China wanawania wanafunzi ambao ni vichwa kwa sababu wanamafungu kibao kutoka serikalini, wizarani na mikoani wote hao wanahitaji data.Yaani kuna research priorities za serikali kuu, wizara, mkoa, na chuo. Hawa watu wako busy. Sisi research priorities hata serikali kuu hakuna. priorities ni pesa za semina na warsha nk. Nchi isiyo na research priorities itaendeleaje?cheki hizo website za costec, Repoa, wizara bali mbali, hakuna research funds.ikitokea utasikia ni za questionaire. utasikia wanataka kujua kwa nini wanafunzi wanafeli, kiwango cha kwashiokor, ukosefu wa ajira, madhara ya madaya ya kulevya, demokrasia watu hawashiriki kupiga kura nk.wakati wanajua kabisa hakuna chakula cha kutosha, viwanda havipo au havipanuki kwa sababu ya hiyo utandawazi, inayoleta unequal competition.garama kubwa ya umeme wananchi wamekata tamaa kwa sababu hawawezi kuwajibisha serikali hata kama serikali hiyo imeshindwa kutoa hudumu rejea bunge na sakata la richmond. Unajua technologia ya marekani ni kubwa kwaiyo wana-brands zinazofahamika China haiwezi kufungulia milango bidhaa za marekani kwa sababu kila mchina atataka avae let say Nike as a result viwanda vya China vitakufa. China wamewabania kijanja. Pesa yao RMB hawataki kuipandisha ikaribie na dola.kwa sababu dola iko juu wachina wana-opt bidhaa zao.Pili wakipandisha RMB wafanyabiasha wanaomiminika China watakuwa na option mbili either waende China, Europe au amerika. kwa sasa wanaonly one alternative kwenda china. Hawa wafanyabiashara wanaleta dola kibao lakini China hawashushi thamani ya dola. Obama anapiga kelele lakini wapi.Hapa kwetu wameruhusiwa hakuna masharti wanaua viwanda vyetu. China comparatively technologia yao ni kubwa kuliko Africa.kwaiyo sababu iko wazi kabisa hakuna kazi kwa sababu serikali haitoi kipaombele kwa viwanda vya ndani.na serikali imefungulia milango kwa sababu huku China ndo wanakoomba misaada.Kwaiyo ni priorities tu ndo shida. Private sector lazima ilelewe na serikali kwa nchi changa kama yetu. huwezi kuwaachia kama marekani.China pamoja na technologia na uchumi wake huo lakini bado serikali ndo mwendeshaji mkuu wa uchumi. wanasema private sector wanalelewa taratibu.Kivipi ni kwamba investors wanaruhusiwa lakini wanaform ventures na wachina.hapa kwetu madini, mawasiliano, mabenki , hata bia wanataka wawe peke yao tu.eti soko la tanzania halina uhakika kivipi na wana-record faida kila mwaka
 
Lakini kama hatuna uwezo tunaweza vipi kuyafanya haya? Zhule amependekeza mambo ambayo watu wengi wanayaona kinadharia na kimantiki lakini hata hao walio madarakani wakiwa pembeni sitoshangaa wakija na mawazo hayo hayo; sasa kwanini hawafanyi kile ambacho wataalamu wetu wengi na hata watu wa kawaida wanaweza kuona kuwa ndicho kinapaswa kufanywa?

Kwa mfano Rais aliposema kusema kuwa hatuna wataalamu wa kuandika mikataba si tulitarajia kwanza wangesitisha kuingia mikataba mingine lakini wakaendelea na matokeo yake ni matatizo yale yale..
Viongozi wetu ni wakaidi, jeuri, viburi, mbumbumbu na mbaya zaidi hawaoni mbele kwa masilahi ya umma..

Kupunguza matumizi ya serikali halihitaji utafiti wa ujasiri wa kutendaa..
 
..tulitakiwa tubinafsishe viwanda vyetu kabla havijaoza. naamini tungebinafsisha mapema[in the 80s] viwanda vingi vingekuwa vinazalisha leo hii. TBL na Sigara ni mifano ya viwanda ambavyo vilibinafsisha kabla havijaharibika na kuoza kabisa...pia tusiwalaumu wawekezaji tuliowauzia magofu ya viwanda ambao wameshindwa kuzalisha. hivi mwekezaji wa magofu ya kiwanda cha viatu cha Bora atazalisha vipi wakati nchi nzima imetapakaa viatu vya mitumba?..sasa hivi tunatakiwa tuje na a cocktail of measures ili kuwezesha uanzishwaji wa viwanda, na kuhakikisha kwamba viwanda hivyo vina-survive.
 
Ukiondoa sigara na TBL, viwanda vyote tulimkabidhi kwa wahindi eti ndio wawekezaji.Hawa jamaa wengi hawajui lolote kuhusu viwanda. Wamevigeuza godowns.

Mkuu hapo nitapenda kutofautiana na wewe kweli hili, hivi karibuni nimekuwa nikikaa chini na wahindi ambao babu zao waliondoka tanzania wakati wa Nationalization nimegundua mambo mengi sana sababu kwanini wahindi hadi leo hii wanawasiwasi juu ya kuwekeza sana Tanzania.
Naomba Usome Article hii hapa chini pia..kukufungua mambo...hata mimi sikujua kilimanjaro beer ilianzishwa na mhindi!!

Uzawa: Ruffling feathers in Tanzania

Since the onset of the debate on uzawa (indigenisation) in Tanzania, various articles have appeared in different Kiswahili newspapers written by several writers.

Some of the allegations directed against the South Asian community, especially regarding the domination of the business sector, capital flight and the recruitment of expatriates by local South Asian business houses, needed to be answered.

In this article, the African’s correspondent, NIZAR FAZAL, explored the real motives behind the debate, and encouraged South Asians in the country to discuss the concept of ’’uzawa’’.

I will start with the issue of domination in business. Iddi Simba alleged that six Asian businessmen dominate or control business in Tanzania, though he did not mention who these six Asian businessmen were.

I think if Iddi Simba made a thorough investigation then he would discover that his allegation is not true.

South Asian domination of businesses is gradually withering away if one takes into consideration the fact that Tanzanias of non South Asian origin have an upper hand in the importation of goods from outside Tanzania i.e. China, Thailand, Indonesia, Taiwan, South Korea and now South Africa.

A major percentage of imported goods come from Dubai which is the gateway for transiting goods from the above-mentioned countries, not the Zanzibar route.

If Iddi Simba were to go through the records of people travelling by air to Dubai, Bangkok and Mumbai he would find the passenger manifests would reveal more names of East Asians as compared to South Asians.

The evidence could be further corroborated scrutinizing import documentations with the Tanzania Revenue Authority in order to compare statistics on who imports more goods, South Asians or non-South Asians.

However, a significant percentage of documentation relating to importation of goods into Tanzania and their original ownership would be difficult to establish bearing in mind the fact that a major percentage of goods imported into the country is smuggled through the ’’transit market’’, via neighbouring countries or through the now dominant ’’vipanya’’ routes, using motorboats, schooners, dhows, and from thereon, using bicycles to deliver these smuggled goods to various distribution networks.

Not forgetting cargo ships anchoring outside the territorial waters and smugglers using their networks of motorboats and dhows to infiltrate smuggled goods into the country.

The local newspapers have highlighted some of these illegal tactics but that is just the tip of the iceberg.

Iddi Simba, I am sure knows about all this, since he has been in politics, in banking, parastatals and in business for a long time.

He needs to go to the Kariakoo area, street by street to witness the number of shops, both wholesale and retail as well as the street pavements displaying, not only mitumba but, finished goods from utensils, crockey, shoes, textiles, electronics and whatnot. In fact Kariakoo has now become the business centre, the shops in the city are now virtually marginalized, save for a few.

There have also been allegations that South Asians don’t cooperate with Africans in business.

I am sure that Iddi Simba as a former Trade and Industry minister knows very well how some big African businesses are given colossal amounts of goods on credit basis.

In addition, those using the so called ”vipanya” routes get a large quantity of goods from Kenyan South Asian manufacturers on credit basis.

Property development is another case where, apart from the National Housing Corporation, there are many cases of African plot owners going into joint ventures with South Asian-owned enterprises involved in property development and other related businesses.

Buying of plots in the booming Kariakoo area, where it is common to find five to ten storey buildings being constructed, is a case in point.

Former owners of the houses which are being demolished are remunerated tens of millions of shillings, ranging between fifty million shillings to one hundred million shillings.

Indeed for the former owners it is a jackpot bingo many times over. Those former houses were built for about TzShs. 3000 way back in the 1930s. I myself have seen the ownership document of one such former house, dated 1937.

On the subject of South Asians not being willing to invest in industries, as has been alleged by Stephen Wassira in his article (Rai of 17 July, 2003), it does not hold water. Wassira should have done more research before making his accusations.

He would have seen that in the colonial times, ownership of industries was very much the preserve of South Asians, especially with cotton ginneries and other such light industries.

This was particularly so because the colonial government’s investment was restricted to only British-owned companies.

Wassira needs to read Dr. Marth Honey’s PhD thesis on The Indians in Tanganyika, whereby the author explains in vivid detail how the Indians were referred to then, and how they had to fight tooth and nail to obtain licences for cotton ginneries, and other agro-related industries. They started light cottage industries, such as making laundry soap.

As far back as 1936, the late Habib Punja had a small-scale laundry soap industry in the Gerezani area. Indians then were only allowed to own small-scale milling plants for the grinding of maize into flour viz. dona.

By then sembe had not been introduced. They also owned small-scale machines for extracting edible oil and making jaggery, or ghor as it is called, from processing sugar cane.

In the early sixties, the South Asians began to invest in large scale industries such as Kioo Limited for glass bottle manufacturing and ALAF (Aluminium Africa Ltd) for aluminim products, along Pugu Road (now Nyerere Road).

There were also textile manufacturing plants or factories such as Sunguratex, Kiltex both in Dar es Salaam and Arusha, and a blanket factory in Dar es Salaam.

Soap factories in Tanga, Bukoba, Mwanza and elsewhere were initiated by South Asian-owned companies with assistance from the Industrial Promotion Services (IPS) which was owned by the Aga khan.

The IPS embarked on a systematic promotion of industrial ventures by starting the first shirt and socks factory in Dar es Salaam known by the brand names of ’’Kamyn’’ and ’’Socksey’’. Other South Asian communities followed suit and established small scale industries all over the country.

The Madhwani group started the first South Asian-owned brewery in Arusha which manufactured Kilimanjaro beer.

The Karimjee family developed large sisal, cotton and other plantations. The Chandaria group of companies started their famous ALAF enterprise.

In 1966, the Aga khan, on a visit to Tanzania, addressed a gathering of his Ismaili followers at the Diamond Jubilee Hall and advised them to move away gradually from trading i.e. from being dukawallas and venture into industries, engineering, agriculture and tourism.

I personally witnessed this as a young lad of twenty years. Many Ismailis took the Aga Khan’s advice to heart and ventured into the rubber sandal industry (in Changombe), shoe-making, biscuit-making (Tabisco factory), wire and nail factories and so forth. Indeed the Aga khan had great ideas about moving his people from trading to industry, agriculture and tourism.

That is why, in 1968, the idea of building the landmark IPS building was conceived. It was opened in November 1970 by the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere in spite of the frenzy of rampant nationalization under the Arusha Declaration of 1967 and the eventual devastating effects of the infamous Buildings Acquisitions Act of 1971.

The nationalization broke the back of Ismaili entrepreneurship; since they were the largest single South Asian community numbering 35,000 out of the total South Asian population of 70,000.

Incidentally, 74 per cent of the nationalized buildings were owned by Ismailis including Dar es Salaam’s first ten-storey building, called Mawingo House, along Seaview Road.

It was opened in 1958 by former Governor, Edward Twining, and the IPS building in 1970, by Mwalimu Julius Nyerere.

Ismailis had to migrate to Canada as there was no future for them in Tanzania. I was a regular listener of Radio Tanzania’s Mzungumzo Baada ya Habari after the 8.00 p.m. Kiswahili news.

Those commentaries attacked South Asians and called them ’bloodsucking capitalists’’, often inserting names like Patels, Meralis and Kanjibhais.

The commentaries were nothing short of outright xenophobic incitements against South Asians.

Such xenophobic statements were also directed against Greeks and Britons for owning sisal, cotton and coffee plantations.

Indeed such commentaries were extremely distressing. One needs to read old copie of The Nationalist, an English newspaper which was started just a few years after independence and owned by the former TANU party.

The Nationalist was selling at just twenty cents as Tanganyika Standard (now Daily News) sold for thirty cents per copy. President Benjamin Mkapa along with Ferdinand Ruhinda (now a member of President Mkapa’s kitchen cabinet) managed The Nationalist, which regularly published xenophobic articles and editorials against the South Asian capitalists and others.

Times have changed. President Mkapa is now one of the most forceful and vocal of voices promoting private investment in Tanzania by South Asian and other investors. So is Ferdinand Ruhinda.

Though the development of South Asian-owned industries has started in earnest, the absence of a level playing field is a major obstacle.

Under the trade liberalization and WTO terms and conditions, Tanzania is flooded with manufactured goods from Asian countries which are able to manufacture goods much more cheaply than our Tanzanian-owned industries.

This is due to well-established and decades-old industrial concerns; coupled with a low-cost and efficient output by their workers.

The result is that even locally-owned South Asian industries have been forced to join the bandwagon in evading taxes and resorting to the black economy.

The typical scenario, in the environment of a criminalized economy, is very much in evidence all over Africa, and in many third world countries.

The forces perpetrating criminalisation of the economy are too powerful to be tackled since they involve the high and the mighty in our society who are just ’’untouchable’’.

One does not need to delve into details as I, along with others, have written at length on this subject. The government on its part must acknowledge the reality of this situation as it seems to have become allied to these nefarious forces.

In 1965, the Aga khan commissioned a team of experts under Dr Hengel, a German industrial economist, who toured all the three countries of East Africa: Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania.

The team carried out detailed research in a study aimed at enabling Ismailis to move away from dukawalla commerce and venture into industrialization, tourism, agriculture, etc.

The KJ (Karmali Juma & Sons) Group of Companies, under its holding company called Industrial Management Services Ltd (IMSL) did a similar exercise. At one stage, The KJ Group had around twenty industries.

A way must be found to discriminate between different players in the economy.

Talking to Tim Sebastian on the BBC ”HardTalk” Programme, on July 29, 2003, the Liberian opposition leader, Ms. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, talked at length about the merits of good governance.

She candidly admitted on the programme that African leaders preach about the merits of good governance, but are reluctant to act on it, due to their own vested interests.

Many African leaders, along with their armies, police and intelligence services, have in the past decade or so been exposed in diabolical scandals for the joint looting of resources, minerals oil and even timber logging.

Any African leader, wishing to enforce good governance in his country, knows that confronting these evil forces can mean being overthrown, or at worst, being assassinated.

The key to solving this problem lies with the very forces, the donors, who constantly preach about good governance to African leaders, yet tolerate the necessary enabling environment.

They allow their multinationals, their corporate interests and their banking system, including the secret off-shore accounts, to be given safe haven.

Some writers in the local press have written about South Asians engaging in capital flight, a phenomenon now practiced by othe non-South Asians.

The issue of South Asians indulging in capital flight needs to be examined with reference to past records. In the early sixties, after independence there was hardly any capital flight by South Asians.

Then in 1965, exchange control on repatriation of money outside the country came into force.

In fact the Exchange Control act was a replica of the British exchange control ordinance then in force in Britain under the government of British Prime Minister Harold McMillan.

The coming of the Labour government under Harold Wilson further enforced stringent exchange control on movement of money out of Britain by limiting only #50 for travelers, businessmen being the exception.

This was due to instability in the British economy. South Asians in Tanzania had no reason to engage in capital flight at that time as they considered Tanzania to be their home.

As the saying goes, they had burnt their boats when coming to East Africa from India, before partition of the subcontinent in 1947.

This was evident in the way they put up both residential and commercial buildings, as well as other properties, all over Dar es Salaam and upcountry.

Non-citizen Indian civil servants working in Tanzania with the civil service, Posts and Telecommunications and Railway & Harbours were entitled to send their savings to their country of origin.

Before the 1971 nationalisation of buildings, South Asians wishing to study abroad in countries like the UK (for the wealthy), Indian and Pakistan for the not so wealthy, could easily obtain remittances for college and university fees through local banks, without having to go through the Bank of Tanzania.

Mind you, money earned in those days was all legal money and was hard to come by.

In the economic system today, money is abundant for a certain class of people; previously there was a tight control on the government budget.

There was no corruption within the government or parastal tendering or procurement systems, nor was there the grand smuggling of our mineral resources, or money laundering as is the case today.

As a matter of fact, if immigration records were examined, one would find that there was hardly any movement of South Asians outside East Africa in those days.

Only a handful of South Asian businessmen could travel by air. The majority of Tanzanian South Asians who went for further studies or medical treatment, used passenger steamships.

There were only two to three plying the Indian Ocean sailing via Seychelles, where they stopped for refueling, and visiting the East African ports of Mombasa and Dar es Salaam.

The journey by ship took eight to ten days to Bombay (now Mumbai) or Karach. Some of my schoolmates who went for further studies to India and Pakistan traveled on deck class or third class, paying Tzshs300 which include three meals a day.

They had to take their own bedding. Even after the 1967 Arusha Declaration and the subsequent nationalizations of the commanding heights of the economy such as banks and sisal, cotton and coffee plantations; investments by South Asians did not stop; there were considerable investments in residential and commercial buildings.

The Isamili community, under its motto of homes for all, built up elaborate housing schems. The vast housing estates in Dar es Salaam, like the Garden flats, Nizari flats, City flats along Kisutu Stree, Crescent flats opposite Riddoch Motors, Kamyn flats near the Fire Brigade and many other in the city center well as in Upanga and Kariakoo, were built between 1967 and 1970.

The political turmoil in Africa right after independence in 1960, marked by coups, civil strife and arbitrary detentions all over the continent, fuelled capital flight.

I remember having read and article, written by Andrew Cohen, the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in George Bush Senior’s government in 1991, in one of the English newspapers in East Africa which revealed that in many African countries, wealthy personalities keep their money abroad in Europe just because the regime in power happens to be not of their tribe.

The recent revelation in the ongoing Goldenberg inquiry in Kenya reveals that some one billion of US$ Kenya were siphoned out of the country during the 1992 and 1997 elections and this is just one of the many scams.

Some independent studies made by international experts claim that KShs636 billion (or $72 billion) is lying abroad.

The money belongs to both the political elites, civil servants, parastatal executives and businessmen of South Asian, African and European origin.

I wonder how much of Tanzania’s wealth is lying in secret enclaves abroad?

The South Asian and Arab communities have not speoken about the debate on uzawa save for the Dodoma urban Member of Parliament, who spoke in parliament in response to Iddi Simba’s public pronouncement on the uzawa issue.

In addition, one Dr Hussein Datoo, has written an interesting article on uzawa in The Guardian. Premy Kibanga, the BBC African Service correspondent now in London, was recently interviewed on the BBC Kiswahili Service about uzawa.

Amongst other issues relating to the meaning of uzawa, Premy remarked that the South Asian community has so far not declared its stand on the issue.

Its silence is perplexing to her as many South Asians are two to three generations old here.

Indeed it is high time the South Asian community spoke about the uzawa issue since the whole debate is targeted at it. Let it be said that some South Asians born here have played important roles in politics.

People like the late Amir Jamal, Alnoor Kassum, late Mahmood Nasser Rattansy, the former Tabora MP, and the country’s ambassador to The Hague and France.

Also included are the late Akber Saiehe, the only South Asian elected Member of Parliament of the Mafia constituency and the ageing but active, Wolfgang Dourado, former Attorney General of Zanzibar.

Other Asian MPs followed later, people like Rostan Aziz, the later Abbas Gulamali, Azam Premji of Kigoma later to be dethroned on a citizenship technicality, Amirali Mulji, Shamin Khan, now Deputy Minister for Women and Children Affairs, Mohamed Sidiq of Morogoro, Yasmin Aloo, nominated to parliament on a special women’s seat and Baby Mawami, the former NEC member from Dodoma.

As for captains of industries, there are numerous South Asians who played their part in the past before nationalization, not forgetting many who are now prominent businessmen, industrialists and academicians in their won right.

If uzawa is construed to mean Tanzanians of black origin than the question of uzawa is not equal to patriotism, for then this does not holder water as there are many uzawa and non-uzawa who have been, or are not, patriots to their country.

The fact that the uzawa debate has now been unbanned within the ruling party, the CCM, is a welcome move. Free ideas and thoughts should be allowed to prevail as long as they do not get out of control and generate into chaos.

We have to bear in mind that Dar es Salaam, with a population nearing four million and with the majority of the people living below the poverty line, can resort ot civil commotion at the slightest pretext and with devastating consequences.

At the moment what Tanzanians of all races, colour, creed or religion should be crusading for is good governance so that poverty can be tackled on all fronts.

The gap between the rich and the poor which is widening day by day is the root cause of all the problems in the country.

The present corrupt oligarchy in power is totally indifferent to the problems of the majority.

It is bent on looting and accumulating as much as possible for itself, just as was done by the previous corrupt administrations.

This article was first published in The African, Tanzania on 2 October 2003 and edited by Awaaz.
Asante mkuu Kapinga. Sasa baada ya yale yaliotokea huko nyuma mbona sasa wanaendeleza magumashi yaliyopitiliza kwenye viwanda? Bado ninawalaumu sana maana kama walichukua viwanda ili waviendeeze kwanini wanaviua na kugeuza magodowns?
 
Hawa wafanyakazi wa viwanda na mashirika ambao wengi wamekosa ajira baada ya viwanda na mashirika kufa, na wengi ndo watoto wao wanaendesha mabodaboda, wengine mamachinga ndio watakaoidondosha CCM uchaguzi mkuu, serikali inayokuja msicheze na sekta hii, hii sekta inaweza ikawapa kura au kuwaondoa,
 
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