Mapunfugu ya Mandela haya-Kwa nini anapendwa na wazungu kuliko Mugabe?

[Mathias Byabato]

Najua Mandela anakumbukwa na ataendelea kukumbukwa kwa mazuri na mengi aliyofanyia wa-afrika kusini ,afrika na dunia kwa ujumla.

Lakini wakati tukitafakari mazuri aliyofanya na kuhimizwa kuiga yote pia hatuna budi kujadili yale makubwa ambayo hatupaswi kuiga au kuyafanya kwa maslahi ya taifa na wananchi kwa ujumla.

katika mitandao kuna taarifa nyingi na manoni juu ya mandela hasa kutoka kwa watu wa nje ya afrika kusini.
akiwemo baraka obama aliyeandika katika mtandao wa twiter kwamba 'We will never see the likes of #Mandela again"

wengine soma hapa No doubt many will find Zizek's comments on Mandela's limitations tasteless. I think they're important: : DougHenwood

Kwa nini 'wazungu' wamechukulia kifo cha mandela kama pigo nk

nini kipo nyuma ya hili.

Katika kudadavua huku na kule nimedokkezwa na baadhi ya taarifa za mitandao kwamba mandela hakufanya kama mugabe wakati wa utawala wake.bali waliwamehe 'wazungu' wakati wa utawala wake na wala hakuwanyanganya mashamba mali na kadhalika baada ya uhuru.Lakini aliwaacha 'wa-afika kusini' hoi biin taabani.

Hivyo naomba hapa tujadili mazuri na mapungufu aliyokuwa nayo au aliyofnaya mandela!

Byabato

 

[Mathias Byabato]

By Stephen Gowans
In the wake of Nelson Mandela's death, hosannas continue to be sung to the former ANC leader and South African president from both the left, for his role in ending the institutional racism of apartheid, and from the right, for ostensibly the same reason. But the right's embrace of Mandela as an anti-racist hero doesn't ring true. Is there another reason establishment media and mainstream politicians are as Mandela-crazy as the left?


According to Doug Saunders, reporter for the unabashedly big business-promoting Canadian daily, The Globe and Mail, there is.


In a December 6 article, "From revolutionary to economic manager: Mandela's lesson in change," Saunders writes that Mandela's "great accomplishment" was to protect the South African economy as a sphere for exploitation by the white property-owning minority and Western corporate and financial elite from the rank-and-file demands for economic justice of the movement he led.


Saunders doesn't put it in quite these terms, hiding the sectional interests of bond holders, land owners, and foreign investors behind Mandela's embrace of "sound" principles of economic management, but the meaning is the same.
Saunders quotes Alec Russell, a Financial Times writer who explains that under Mandela, the ANC "proved a reliable steward of sub-Sahara Africa's largest economy, embracing orthodox fiscal and monetary policies…"

That is, Mandela made sure that the flow of profits from South African mines and agriculture into the coffers of foreign investors and the white business elite wasn't interrupted by the implementation of the ANC's economic justice program, with its calls for nationalizing the mines and redistributing land.


Instead, Mandela dismissed calls for economic justice as a "culture of entitlement" of which South Africans needed to rid themselves. That he managed to persuade them to do so meant that the peaceful digestion of profits by those at the top could continue uninterrupted.


But it was not Mandela's betrayal of the ANC's economic program that Saunders thinks merits the right's admiration, though the right certainly is grateful. Mandela's genius, according to Saunders, was that he did it "without alienating his radical followers or creating a dangerous factional struggle within his movement."


Thus, in Saunder's view, Mandela was a special kind of leader: one who could use his enormous prestige and charisma to induce his followers to sacrifice their own interests for the greater good of the elite that had grown rich off their sweat, going so far as to acquiesce in the repudiation of their own economic program.


"Here is the crucial lesson of Mr. Mandela for modern politicians," writes Saunders. "The principled successful leader is the one who betrays his party members for the larger interests of the nation. When one has to decide between the rank-and-file and the greater good, the party should never come first."


For Saunders and most other mainstream journalists, "the larger interests of the nation" are the larger interests of banks, land owners, bond holders and share holders. This is the idea expressed in the old adage "What's good for GM, is good for America." Since mainstream media are large corporations, interlocked with other large corporations, and are dependent on still other large corporations for advertising revenue, the placing of an equal sign between corporate interests and the national interest comes quite naturally. Would we be shocked to discover that a mass-circulation newspaper owned by environmentalists (if such a thing existed) opposed fracking? (Journalists will rejoin, "I say what I like." But as Michael Parenti once pointed out, journalists say what they like because their bosses like what they say.)
Predictably, Saunders ends his encomium to the party-betraying Mandela, the ‘good' liberation hero, with a reference to the ‘bad' south African liberation hero, Robert Mugabe.

"One only needs look north to Zimbabwe to see what usually happens when revolutionaries" fail to follow Mandela's economically conservative path, writes Saunders.


At one point, Mugabe's predilection for orthodox fiscal and monetary policy was a strong as Mandela's. Yet after almost a decade-and-a-half of the Western media demonizing Mugabe as an autocratic thug, it's difficult to remember that he, too, was once the toast of Western capitals.


The West's love affair with Mugabe came to an abrupt end when he rejected the Washington Consensus and embarked on a fast-track land reform program. Its disdain for him deepened when he launched an indigenization program to place majority control of the country's mineral resources in the hands of black Zimbabweans.


Mugabe's transition from ‘good' liberation hero to ‘bad', from saint to demon, coincided with his transition from "reliable steward" of Zimbabwe's economy (that is, reliable steward of foreign investor and white colonial settler interests) to promoter of indigenous black economic interests.


That's a transition Mandela never made. Had he, the elite of the imperialist world would not now be flocking to South Africa for Saint Mandela's funeral, overflowing with fulsome eulogies.

 

[Mathias Byabato]

Mwandishi mmoja wa habari aliandika hivi kupitia yahoo.news

When talk turns to the legacy of Nelson Mandela, who turns 95 on Thursday, I remember one of my most memorable moments in journalism.




It was 1985, and I was in South Africa as part of the "Nightline" coverage of that nation, which was still under the apartheid rule of the white minority government. Through a chain of contacts, we'd arranged an interview with an African National Congress official named Patrick Lekota, who was being hunted by authorities for treason. His nickname, "Terror," might have given credibility to the accusation, except that it came from his aggressive play on the soccer field.

Lekota talked of the life he had led before he'd gone underground; a life that included time on Robben Island in the prison where Mandela had been held for 18 of his 27 years in custody. Lekota also spoke of harassment by the government and the deaths by official hand of many of his colleagues.



He also said that before going underground, he'd spent many nights driving a sound track around Soweto, South Africa's largest black township. He played speeches of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert Kennedy-speeches that urged a nonviolent struggle.



Why, I asked Lekota, after all you and your colleagues have gone through, after all that has been inflicted on the black majority, do you embrace nonviolence?
Because,he said, "if we win with bloodshed ... we will have lost."

There is no way to minimize or trivialize the meaning of what Nelson Mandela did in waging the nonviolent fight against apartheid as he did.


Five years after that trip to South Africa, I went back and heard the just-freed Mandela give a speech to a rapturous crowd in a massive Soweto soccer stadium. His approach was a key to convincing the country's president, F.W. de Klerk, that apartheid had to end and that black majority rule was inevitable. That, in turn, spared South Africa a racial war and the twisted mutation of "majority rule" in Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe.


There is also no way to avoid the limitations of Mandela's legacy.
It could not prevent the installation of successor presidents who inflicted real damage on their country. Thabo Mbeki's refusal to understand the link between the HIV virus and AIDS is one reason why South Africa has the world's largest HIV/AIDS population. The current president, Jacob Zuma, has remained in office despite highly credible charges of rape and corruption. It wouldn't be fair to expect one larger-than-life leader to prevent the kind of failures that afflict governments all around the world.

Nor should we expect South Africa to be free from the kind of political infighting common to free governments. (Patrick Lekota, minister of defense under President Mbkei, now leads an opposition party).


But far more serious afflictions bedevil South Africa. Decades of white supremacist rule have left the black majority in an economic state that political emancipation cannot uproot. Today, the country's official jobless rate is 25 percent - a level seen in the U.S. at the depths of the Great Depression. Crime is a serious enough issue there that the State Department issued a travel warning last month labeling Johannesburg, Cape Town and Pretoria "critical crime threat spots."



Our own nation serves as a lesson here. In the early 20th century, blacks in the South, a region with state-sanctioned peonage and terror, began fleeing in massive numbers - a migration described brilliantly by Isabel Wilkerson in her book "The Warmth of Other Suns." In 1910, 90 percent of all blacks lived in the South; by 1960, barely half did. The impact of that migration still is felt today, a hundred years after it began.

It would be naive to think that the effects of the system imposed by white South Africans on the black majority decades ago would not endure long after apartheid came to an end.



Nelson Mandela's commitment to a peaceful path to justice did not, and could not,deliver his nation from the consequences of its past. But what he did, and what his nation was spared, is more than enough to celebrate.

Nelson Mandela's legacy

 

[nngu007]

Najua Mandela anakumbukwa na ataendelea kukumbukwa kwa mazuri na mengi aliyofanyia wa-afrika kusini ,afrika na dunia kwa ujumla.

Lakini wakati tukitafakari mazuri aliyofanya na kuhimizwa kuiga yote pia hatuna budi kujadili yale makubwa ambayo hatupaswi kuiga au kuyafanya kwa maslahi ya taifa na wananchi kwa ujumla.

katika mitandao kuna taarifa nyingi na manoni juu ya mandela hasa kutoka kwa watu wa nje ya afrika kusini.
akiwemo baraka obama aliyeandika katika mtandao wa twiter kwamba 'We will never see the likes of #Mandela again"

wengine soma hapa No doubt many will find Zizek's comments on Mandela's limitations tasteless. I think they're important: : DougHenwood

Kwa nini 'wazungu' wamechukulia kifo cha mandela kama pigo nk

nini kipo nyuma ya hili.

Katika kudadavua huku na kule nimedokkezwa na baadhi ya taarifa za mitandao kwamba mandela hakufanya kama mugabe wakati wa utawala wake.bali waliwamehe 'wazungu' wakati wa utawala wake na wala hakuwanyanganya mashamba mali na kadhalika baada ya uhuru.Lakini aliwaacha 'wa-afika kusini' hoi biin taabani.

Hivyo naomba hapa tujadili mazuri na mapungufu aliyokuwa nayo au aliyofnaya mandela!

Byabato

Waafrka wa AFRICA KUSINI hawakuachwa TAABANI walimikishwa njia kuu za UCHUMI haswa MADINI na pia Wanajenga NYUMBA kuwasaidia wananchi Masikini

Wana PENSION SYSTEM NZURI sana inayomtosheleza Mwananchi Mwafrika kuishi vizuri sana baada ya kustaafu kazi wana MEDICAL SYSTEM NZURI SANA

MANDELA alipenda NON VIOLENCE na kutotaka kuwalipizia Wazungu Walivyowafanyia kama KWELI NCHI INAPENDA AMANI na MAENDELEO

Na ANGALIA imepata mafanikio kibao na hiyo system yao ya RAINBOW NATION
Na aliongelea kabla ya UHURU kuwa wazungu pia ni wananchi wa SA kwanini kuwabagua?

MUGABE alikubali kutochukua ARDHI zote za WAZUNGU na UINGEREZA walisema kuwa watailipia HAO Wazungu PESA ili ziwaendeleze wananchi wa Kiafrika na MUGABE alikubali lakini baada ya UHURU akabadilisha style na hiyo pia ndio sababu ya yeye ni JOSHUA MKOMO hawakuelewana

Amani haiji kwa kulipizia kisasi AS PEOPLE SAID YOU CAN WIN THE WAR but NOT THE NEEDED BATTLE...

 

[Mathias Byabato]

Waafrka wa AFRICA KUSINI hawakuachwa TAABANI walimikishwa njia kuu za UCHUMI haswa MADINI na pia Wanajenga NYUMBA kuwasaidia wananchi Masikini

Wana PENSION SYSTEM NZURI sana inayomtosheleza Mwananchi Mwafrika kuishi vizuri sana baada ya kustaafu kazi wana MEDICAL SYSTEM NZURI SANA

MANDELA alipenda NON VIOLENCE na kutotaka kuwalipizia Wazungu Walivyowafanyia kama KWELI NCHI INAPENDA AMANI na MAENDELEO

Na ANGALIA imepata mafanikio kibao na hiyo system yao ya RAINBOW NATION
Na aliongelea kabla ya UHURU kuwa wazungu pia ni wananchi wa SA kwanini kuwabagua?

MUGABE alikubali kutochukua ARDHI zote za WAZUNGU na UINGEREZA walisema kuwa watailipia HAO Wazungu PESA ili ziwaendeleze wananchi wa Kiafrika na MUGABE alikubali lakini baada ya UHURU akabadilisha style na hiyo pia ndio sababu ya yeye ni JOSHUA MKOMO hawakuelewana

Amani haiji kwa kulipizia kisasi AS PEOPLE SAID YOU CAN WIN THE WAR but NOT THE NEEDED BATTLE...

Hapo blue nakubaliana na wewe lakini kuhusu issue ya watu wa afrika kusini kumiliki rasimiali za taifa badala ya wageni nakupinga tu! si kwa kiwango unachodai.

cha msingi hapa ni kwamba katika masula ya uongozi kama wa nchi lazima wananchi wa nchi husika kunufaika kwanza na rasilimali za nchi yao kabla ya wageni! ingawa si vema kuendekeza ubaguzi wa aina yoyote!

 

[nngu007]

[/COLOR][/B]Hapo blue nakubaliana na wewe lakini kuhusu issue ya watu wa afrika kusini kumiliki rasimiali za taifa badala ya wageni nakupinga tu! si kwa kiwango unachodai.

cha msingi hapa ni kwamba katika masula ya uongozi kama wa nchi lazima wananchi wa nchi husika kunufaika kwanza na rasilimali za nchi yao kabla ya wageni! ingawa si vema kuendekeza ubaguzi wa aina yoyote!

GOOD EXAMPLE one of them Is PATRICE MOTSEPE (Read Short History below)


South African billionaire Patrice Motsepe on Wednesday committed to donating half his family's personal wealth to charity.
The 51-year-old, who has been labelled South Africa's fourth- and Africa's eighth-richest man by Forbes, said that "at least" 50% of all funds generated by the family assets would be used by the Motsepe Foundation to uplift poor, disadvantaged and marginalised South Africans.

The businessman, who is the founder and executive chairperson of black-owned mining group African Rainbow Minerals (ARM), would not disclose the value of the family's wealth, but stated that the disposal of one-half was "significant".
He said that, hypothetically, if the family generated R1-billion, the foundation would receive about R500-million.
Forbes indicated that Motsepe's net worth had reached $2.65-billion by November 2012, but Motsepe declined to comment on the accuracy of this and disputed it as his actual personal wealth.

 

[Kizibo255]

Tunadanganyana! S.a hakuna umiliki wa rasilimali sawa kwa wote. Hao akina motsepe wanashikiana na wazungu!
Ikumbukwe kuwa s.a kila ki2 ruksa ht ushoga ndo maana wazungu wanatuaminisha na vyombo vyao vya habari kuwa s.a is a better place to live!
NOOOOO! A big lie!

 

[Mathias Byabato]

Tunadanganyana! S.a hakuna umiliki wa rasilimali sawa kwa wote. Hao akina motsepe wanashikiana na wazungu!
Ikumbukwe kuwa s.a kila ki2 ruksa ht ushoga ndo maana wazungu wanatuaminisha na vyombo vyao vya habari kuwa s.a is a better place to live!
NOOOOO! A big lie!

Kwa jinsi mandela anavyoeelezwa na vyombo vya magharibi lazima wachambuzi makini wawe na maswali ya kuhoji dhamira zao! kamwe 'wazungu' hawafanyagi hasara.

 

[Theodora]

Kila binadamu ana mapungufu na hata yeye mwenyewe alisema:

'I am not a saint, unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying'. What he is applauded for the most is forgiveness and the UBUNTU spirit. Just see what he did even for the Rugby Team (Springbok) in South Africa which was a black hater racist team.

He changed the mindset of his fellow Africans - believe me it takes a strong heart to forgive especially when you had the power in your hands to destroy your 'oppressor'.

 

[Mathias Byabato]

Kila binadamu ana mapungufu na hata yeye mwenyewe alisema:

'I am not a saint, unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying'. What he is applauded for the most is forgiveness and the UBUNTU spirit. Just see what he did even for the Rugby Team (Springbok) in South Africa which was a black hater racist team.

He changed the mindset of his fellow Africans - believe me it takes a strong heart to forgive especially when you had the power in your hands to destroy your 'oppressor'.

Sawa ,lakini kwa jinsi inavyoelezwa na vyombo vya habari hasa vya magharibi inaweza kudhani hakuwa na mapungufu hasa ya masuala ya utawala.wao walitazama tu kigezo cha kutolipiza kisasi kwa aliyotendewa na kuacha wazawa kama walivyokuwa enzi za ubaguzi katika suala la kiuchumi au kumiliki rasilimali za nchi yao.