Rais Magufuli ametukanwa tena na Jarida la Economist. Tukiendelea kunyamaza, itafika siku Uongo huu utageuka Ukweli!

Hili gazeti taarifa zake huwa sio sahihi mfano soma toleo hilo hapo chini la mwaka 2000 kuhusu Afrika kwa ujumla halafu baada ya miaka 11 wanatoa taarifa zingine tofauti na hiyo.

On 13th May 2000, The Economist magazine ran a front cover that notoriously labeled Africa as ‘The Hopeless Continent’.

In its eyes, Africa was a forsaken place — ravaged by war, famine and disease.

Just a decade later, the tune had changed. In 2011 and 2012 respectively, The Economist and Time magazine released editions with resplendent displays of the ‘Africa Rising’ slogan. Lavish with praise and optimism, they described Africa as a continent of promise, growth and prosperity.
 
Magazeti yote ambayo yameshawahi kufungiwa yalifungiwa baada ya watanzania kupaza sauti?Sasa kwanini iwe kwa hili gazeti?Kwanini isitumike ile njia inayotumika kufungia magazeti mengine?Najuwa haiwezekani.mtoa mada tafuta njia nyingine.
 
Je ni kipimo gani unakitumia kujuwa kuwa wenzako ni waongo? Je, kwanini wewe usiwe ndiyo muongo na hao wakawa ndiyo wakweli?Tushushie evidence kaka yetu.
 
Spin Doctor Mayalla!

Containing the damage by twisting the message!, Stripping it of its essence and central theme!

Pretending to be sarcastic while your major target is to misinform the public!. Like an early preemption so that the public should not get the article's messages as it is!

Are you trying to stripp dissentors off the the hope that they have allies in the western world sympathetic to their woes So that they shouldn't be embolden?

Yours is an outdated form of propaganda!
Shame on you!
 
Pascal Mayalla said:
Wanabodi,

Angalizo Kuhusu Uzalendo.
Rais wa nchi ni kama baba kwenye familia, na sisi wananchi wote, rais ni kama baba yetu, sisi Watoto, inapotokea baba anakosea, tunaweza kumkosoa na tukilewa tunaweza hata kumtukana, na isiwe a big deal!, lakini huwezi kuona baba yako anatukanwa na wewe ukakaa kimya, vivyo hivyo kwa rais Magufuli, Watanzania wazalendo, hawawezi kuona rais wao akitukanwa na kusingiziwa uongo, huku tumekaa kimya. Ukiona rais wako anatukanwa na kudhalilishwa na wewe kukubali na kukaa kimya au hata kushangilia, ujijue una matatizo!, ukimuimagine rais Magufuli kama ni baba yako, hutakubali atukanwe, adhalilishwe, na asingiziwe uongo, ila kama ni kweli, then, its ok aambiwe, hata kama ukweli huo ni mchungu vipi.

Sio mara moja wala mara mbili, nimekuwa nikisisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwisho wake sio tuu utaonekana kama ni ukweli, bali unaweza kugeuka ndio ukweli wenyewe kwa sababu kauli huumba!.

Ni muda sasa jarida la The Economist limekuwa likiisema vibaya nchi yetu, na kumsema vibaya rais wetu, ikiwemo kumuita majina ya ajabu ajabu, mimi nikiwa ni mwandishi wa habari, kanuni kuu nambari moja kwa mwandishi wa habari, ni kusema ukweli daima, hivyo sina tatizo kabisa na chochote kitakachoandikwa kwenye gazeti, kama ni cha kweli, lakini natatizwa sana na uongo wowote unaoandikwa kwenye magazeti na majarida ya kimataifa, likiwemo jarida hili la The Economist, kwa lengo la kuhadaa ulimwengu kwa kutoa story za uongo kuhusu Tanzania, na kuzieneza kimataifa, wanaoujua ukweli kuhusu haya yanayosemwa ni sisi Watanzania, nchi yetu inatungiwa uongo, tumenyamaza!, rais wetu anatungiwa uongo!, anapachikwa majina ya ajabu ajabu, anadhalilishwa na kutukanwa!, sisi tumenyamaza!, kwa vile uongo huu unasambazwa kimataifa na huku sisi tumenyamaza bila kuukanusha, matokeo yake sio tuu jamii ya kimataifa, itatuelewa hivyo na kumuelewa rais wetu hivyo, bali uongo ukisemwa sana bila kukanushwa, hugeuka ukweli, hivyo kuyanyamazia haya, kunaweza kupelekea haya kuja kutokea Tanzania kwa siku za usoni!.

The Economist walianzia hapa ‪Tusikubali udhalilishaji wa Jarida la The Economist, lamwita Rais wetu "Dinasauria wa Dodoma” na "bullheaded socialist"

Tukanyamaza, sasa wameibuka tena na uongo mwingine

Tanzania's rogue president - Democracy under assault - The Economist

Katika report hiyo, wamemtukana rais wetu kuwa Rogue President. Kwa vile mimi sijui Kiingereza, ilinibidi nikatafute kamusi kuangalia neno rogue ni nini, mtu anaeitwa rogue ni mtu wa namna gani, na taifa likiitwa rogue state ni taifa la namna gani, naomba kwa heshima ya rais wetu, nisitoe ufafanuzi wa neno hilo, ila kwa kifupi ni rais wetu ametukanwa!.

Kwenye report yao, wameripoti mambo mengi ya uongo kuhusu Tanzania, na mambo mengi ya uongo kumhusu rais wetu.

Story yenyewe ni hii, naomba nisiitafasiri nisije nikabadili maana, ila nimekufahamu kutukanwa huku kupita thread hii
Economist: Tanzanias Rogue President
Democracy under assaultTanzania’s rogue president
Strong constitutions matter
Mr Magufuli was an unlikely candidate to run Tanzania. Though it has had multiparty elections since 1994, the country has been run exclusively by one organisation, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the “party of the revolution”, since its formation in 1977. But unlike his predecessors, Mr Magufuli is no party man. In the nomination process for the election of 2015 he was not the favourite of any faction. Facing the biggest challenge to its rule since 1994, however, the party seemed minded to pick somebody with the aura of being an “outsider” who was not tainted by the allegations of corruption dogging it. Mr Magufuli seems to have won by having few enemies rather than many allies.

Within weeks of taking office, he excited even sceptics. He turned up at offices to check if Tanzania’s famously lackadaisical civil servants were at work. Businesspeople swooned after he sacked dozens of officials suspected of cronyism. In neighbouring Kenya, where president Uhuru Kenyatta’s government has not prosecuted a single major corruption case in six years, fans demanded their own Magufuli.

But the honeymoon did not last long. When Mr Magufuli last year presented Acacia, a London-listed gold-mining company, with a bill for $190bn in supposedly unpaid taxes (a figure equivalent to roughly four times Tanzania’s entire GDP), it was the latest confirmation that Mr Magufuli’s anti-corruption strategy is about as precise as a blunderbuss. He distrusts not only Western investors but also the Chinese, who are building infrastructure across east Africa. He tells his ministers that they are “not the same Chinese” as the Maoists who built the Tazara railway line linking Tanzania to Zambia in the 1970s. Rather than being freed from corruption, the economy is grinding to a halt under the weight of arbitrary tax demands.

Mr Magufuli’s approach to political opposition is no better. Though CCM has never lost an election, in recent years Tanzania’s politics did seem to have been opening up. Under Mr Magufuli, that has all changed. Less than a year after coming to power, he had banned all political rallies (the president gets around the ban himself by having “non-political” public events with civil servants). MPs are allowed to campaign only in their own constituencies (and several have been arrested). Several newspapers have been temporarily closed by the government, and two, linked to Chadema, an opposition party, remain so.

Extrajudicial violence, which used to be almost unknown on the mainland, is escalating. In September Tundu Lissu, a prominent opposition MP, was shot and injured outside his house in Dodoma, the sleepy capital. Minor political figures have simply disappeared.

Not all of the violence is by the state. Over the past year about a dozen police officers have been killed in Kibiti, a mostly Muslim coastal town about 70km south of Dar es Salaam. The police have seemingly responded in kind. Yet little news leaks out from the region. Foreign journalists are turned back long before they reach Kibiti; a Tanzanian journalist investigating the killings has been missing for three months.

Tanzania’s politics have never been truly open, but what is different now is that even CCM, which is by far the country’s most stable institution, is cowed. Under Tanzania’s constitution, little changed since it was written in 1977 by Julius Nyerere, the country’s founding father, power is almost entirely concentrated in the presidency (Nyerere himself once joked to a BBC reporter: “I have sufficient powers under the constitution to be a dictator”). Mr Magufuli is both head of state and chairman of the party, with the power to hire and fire civil servants, including judges, as he pleases. On taking office, he quickly filled important posts in the government and the party with his own allies.

Few are willing to speak up against the presidency, says one CCM MP. There is little hope of change coming through the ballot box since the opposition is crushed and the next election, in 2020, will probably be rigged. Nor is there much hope that the party can restrain Mr Magufuli. Some hope that Jakaya Kikwete and Benjamin Mkapa, two former presidents, can persuade him to change course. Others dream, seemingly forlornly, that the party will revolt.

The main lesson of Tanzania is that constitutions which concentrate power in the presidency can quickly be subverted. Democracy flourished between 1994 and 2015 because the bigwigs in CCM saw the benefits of a more open, pluralistic economy. But they failed to do the tedious work of strengthening institutions and limiting the powers of their successors. Now they have lost their chance to embed the reforms and the country faces ruin. That should be a lesson to other African elites.

This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "Falling into dictatorship"
Mkuu Nairobian, asante kutujulisha jinsi rais wetu anavyotukanwa na hili jarida la the economist, ngoja nimweleze Dr. Abasi pale Maelezo ili jarida hili lipewe onyo na ikibidi lifungiwe kama the East African.

Uongo kwenye Makala hii ni kama ifuatavyo.​
  1. Kichwa cha habari, Democracy under assault Tanzania’s rogue president, Japo ni kweli demokrasia yetu Tanzania iko under assault, jee ni kweli rais Magufuli ni rogue?​
  2. Mr Magufuli was an unlikely candidate to run Tanzania-hapa wanamaanisha Magufuli hana uwezo wa kuitawala Tanzania!, jee hii ni kweli?.​
  3. Though it has had multiparty elections since 1994, the country has been run exclusively by one organisation, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the “party of the revolution”, since its formation in 1977. Hii ni kweli.​
  4. But unlike his predecessors, Mr Magufuli is no party man-hapa wanasema Magufuli hakuwa kada!, jee ni kweli?.​
  5. In the nomination process for the election of 2015 he was not the favourite of any faction-hapa wanadai katika uteuzi Magufuli hakuwa anapendwa na upande wowote!, hii ni kweli?.​
  6. Facing the biggest challenge to its rule since 1994, however, the party seemed minded to pick somebody with the aura of being an “outsider” who was not tainted by the allegations of corruption dogging it. Wanasema kuduatia CCM kuchafukwa kwa rushwa, waliamua kumtafuta mtu baki.​
  7. Mr Magufuli seems to have won by having few enemies rather than many allies. Magufuli alishinda uteuzi kwa sababu alikuwa na maadui wachache, lakini sio wengi waungaji mkono wengi.​
  8. Within weeks of taking office, he excited even sceptics. He turned up at offices to check if Tanzania’s famously lackadaisical civil servants were at work. Hapa wamewatukana watumishi wote wa umma Tanzania kwa kuwaita lackadaisical civil servants, jee ni kweli watumishi wetu wa umma ni lackadaisical?.​
  9. Businesspeople swooned after he sacked dozens of officials suspected of cronyism. In neighbouring Kenya, where president Uhuru Kenyatta’s government has not prosecuted a single major corruption case in six years, fans demanded their own Magufuli. Hapa wanaisifu kasi yake ya tumbua tumbua za mwanza zilizofanya Kenya watake kuwa na Magufuli wao.​
  10. But the honeymoon did not last long. When Mr Magufuli last year presented Acacia, a London-listed gold-mining company, with a bill for $190bn in supposedly unpaid taxes (a figure equivalent to roughly four times Tanzania’s entire GDP), it was the latest confirmation that Mr Magufuli’s anti-corruption strategy is about as precise as a blunderbuss. Hapa wanamponda kuwa vita vyake vya rushwa ni blunderbuss!. Wamezungumzia bili ya Acacia kuwa ni mara 4 ya GDP ya Tanzania!, hii ikimaanisha wanaitangaza Tanzania kama nchi ya ajabu, kuwa huwezi kudai bili ya mara 4 ya GDP yako!, na hapa ndipo Watanzania tunabidi kuungana na rais wetu kuwa hata kipimo cha GDP yetu kiko chini kwa sababu utajiri wetu wote ulikuwa unaibiwa!, hivyo baada ya kutolea Acacia ile bili ya $190bn. BOT ipeleke WB taarifa hiyo ijumlishwe kwenye pato la taifa, hivyo kuinua GDP yetu!. Kumbe Tanzania ndio nchi mzalishaji kubwa wa dhahabu number moja duniani!, lakini dhahabu yetu yote ilikuwa inabiwa na hawa Acacia!. Tuwadai Fedha zetu, watu tupewe Noah zetu!.​
  11. He distrusts not only Western investors but also the Chinese, who are building infrastructure across east Africa. Hapa wanasema Magufuli hawaamini wawekezaji wa Ulaya na hata Wachina!. Huu ni uchonganishi!, jee ni kweli rais Magufuli hawaamini wawekezaji?.​
  12. He tells his ministers that they are “not the same Chinese” as the Maoists who built the Tazara railway line linking Tanzania to Zambia in the 1970s. Jee ni kweli rais Magufuli amewaambia mawaziri wake kuwa wawekezaji wa kichini hawa wa sasa sio kama wale wa Enzi za Mao?.​
  13. Rather than being freed from corruption, the economy is grinding to a halt under the weight of arbitrary tax demands. Wanadai badala ya rushwa kupungua, uchumi wa Tanzania unaporomoka na serikali inakamua kodi za ajabu!.​
  14. Mr Magufuli’s approach to political opposition is no better. Though CCM has never lost an election, in recent years Tanzania’s politics did seem to have been opening up. Under Mr Magufuli, that has all changed. Less than a year after coming to power, he had banned all political rallies (the president gets around the ban himself by having “non-political” public events with civil servants). MPs are allowed to campaign only in their own constituencies (and several have been arrested). Several newspapers have been temporarily closed by the government, and two, linked to Chadema, an opposition party, remain so. Hapa kuna ukweli na ndio huu udikiteta tunaouzungumza.​
  15. Extrajudicial violence, which used to be almost unknown on the mainland, is escalating. In September Tundu Lissu, a prominent opposition MP, was shot and injured outside his house in Dodoma, the sleepy capital. Minor political figures have simply disappeared. Hii ni kweli.​
  16. Not all of the violence is by the state. Over the past year about a dozen police officers have been killed in Kibiti, a mostly Muslim coastal town about 70km south of Dar es Salaam. The police have seemingly responded in kind. Yet little news leaks out from the region. Foreign journalists are turned back long before they reach Kibiti; a Tanzanian journalist investigating the killings has been missing for three months. Kunakitu hapa kimezungumzwa kuhusu Kibiti, naomba nisikiseme, ila wanadai waandishi wa nje wamezuiliwa wasikaribie Kibiti na kumtaja Azori aliyepotea hadi sasa.​
  17. Tanzania’s politics have never been truly open, but what is different now is that even CCM, which is by far the country’s most stable institution, is cowed. Hapa wanadai siasa Tanzania hazijawahi kuwa za uwazi! ba sasa hata CCM wenyewe ni waoga!, huu ni uongo wa ncha kweupe!.​
  18. Under Tanzania’s constitution, little changed since it was written in 1977 by Julius Nyerere, the country’s founding father, power is almost entirely concentrated in the presidency (Nyerere himself once joked to a BBC reporter: “I have sufficient powers under the constitution to be a dictator”). Hapa wanasema ni Katiba ya Tanzania inayompa mamlaka rais wa Tanzania akitaka kuwa dikiteta anaweza. Kama ni katiba ya Tanzania inamruhusu rais kuwa Dikiteta na Nyerere anasema hakutaka, them Magufuli ametaka, hivyo kila anachokifa kiko kwenye Katiba!, swali linabaki jee ni kweli kila anachofanya rais Magufuli, anafanya kwa mujibu wa Katiba?.​
  19. Mr Magufuli is both head of state and chairman of the party, with the power to hire and fire civil servants, including judges, as he pleases. On taking office, he quickly filled important posts in the government and the party with his own allies. Hapa pia ni uongo wa mchana kweupe kuwa rais Magufuli anaweza kufukuza kazi watumishi wote hadi majaji!. Sii kweli, wanamsingizia, rais gana mamlaka ya kumfukuza kazi jaji!.​
  20. Few are willing to speak up against the presidency, says one CCM MP. There is little hope of change coming through the ballot box since the opposition is crushed and the next election, in 2020, will probably be rigged. Hapa wanasema Magufuli anaogopwa sana kuambiwa ukweli. Sisi hapa jf hatumuogopi rais Magufuli bali tunamuheshimu, ndio maana kila ukicha tunampa ukweli point blank, ila hapa pia wamedanganya kuwa uchaguzi wa 2020 utavurugika!. Hawa the Economist bi prophets of the doom, wanatiombea mabaya, leo ni 2018, uchaguzi ujao ni 2020, wamejuaje uchaguzi utaharibika?!.​
  21. Nor is there much hope that the party can restrain Mr Magufuli. Hapa wanadai eti kuna matumaini CCM, itamzuia Magufuli asigombee tena!, sijui ni nani anayewadanganya watu hawa!, CCM gani ya kumzuia Magufuli?!, kama hapa alipo, Magufuli tayari yuko juu ya Katiba, hawajui kuwa Magufuli ndie CCM!, na CCM wanaule uratibu wao wa rais aliye madarakani hapingwi!, kuna CCM gani ya kumzuia Magufuli wakati yeye ndiye CCM?.​
  22. Some hope that Jakaya Kikwete and Benjamin Mkapa, two former presidents, can persuade him to change course. Others dream, seemingly forlornly, that the party will revolt. Haua pia ni matumani ya ndoto kuwa Mkapa na JK watamkabili Magufuli kumshawizi abadlike,na eti wana CCM wataasi!. Hawajui kuwa CCM ni kipusa watu wanagombea kujiunga!.​
  23. The main lesson of Tanzania is that constitutions which concentrate power in the presidency can quickly be subverted. Hapa wanazungumzia matumaini ya Katiba mpya!.​
  24. Democracy flourished between 1994 and 2015 because the bigwigs in CCM saw the benefits of a more open, pluralistic economy. But they failed to do the tedious work of strengthening institutions and limiting the powers of their successors. Now they have lost their chance to embed the reforms and the country faces ruin. That should be a lesson to other African elites. Hapa kuna ukweli ila jee ni kweli taifa letu linakwenda kuangamia?.​
Jarida hili lina international circulation, hivyo uongo wake unasambaa dunia nzima. Mara ya kwanza wamemtukana rais wetu kuwa ni dinasauria wa Dodoma, Tusikubali udhalilishaji wa Jarida la The Economist, lamwita Rais wetu "Dinasauria wa Dodoma” na "bullheaded socialist", tukawaacha, leo wamemtukana rogue tukiwaacha, kesho tena watakuja na tukano jingine!. Mimi wasiwasi wangu ni kwa huu uongo anaosambazwa kimataifa, huku vyombo vyetu vipo, vinajua ni uongo, kwa nini vinanyamaza?!.

Kauli huumba, hata mjusi tuu, kila siku ukimuita kenge, kuna siku hiyo kaulli yako itambadili huyo mjusi na kumgeuza kenge ukweli!. Huu uongo wa kila siku kumuita rais Magufuli kuwa ni Dikiteta na hakuna anayekanusha, mimi naogopa sana pale uongo unaposemwa na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, sio naogopa kwa sababu uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ukweli, bali naogopa sana uongo huu utakapo kuja kugeuka na kuwa ndio ukweli ukweli!, na wakati huo ukifika!, sina hata uhakika kama akina sisi tunaowapeni taarifa hizi kama tutakuwepo!, maana mageuzi hayo ninayoyaogopa, mara zote huanzia na watu wa sekta yetu!.

Nawatakia Furahi Day Njema,

Paskali
Click to expand...
Si katukanwa.. kafungue jalada
 
Ila Pascal mtu mbaya sana dah watu wa design yako hawafai kuwa marafiki wanakupoteza unahis anakusifia au anakuunga mkono kumbe wale wale
 
Pascal Mayalla said:
Wanabodi,

Angalizo Kuhusu Uzalendo.
Rais wa nchi ni kama baba kwenye familia, na sisi wananchi wote, rais ni kama baba yetu, sisi Watoto, inapotokea baba anakosea, tunaweza kumkosoa na tukilewa tunaweza hata kumtukana, na isiwe a big deal!, lakini huwezi kuona baba yako anatukanwa na wewe ukakaa kimya, vivyo hivyo kwa rais Magufuli, Watanzania wazalendo, hawawezi kuona rais wao akitukanwa na kusingiziwa uongo, huku tumekaa kimya. Ukiona rais wako anatukanwa na kudhalilishwa na wewe kukubali na kukaa kimya au hata kushangilia, ujijue una matatizo!, ukimuimagine rais Magufuli kama ni baba yako, hutakubali atukanwe, adhalilishwe, na asingiziwe uongo, ila kama ni kweli, then, its ok aambiwe, hata kama ukweli huo ni mchungu vipi.

Sio mara moja wala mara mbili, nimekuwa nikisisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwisho wake sio tuu utaonekana kama ni ukweli, bali unaweza kugeuka ndio ukweli wenyewe kwa sababu kauli huumba!.

Ni muda sasa jarida la The Economist limekuwa likiisema vibaya nchi yetu, na kumsema vibaya rais wetu, ikiwemo kumuita majina ya ajabu ajabu, mimi nikiwa ni mwandishi wa habari, kanuni kuu nambari moja kwa mwandishi wa habari, ni kusema ukweli daima, hivyo sina tatizo kabisa na chochote kitakachoandikwa kwenye gazeti, kama ni cha kweli, lakini natatizwa sana na uongo wowote unaoandikwa kwenye magazeti na majarida ya kimataifa, likiwemo jarida hili la The Economist, kwa lengo la kuhadaa ulimwengu kwa kutoa story za uongo kuhusu Tanzania, na kuzieneza kimataifa, wanaoujua ukweli kuhusu haya yanayosemwa ni sisi Watanzania, nchi yetu inatungiwa uongo, tumenyamaza!, rais wetu anatungiwa uongo!, anapachikwa majina ya ajabu ajabu, anadhalilishwa na kutukanwa!, sisi tumenyamaza!, kwa vile uongo huu unasambazwa kimataifa na huku sisi tumenyamaza bila kuukanusha, matokeo yake sio tuu jamii ya kimataifa, itatuelewa hivyo na kumuelewa rais wetu hivyo, bali uongo ukisemwa sana bila kukanushwa, hugeuka ukweli, hivyo kuyanyamazia haya, kunaweza kupelekea haya kuja kutokea Tanzania kwa siku za usoni!.

The Economist walianzia hapa ‪Tusikubali udhalilishaji wa Jarida la The Economist, lamwita Rais wetu "Dinasauria wa Dodoma” na "bullheaded socialist"

Tukanyamaza, sasa wameibuka tena na uongo mwingine

Tanzania's rogue president - Democracy under assault - The Economist

Katika report hiyo, wamemtukana rais wetu kuwa Rogue President. Kwa vile mimi sijui Kiingereza, ilinibidi nikatafute kamusi kuangalia neno rogue ni nini, mtu anaeitwa rogue ni mtu wa namna gani, na taifa likiitwa rogue state ni taifa la namna gani, naomba kwa heshima ya rais wetu, nisitoe ufafanuzi wa neno hilo, ila kwa kifupi ni rais wetu ametukanwa!.

Kwenye report yao, wameripoti mambo mengi ya uongo kuhusu Tanzania, na mambo mengi ya uongo kumhusu rais wetu.

Story yenyewe ni hii, naomba nisiitafasiri nisije nikabadili maana, ila nimekufahamu kutukanwa huku kupita thread hii
Economist: Tanzanias Rogue President
Democracy under assaultTanzania’s rogue president
Strong constitutions matter
Mr Magufuli was an unlikely candidate to run Tanzania. Though it has had multiparty elections since 1994, the country has been run exclusively by one organisation, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the “party of the revolution”, since its formation in 1977. But unlike his predecessors, Mr Magufuli is no party man. In the nomination process for the election of 2015 he was not the favourite of any faction. Facing the biggest challenge to its rule since 1994, however, the party seemed minded to pick somebody with the aura of being an “outsider” who was not tainted by the allegations of corruption dogging it. Mr Magufuli seems to have won by having few enemies rather than many allies.

Within weeks of taking office, he excited even sceptics. He turned up at offices to check if Tanzania’s famously lackadaisical civil servants were at work. Businesspeople swooned after he sacked dozens of officials suspected of cronyism. In neighbouring Kenya, where president Uhuru Kenyatta’s government has not prosecuted a single major corruption case in six years, fans demanded their own Magufuli.

But the honeymoon did not last long. When Mr Magufuli last year presented Acacia, a London-listed gold-mining company, with a bill for $190bn in supposedly unpaid taxes (a figure equivalent to roughly four times Tanzania’s entire GDP), it was the latest confirmation that Mr Magufuli’s anti-corruption strategy is about as precise as a blunderbuss. He distrusts not only Western investors but also the Chinese, who are building infrastructure across east Africa. He tells his ministers that they are “not the same Chinese” as the Maoists who built the Tazara railway line linking Tanzania to Zambia in the 1970s. Rather than being freed from corruption, the economy is grinding to a halt under the weight of arbitrary tax demands.

Mr Magufuli’s approach to political opposition is no better. Though CCM has never lost an election, in recent years Tanzania’s politics did seem to have been opening up. Under Mr Magufuli, that has all changed. Less than a year after coming to power, he had banned all political rallies (the president gets around the ban himself by having “non-political” public events with civil servants). MPs are allowed to campaign only in their own constituencies (and several have been arrested). Several newspapers have been temporarily closed by the government, and two, linked to Chadema, an opposition party, remain so.

Extrajudicial violence, which used to be almost unknown on the mainland, is escalating. In September Tundu Lissu, a prominent opposition MP, was shot and injured outside his house in Dodoma, the sleepy capital. Minor political figures have simply disappeared.

Not all of the violence is by the state. Over the past year about a dozen police officers have been killed in Kibiti, a mostly Muslim coastal town about 70km south of Dar es Salaam. The police have seemingly responded in kind. Yet little news leaks out from the region. Foreign journalists are turned back long before they reach Kibiti; a Tanzanian journalist investigating the killings has been missing for three months.

Tanzania’s politics have never been truly open, but what is different now is that even CCM, which is by far the country’s most stable institution, is cowed. Under Tanzania’s constitution, little changed since it was written in 1977 by Julius Nyerere, the country’s founding father, power is almost entirely concentrated in the presidency (Nyerere himself once joked to a BBC reporter: “I have sufficient powers under the constitution to be a dictator”). Mr Magufuli is both head of state and chairman of the party, with the power to hire and fire civil servants, including judges, as he pleases. On taking office, he quickly filled important posts in the government and the party with his own allies.

Few are willing to speak up against the presidency, says one CCM MP. There is little hope of change coming through the ballot box since the opposition is crushed and the next election, in 2020, will probably be rigged. Nor is there much hope that the party can restrain Mr Magufuli. Some hope that Jakaya Kikwete and Benjamin Mkapa, two former presidents, can persuade him to change course. Others dream, seemingly forlornly, that the party will revolt.

The main lesson of Tanzania is that constitutions which concentrate power in the presidency can quickly be subverted. Democracy flourished between 1994 and 2015 because the bigwigs in CCM saw the benefits of a more open, pluralistic economy. But they failed to do the tedious work of strengthening institutions and limiting the powers of their successors. Now they have lost their chance to embed the reforms and the country faces ruin. That should be a lesson to other African elites.

This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "Falling into dictatorship"
Mkuu Nairobian, asante kutujulisha jinsi rais wetu anavyotukanwa na hili jarida la the economist, ngoja nimweleze Dr. Abasi pale Maelezo ili jarida hili lipewe onyo na ikibidi lifungiwe kama the East African.

Uongo kwenye Makala hii ni kama ifuatavyo.​
  1. Kichwa cha habari, Democracy under assault Tanzania’s rogue president, Japo ni kweli demokrasia yetu Tanzania iko under assault, jee ni kweli rais Magufuli ni rogue?​
  2. Mr Magufuli was an unlikely candidate to run Tanzania-hapa wanamaanisha Magufuli hana uwezo wa kuitawala Tanzania!, jee hii ni kweli?.​
  3. Though it has had multiparty elections since 1994, the country has been run exclusively by one organisation, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the “party of the revolution”, since its formation in 1977. Hii ni kweli.​
  4. But unlike his predecessors, Mr Magufuli is no party man-hapa wanasema Magufuli hakuwa kada!, jee ni kweli?.​
  5. In the nomination process for the election of 2015 he was not the favourite of any faction-hapa wanadai katika uteuzi Magufuli hakuwa anapendwa na upande wowote!, hii ni kweli?.​
  6. Facing the biggest challenge to its rule since 1994, however, the party seemed minded to pick somebody with the aura of being an “outsider” who was not tainted by the allegations of corruption dogging it. Wanasema kuduatia CCM kuchafukwa kwa rushwa, waliamua kumtafuta mtu baki.​
  7. Mr Magufuli seems to have won by having few enemies rather than many allies. Magufuli alishinda uteuzi kwa sababu alikuwa na maadui wachache, lakini sio wengi waungaji mkono wengi.​
  8. Within weeks of taking office, he excited even sceptics. He turned up at offices to check if Tanzania’s famously lackadaisical civil servants were at work. Hapa wamewatukana watumishi wote wa umma Tanzania kwa kuwaita lackadaisical civil servants, jee ni kweli watumishi wetu wa umma ni lackadaisical?.​
  9. Businesspeople swooned after he sacked dozens of officials suspected of cronyism. In neighbouring Kenya, where president Uhuru Kenyatta’s government has not prosecuted a single major corruption case in six years, fans demanded their own Magufuli. Hapa wanaisifu kasi yake ya tumbua tumbua za mwanza zilizofanya Kenya watake kuwa na Magufuli wao.​
  10. But the honeymoon did not last long. When Mr Magufuli last year presented Acacia, a London-listed gold-mining company, with a bill for $190bn in supposedly unpaid taxes (a figure equivalent to roughly four times Tanzania’s entire GDP), it was the latest confirmation that Mr Magufuli’s anti-corruption strategy is about as precise as a blunderbuss. Hapa wanamponda kuwa vita vyake vya rushwa ni blunderbuss!. Wamezungumzia bili ya Acacia kuwa ni mara 4 ya GDP ya Tanzania!, hii ikimaanisha wanaitangaza Tanzania kama nchi ya ajabu, kuwa huwezi kudai bili ya mara 4 ya GDP yako!, na hapa ndipo Watanzania tunabidi kuungana na rais wetu kuwa hata kipimo cha GDP yetu kiko chini kwa sababu utajiri wetu wote ulikuwa unaibiwa!, hivyo baada ya kutolea Acacia ile bili ya $190bn. BOT ipeleke WB taarifa hiyo ijumlishwe kwenye pato la taifa, hivyo kuinua GDP yetu!. Kumbe Tanzania ndio nchi mzalishaji kubwa wa dhahabu number moja duniani!, lakini dhahabu yetu yote ilikuwa inabiwa na hawa Acacia!. Tuwadai Fedha zetu, watu tupewe Noah zetu!.​
  11. He distrusts not only Western investors but also the Chinese, who are building infrastructure across east Africa. Hapa wanasema Magufuli hawaamini wawekezaji wa Ulaya na hata Wachina!. Huu ni uchonganishi!, jee ni kweli rais Magufuli hawaamini wawekezaji?.​
  12. He tells his ministers that they are “not the same Chinese” as the Maoists who built the Tazara railway line linking Tanzania to Zambia in the 1970s. Jee ni kweli rais Magufuli amewaambia mawaziri wake kuwa wawekezaji wa kichini hawa wa sasa sio kama wale wa Enzi za Mao?.​
  13. Rather than being freed from corruption, the economy is grinding to a halt under the weight of arbitrary tax demands. Wanadai badala ya rushwa kupungua, uchumi wa Tanzania unaporomoka na serikali inakamua kodi za ajabu!.​
  14. Mr Magufuli’s approach to political opposition is no better. Though CCM has never lost an election, in recent years Tanzania’s politics did seem to have been opening up. Under Mr Magufuli, that has all changed. Less than a year after coming to power, he had banned all political rallies (the president gets around the ban himself by having “non-political” public events with civil servants). MPs are allowed to campaign only in their own constituencies (and several have been arrested). Several newspapers have been temporarily closed by the government, and two, linked to Chadema, an opposition party, remain so. Hapa kuna ukweli na ndio huu udikiteta tunaouzungumza.​
  15. Extrajudicial violence, which used to be almost unknown on the mainland, is escalating. In September Tundu Lissu, a prominent opposition MP, was shot and injured outside his house in Dodoma, the sleepy capital. Minor political figures have simply disappeared. Hii ni kweli.​
  16. Not all of the violence is by the state. Over the past year about a dozen police officers have been killed in Kibiti, a mostly Muslim coastal town about 70km south of Dar es Salaam. The police have seemingly responded in kind. Yet little news leaks out from the region. Foreign journalists are turned back long before they reach Kibiti; a Tanzanian journalist investigating the killings has been missing for three months. Kunakitu hapa kimezungumzwa kuhusu Kibiti, naomba nisikiseme, ila wanadai waandishi wa nje wamezuiliwa wasikaribie Kibiti na kumtaja Azori aliyepotea hadi sasa.​
  17. Tanzania’s politics have never been truly open, but what is different now is that even CCM, which is by far the country’s most stable institution, is cowed. Hapa wanadai siasa Tanzania hazijawahi kuwa za uwazi! ba sasa hata CCM wenyewe ni waoga!, huu ni uongo wa ncha kweupe!.​
  18. Under Tanzania’s constitution, little changed since it was written in 1977 by Julius Nyerere, the country’s founding father, power is almost entirely concentrated in the presidency (Nyerere himself once joked to a BBC reporter: “I have sufficient powers under the constitution to be a dictator”). Hapa wanasema ni Katiba ya Tanzania inayompa mamlaka rais wa Tanzania akitaka kuwa dikiteta anaweza. Kama ni katiba ya Tanzania inamruhusu rais kuwa Dikiteta na Nyerere anasema hakutaka, them Magufuli ametaka, hivyo kila anachokifa kiko kwenye Katiba!, swali linabaki jee ni kweli kila anachofanya rais Magufuli, anafanya kwa mujibu wa Katiba?.​
  19. Mr Magufuli is both head of state and chairman of the party, with the power to hire and fire civil servants, including judges, as he pleases. On taking office, he quickly filled important posts in the government and the party with his own allies. Hapa pia ni uongo wa mchana kweupe kuwa rais Magufuli anaweza kufukuza kazi watumishi wote hadi majaji!. Sii kweli, wanamsingizia, rais gana mamlaka ya kumfukuza kazi jaji!.​
  20. Few are willing to speak up against the presidency, says one CCM MP. There is little hope of change coming through the ballot box since the opposition is crushed and the next election, in 2020, will probably be rigged. Hapa wanasema Magufuli anaogopwa sana kuambiwa ukweli. Sisi hapa jf hatumuogopi rais Magufuli bali tunamuheshimu, ndio maana kila ukicha tunampa ukweli point blank, ila hapa pia wamedanganya kuwa uchaguzi wa 2020 utavurugika!. Hawa the Economist bi prophets of the doom, wanatiombea mabaya, leo ni 2018, uchaguzi ujao ni 2020, wamejuaje uchaguzi utaharibika?!.​
  21. Nor is there much hope that the party can restrain Mr Magufuli. Hapa wanadai eti kuna matumaini CCM, itamzuia Magufuli asigombee tena!, sijui ni nani anayewadanganya watu hawa!, CCM gani ya kumzuia Magufuli?!, kama hapa alipo, Magufuli tayari yuko juu ya Katiba, hawajui kuwa Magufuli ndie CCM!, na CCM wanaule uratibu wao wa rais aliye madarakani hapingwi!, kuna CCM gani ya kumzuia Magufuli wakati yeye ndiye CCM?.​
  22. Some hope that Jakaya Kikwete and Benjamin Mkapa, two former presidents, can persuade him to change course. Others dream, seemingly forlornly, that the party will revolt. Haua pia ni matumani ya ndoto kuwa Mkapa na JK watamkabili Magufuli kumshawizi abadlike,na eti wana CCM wataasi!. Hawajui kuwa CCM ni kipusa watu wanagombea kujiunga!.​
  23. The main lesson of Tanzania is that constitutions which concentrate power in the presidency can quickly be subverted. Hapa wanazungumzia matumaini ya Katiba mpya!.​
  24. Democracy flourished between 1994 and 2015 because the bigwigs in CCM saw the benefits of a more open, pluralistic economy. But they failed to do the tedious work of strengthening institutions and limiting the powers of their successors. Now they have lost their chance to embed the reforms and the country faces ruin. That should be a lesson to other African elites. Hapa kuna ukweli ila jee ni kweli taifa letu linakwenda kuangamia?.​
Jarida hili lina international circulation, hivyo uongo wake unasambaa dunia nzima. Mara ya kwanza wamemtukana rais wetu kuwa ni dinasauria wa Dodoma, Tusikubali udhalilishaji wa Jarida la The Economist, lamwita Rais wetu "Dinasauria wa Dodoma” na "bullheaded socialist", tukawaacha, leo wamemtukana rogue tukiwaacha, kesho tena watakuja na tukano jingine!. Mimi wasiwasi wangu ni kwa huu uongo anaosambazwa kimataifa, huku vyombo vyetu vipo, vinajua ni uongo, kwa nini vinanyamaza?!.

Kauli huumba, hata mjusi tuu, kila siku ukimuita kenge, kuna siku hiyo kaulli yako itambadili huyo mjusi na kumgeuza kenge ukweli!. Huu uongo wa kila siku kumuita rais Magufuli kuwa ni Dikiteta na hakuna anayekanusha, mimi naogopa sana pale uongo unaposemwa na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, sio naogopa kwa sababu uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ukweli, bali naogopa sana uongo huu utakapo kuja kugeuka na kuwa ndio ukweli ukweli!, na wakati huo ukifika!, sina hata uhakika kama akina sisi tunaowapeni taarifa hizi kama tutakuwepo!, maana mageuzi hayo ninayoyaogopa, mara zote huanzia na watu wa sekta yetu!.

Nawatakia Furahi Day Njema,

Paskali
Click to expand...
Si nae SIZONJE aliwachochezi wanawainchi kuwa hayo mabango katandikeni vyumbani kwenu mlalie na wake zenyu.
Mwambie avumilie tu
 
Mzee Mwanakijiji said:
Nadhani unawapa credit kubwa sana hawa kiasi kwamba watu wanatakiwa kujali wanachosema.

Wanachofanya ni kujaribu kusabotage maana kwa muda sasa hivi hawana puppet President. Hawajawahi kuwa na Rais Afrika ambaye anaweza kuwaambia "hapana" na wakawa hawana la kufanya. Kinachotokea ni majaribio tu ya kumstabilize Magufuli. Usije kushangaa hawa hawa wakageuka baadaye na kuaanza kuimba sifa za Magufuli.

Inanikumbussha jinsi gani Western media walivyojitahidi sana kumdiscredit Nyerere wakati wake... as a matter of fact.. hata kwenye nchi zao media wasipokupenda na usipochukua msimamo wao wa kilibererali unakuwa ni target yao kubwa..
Click to expand...
Kwahiyo nyerere alifanana na SIZONJE
 
Matusi ya kiingereza huwa hayaumi kama ya kiswahili mkuu!! Ukitukanwa na mzungu kwa kiingereza unaeza ukatabasam tu!! Ila sasa kutana na kina Mwajuma wa Tandale au Kina Sikitu wa Mwananyamala afu uingie kwenye 18 zake!! Mie ndo maana huwa namuamkia da Mange hata mara mia kwa siku!
 
Nzi said:
Wazungu unawaonea bure. Wa kushika shati ni Magufuli anayebomoa Tanzania!
Click to expand...
Hata Magufuli anaonewa bure. Anajaribu kujitofautisha na wale waliofikiri Nyerere hakufanya lolote...wakaendekeza rushwa kiasi kwamba maendeleo waliyokuwa wanayasema ni ya maghorofa yaliyokuwa yanajengwa na hizo fedha za rushwa na kifisadi zaidi sana jijini Dar.
Ukisogea Muhimbili tu hakuna lolote...wao wakiumwa wanapanda ndege haraka kwa fedha za walipa kodi.
Nafikiri kikulacho ki nguoni mwako...we as people should take full responsibility of our destine.


Sent from my SM-J700F using JamiiForums mobile app
 
Kwa misimamo ya JPM lazima vyombo vya magharibi wampe majina yote. Mbaya ni kama wapo Watanzania wanaosaidia nchi kuchafuliwa wakifikiri wanamkomoa JPM. Ni vizuri kwanza wakajadili hatma yao ya kuwa na kiongozi wao mkuu kutawala bila ukomo. Waliponda na kuua tawala za machief wakaleta demokrasia ambayo inasuit mlengo wao feki.
 
Kungu Kayuki said:
Kweli Mayala, maelezo hayo nimeyaona Jana na mbaya zaidi yakishabikiwa na mtanzania mwenzetu akishiriki kumkashifu raising JPM! Je, tufanye nini kwa hawa wenye jarida hili linalomtukana raisi wetu?
Click to expand...
Dawa yao ni kulifungia tu mbona mwanahalisi liefungiwa au hilo haliwezekani?
 
Ndahani said:
Hata Magufuli anaonewa bure. Anajaribu kujitofautisha na wale waliofikiri Nyerere hakufanya lolote...wakaendekeza rushwa kiasi kwamba maendeleo waliyokuwa wanayasema ni ya maghorofa yaliyokuwa yanajengwa na hizo fedha za rushwa na kifisadi zaidi sana jijini Dar.
Ukisogea Muhimbili tu hakuna lolote...wao wakiumwa wanapanda ndege haraka kwa fedha za walipa kodi.
Nafikiri kikulacho ki nguoni mwako...we as people should take full responsibility of our destine.


Sent from my SM-J700F using JamiiForums mobile app
Click to expand...
What are you talking about bro? Do you know that Magufuli has been a senior public servant (a cabinet minister) for nearly 20 years? Unaposema wao, ni as if Magufuli hayumo katika wao. He has been part of wao. He aint different from wao: he is corrupt, irrational and a crook kama wao.

What this fool is doing differently is that, yeye anakula nchi na posse yake tu. Kikwete alikula nchi, na huku akiacha watu wengi hata wasio kwenye posse yake, nao wale nchi. Kalaghabaho!!
 
Lakini kwa nini huyu ndugu yako anapenda sana kuwa mtawala? Juzi kasema akifika mbinguni atamwomba Mungu yeye ndiye ateuliwe kuwa mtawala wa Malaika.

Huu ni ushamba na ulimbukeni wa madaraka
 
You must log in or register to reply here.

Similar Discussions

Back
Top Bottom
Forums
New posts
Post thread
Back