Mapendekezo ya muundo wa baraza la mawaziri - 2010-2015
- Thread starter Mzee Mwanakijiji
- Start date
Mchaga
JF-Expert Member
- Apr 11, 2008
- 1,378
- 204
Alitoa wapi hiyo taarifa ya muda au alikurupuka?
Kutokana na baraza lililopita nadhani hili amekaa chini na kuwapunguza wenye tabia za kwenda mlingotini
Mhe. Mwanakiiji mimi ninakubaliana kabisa na mawazo yako kuhusu muundo uliopendekeza wa serikali kwa kweli umekaa vizuri sana. Kama kweli tunaweza kuweka muundo huu halafu huko mbeleni kutokana na jinsi utakavyofanya kazi na matunda kuanza kuonekana basi tunaangalia tena jinsi ya kuuboresha ili kuleta kile ambacho sisi kama wadau muhimu wa nchi hii tunakitarajia kutoka serikalini yaani utendaji makini na mahiri wa serikali uendao sanjari na matumizi stahiki (yenye tija) ya rasilmali za Taifa.
Membensamba
Senior Member
- Nov 4, 2010
- 157
- 10
Kwanza kabisa mzee Mwanakijiji nakupongeza kwa creativity uliyoonesha. Binafsi nimeziangalia hizi wizara na mpangilio wake na kutamani kama zingeweza kuchukuliwa kama zilivyo. Wasiwasi wangu uko katika mambo mawili tu. Kwanza, sioni katika ccm watu wa kutosha wenye political will ya kutosha kuunda baraza effecient litakalowezesha hizo wiraza kuwa na tija. Pili, Utamaduni wa kupeana wizara na kazi kama bakshishi hautamruhusu raisi kuunda baraza dogo (ijapo hata hizi ni nyingi). Anyway Mzee Mwanajiji umefanya kazi nzuri. Tusubiri tuone watakavyoyachukua mapendekezo haya.
Kinyambiss
JF-Expert Member
- Dec 2, 2007
- 1,374
- 72
I love this game of Pretend to be President.lol. We dont really need a ministry of national security which will move us towards a police state, and if we have people who are in such a position as to have access to unlimited information about the populace and our record of rule of law, itakuwa tabu sana.
Mzee Mwanakijiji
Platinum Member
- Mar 10, 2006
- 33,474
- 39,987
- Thread starter
- #128
Nadhani muundo wangu is bora kuliko wa kwao; wengine walisema ati la kwangu na 30 ni kubwa really?
Rutashubanyuma
JF-Expert Member
- Sep 24, 2010
- 219,466
- 911,172
Cabinet picking tempers Isles autonomy
By Ani Jozen
27th November 2010
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Chroniclers will have a difficult time comparing cabinet nomination excitement of this year compared to past years, but it is unlikely that the recording will be done or otherwise be registered scientifically, for lack of proper instrumentation. More often than not, there are no records that guide part timers projecting their own experience as to what cabinet reshuffle (new presidential term or mid term) was more exciting than the other, in which case the latest addition will not dent that gap of information concreteness.
Thus any comparisons are likely to be fully subjective, depending on each commentator's unreliable memory, or the opposite.
For one thing, the latest nomination excitement lacked an important element that was evident in the 2005 excitement and then in January 2008, as to who would be the prime minister. Not much doubt was prevalent in any quarter as to bouncing back in that position by Mizengo Pinda, in which case the issue switched to proper cabinet positions, and here the matter was far too wide to be of real excitement - except in one aspect.
It was being awaited if ex-premier Lowassa would make it back to the cabinet; even the sort of ministries he would prefer were being put across, and on the last day, a marginal controversy on cash transfers settled it all.
Punch-minded chroniclers would for that matter, if their British ancestors are any guide, likely to take that as the singularly most important headline in early 21st century political trajectory of the Tanzanian state, by its eliminating, once and for all, the former premier from the top echelon of Tanzanian politics.
Chances are that he now goes into relative oblivion as a 'has been,' with an assured place in community and other activities, depending on the calling of the day, and with a profile pretty close to his more successful predecessor, Frederick Sumaye. The difference is that the latter was never really a political leader or charismatic contender for top level positions but a dependable administrator for many years.
At the time that the cabinet list was being awaited, talk of 2015 succession roles had focused irresistibly on the former premier and his apparent contention with foreign minister Bernard Membe, with one newspaper saying that the latter would not make it to the cabinet "on account of frictions within the JK network."
That was not the case, and instead it was evident that it isn't strictly speaking internal network frivolities which projected their effect in the nomination but the broader political picture. The 'three musketeers' may remain the best of friends but they will not constitute the levers of government on that basis - namely JK himself, his old pal Ed Lowassa and definitely their principal business associate, Rostam Aziz.
A similar effect that might be gauged from the nomination was that for the first time it had a collective touch, where the president seemed to be 'primus inter pares,' that he led a triumvirate of equals, or appeared to talk in that manner. He chided senior journalists assigned the cabinet selection event at the State House that they would be collecting proper news at that moment, having written numerous improprieties up to that moment.
He notably remarked that various newspapers were engaged in guesswork based on 'usually reliable sources' on who was making it to the cabinet, "before we had even started working on the matter," implying that the cabinet was a collective design - i.e., between himself, Dr Bilal and Pinda.
It is unclear if in previous occasions the other two top individuals in the cabinet would be present when the list is given to the media, but there was something a bit formal about that aspect this time, to make it a sort of precedent. For instance it is known that the president has to consult with his intended premier-designate as to whom he would include in the cabinet, but the vice-president used to be passive in that consideration, while this time he seems to have constituted a pillar of sorts on his own account.
That may of course be reduced to the force of personality, in that Dr Bilal may have a greater sense of presence than was Dr Ali Mohamed Shein in that post, but there is also considerable electoral politics that goes into it - CCM or JK faced hurdles getting it to accept their 'Dr Shein for president' idea.
When the entire cabinet structure in the sense of which ministries are manned by whom belongs to a committee, a test would be coming up constitutionally speaking, as constitutional provisions tend to focus not on the unicity of the three top level state personnel but on their diversity.
When such collegiality is too prominent or obvious, it is the presidency which suffers in its relative hegemony, that is, how far it controls other levers of power, and not just become its expression as some kind of collective voice, where the president becomes the spokesman. In old Latin American military rule parlance, he would be the leader of a 'junta' taking power.
To be in a 'junta' is to hold power collectively, while 'junta' also makes reference psychologically to 'hunters' sharing out spoils, having conquered their way to power individually, each on his own accord. It is the latter aspect of things which requires to be examined, as to whether there is an association of powerful figures in the current presidency, uniting dissonances in the Union presidency and Isles contentions, resolved perhaps at the expense of Union autonomy.
Apparently an accord came up to shift top Isles political leaders standing in the way of what CCM wanted as presidential nomination preference, to the Union structure while making obvious efforts to demonstrate that they haven't just been 'shunted' there.
Put differently, a picture is beginning to emerge that Dr Shein was accepted in the Isles political scenario (that is, Unguja dominated Isles wing of CCM) only on condition that the top personalities of that wing find powerful positions in the Union government so that they influence matters more or less as they wish. That would explain forming a cabinet not just by consulting premier Pinda but also, in an intense manner, vice president Bilal - and then one result is that former chief minister Shamsi Vuai Nahodha becomes Home Affairs minister. It opens up an auxiliary question as to the focus of the use of that position, whether it pursues factional interests of the Isles nomination contention, or Isles regime interests.
By elimination as in an 'equation,' the politics of the nomination become caduque, overtaken by events, and what makes more sense is how the autonomy of the Isles administration is intensified or reassured by holding the Interior portfolio, which comes to moderating the police in relation to this or that political initiative, chiefly in Zanzibar.
It has also got to do with what sort of initiatives arise from Union political circles concerning the organization of state powers in Zanzibar, the way it duplicates army and security organs that belong to the Union Government. But when Isles personnel hold both Interior and Defence portfolios, one can expect what Israelis call "shalom amiti," that is, peace and friendship, on those questions. A non-intended consequence of this state of affairs is that it is projecting, in the Union Government, the "government of national unity" being put up in the Isles.
In the Isles unity context it is CUF representing Pemba that units with CCM, for the Unguja island, while using top Isles personnel who are still politically powerful and wish to remain that way, is to engage in an 'entente cordiale' with them, to rule on their behalf, and giving them a right of regard especially with regard to controlling the police force, as Dr Hussein Ali Mwinyi is a priori a Union fellow, and definitely a close JK ally. Dr Bilal and Nahodha are Isles personalities in the first place, and apart from Defense they hold police and Union Affairs porfolios.
While the Isles seem to have a greater say in Union affairs than it is envisaged in amendment no 14 of 1995, where the vice-president, not the Isles president, is the Union president's chief advisor on Isles issues, this constitutional intention may now start becoming part of reality. In other words it is not automatic at present that the Isles president is final on what is being discussed between the two sides while the vice-president just looks on. Instead, Isles now looks rather subordinate to a more powerful Union lever in Isles politics, with Dr Bilal and Nahodha in key positions, or Samia Suluhu Hassan as principal assistant to Dr Bilal on the matter.
So there is a distinctive consolidation of Union structures taking place, but as in a witching situation, not because the participants approached the matter directly and agreed that this was the best thing, but a result of all their contradictions, as if they were "walking backwards" towards a consolidation of the Union. Silently as well, Isles opposition leader turned first vice president Seif Shariff Hamad finds himself more comfortable in the current Union government structure, as a check is placed on Dr Shein. He won't ever become as powerful as 'commando' Dr Salmin Amour and perhaps less autonomous than the Union-inclined Amani Karume.
SOURCE: THE GUARDIAN
By Ani Jozen
27th November 2010
Comments
p { margin-bottom: 0.08in; }
Chroniclers will have a difficult time comparing cabinet nomination excitement of this year compared to past years, but it is unlikely that the recording will be done or otherwise be registered scientifically, for lack of proper instrumentation. More often than not, there are no records that guide part timers projecting their own experience as to what cabinet reshuffle (new presidential term or mid term) was more exciting than the other, in which case the latest addition will not dent that gap of information concreteness.
Thus any comparisons are likely to be fully subjective, depending on each commentator's unreliable memory, or the opposite.
For one thing, the latest nomination excitement lacked an important element that was evident in the 2005 excitement and then in January 2008, as to who would be the prime minister. Not much doubt was prevalent in any quarter as to bouncing back in that position by Mizengo Pinda, in which case the issue switched to proper cabinet positions, and here the matter was far too wide to be of real excitement - except in one aspect.
It was being awaited if ex-premier Lowassa would make it back to the cabinet; even the sort of ministries he would prefer were being put across, and on the last day, a marginal controversy on cash transfers settled it all.
Punch-minded chroniclers would for that matter, if their British ancestors are any guide, likely to take that as the singularly most important headline in early 21st century political trajectory of the Tanzanian state, by its eliminating, once and for all, the former premier from the top echelon of Tanzanian politics.
Chances are that he now goes into relative oblivion as a 'has been,' with an assured place in community and other activities, depending on the calling of the day, and with a profile pretty close to his more successful predecessor, Frederick Sumaye. The difference is that the latter was never really a political leader or charismatic contender for top level positions but a dependable administrator for many years.
At the time that the cabinet list was being awaited, talk of 2015 succession roles had focused irresistibly on the former premier and his apparent contention with foreign minister Bernard Membe, with one newspaper saying that the latter would not make it to the cabinet "on account of frictions within the JK network."
That was not the case, and instead it was evident that it isn't strictly speaking internal network frivolities which projected their effect in the nomination but the broader political picture. The 'three musketeers' may remain the best of friends but they will not constitute the levers of government on that basis - namely JK himself, his old pal Ed Lowassa and definitely their principal business associate, Rostam Aziz.
A similar effect that might be gauged from the nomination was that for the first time it had a collective touch, where the president seemed to be 'primus inter pares,' that he led a triumvirate of equals, or appeared to talk in that manner. He chided senior journalists assigned the cabinet selection event at the State House that they would be collecting proper news at that moment, having written numerous improprieties up to that moment.
He notably remarked that various newspapers were engaged in guesswork based on 'usually reliable sources' on who was making it to the cabinet, "before we had even started working on the matter," implying that the cabinet was a collective design - i.e., between himself, Dr Bilal and Pinda.
It is unclear if in previous occasions the other two top individuals in the cabinet would be present when the list is given to the media, but there was something a bit formal about that aspect this time, to make it a sort of precedent. For instance it is known that the president has to consult with his intended premier-designate as to whom he would include in the cabinet, but the vice-president used to be passive in that consideration, while this time he seems to have constituted a pillar of sorts on his own account.
That may of course be reduced to the force of personality, in that Dr Bilal may have a greater sense of presence than was Dr Ali Mohamed Shein in that post, but there is also considerable electoral politics that goes into it - CCM or JK faced hurdles getting it to accept their 'Dr Shein for president' idea.
When the entire cabinet structure in the sense of which ministries are manned by whom belongs to a committee, a test would be coming up constitutionally speaking, as constitutional provisions tend to focus not on the unicity of the three top level state personnel but on their diversity.
When such collegiality is too prominent or obvious, it is the presidency which suffers in its relative hegemony, that is, how far it controls other levers of power, and not just become its expression as some kind of collective voice, where the president becomes the spokesman. In old Latin American military rule parlance, he would be the leader of a 'junta' taking power.
To be in a 'junta' is to hold power collectively, while 'junta' also makes reference psychologically to 'hunters' sharing out spoils, having conquered their way to power individually, each on his own accord. It is the latter aspect of things which requires to be examined, as to whether there is an association of powerful figures in the current presidency, uniting dissonances in the Union presidency and Isles contentions, resolved perhaps at the expense of Union autonomy.
Apparently an accord came up to shift top Isles political leaders standing in the way of what CCM wanted as presidential nomination preference, to the Union structure while making obvious efforts to demonstrate that they haven't just been 'shunted' there.
Put differently, a picture is beginning to emerge that Dr Shein was accepted in the Isles political scenario (that is, Unguja dominated Isles wing of CCM) only on condition that the top personalities of that wing find powerful positions in the Union government so that they influence matters more or less as they wish. That would explain forming a cabinet not just by consulting premier Pinda but also, in an intense manner, vice president Bilal - and then one result is that former chief minister Shamsi Vuai Nahodha becomes Home Affairs minister. It opens up an auxiliary question as to the focus of the use of that position, whether it pursues factional interests of the Isles nomination contention, or Isles regime interests.
By elimination as in an 'equation,' the politics of the nomination become caduque, overtaken by events, and what makes more sense is how the autonomy of the Isles administration is intensified or reassured by holding the Interior portfolio, which comes to moderating the police in relation to this or that political initiative, chiefly in Zanzibar.
It has also got to do with what sort of initiatives arise from Union political circles concerning the organization of state powers in Zanzibar, the way it duplicates army and security organs that belong to the Union Government. But when Isles personnel hold both Interior and Defence portfolios, one can expect what Israelis call "shalom amiti," that is, peace and friendship, on those questions. A non-intended consequence of this state of affairs is that it is projecting, in the Union Government, the "government of national unity" being put up in the Isles.
In the Isles unity context it is CUF representing Pemba that units with CCM, for the Unguja island, while using top Isles personnel who are still politically powerful and wish to remain that way, is to engage in an 'entente cordiale' with them, to rule on their behalf, and giving them a right of regard especially with regard to controlling the police force, as Dr Hussein Ali Mwinyi is a priori a Union fellow, and definitely a close JK ally. Dr Bilal and Nahodha are Isles personalities in the first place, and apart from Defense they hold police and Union Affairs porfolios.
While the Isles seem to have a greater say in Union affairs than it is envisaged in amendment no 14 of 1995, where the vice-president, not the Isles president, is the Union president's chief advisor on Isles issues, this constitutional intention may now start becoming part of reality. In other words it is not automatic at present that the Isles president is final on what is being discussed between the two sides while the vice-president just looks on. Instead, Isles now looks rather subordinate to a more powerful Union lever in Isles politics, with Dr Bilal and Nahodha in key positions, or Samia Suluhu Hassan as principal assistant to Dr Bilal on the matter.
So there is a distinctive consolidation of Union structures taking place, but as in a witching situation, not because the participants approached the matter directly and agreed that this was the best thing, but a result of all their contradictions, as if they were "walking backwards" towards a consolidation of the Union. Silently as well, Isles opposition leader turned first vice president Seif Shariff Hamad finds himself more comfortable in the current Union government structure, as a check is placed on Dr Shein. He won't ever become as powerful as 'commando' Dr Salmin Amour and perhaps less autonomous than the Union-inclined Amani Karume.
SOURCE: THE GUARDIAN
Mzee Mwanakijiji
Platinum Member
- Mar 10, 2006
- 33,474
- 39,987
- Thread starter
- #130
Nimerudia mapendekezo yangu kama nilivyosema wakati ule ni bora kuliko ya kwao. Nimeshangaa watu miezi karibu tisa baadaye wanapendekeza Wizara ya Nishati na Madini zitenganishwe!..
Magufuli apewe Nishati - he is a result oriented person.. nadhani ndiye atapaswa kusimamia hili la dharura. Lakini haiwezekani kwani katika hali iliyopo sasa kumpa magufulu such a prominent role ni kumtengeneza shujaa. He won't get it.
Ngeleja abakie na Madini.
Magufuli apewe Nishati - he is a result oriented person.. nadhani ndiye atapaswa kusimamia hili la dharura. Lakini haiwezekani kwani katika hali iliyopo sasa kumpa magufulu such a prominent role ni kumtengeneza shujaa. He won't get it.
Ngeleja abakie na Madini.
Turudishe tu MAJI na NISHATI viwe wizara moja. Madini iunganishwe na ardhi na mali asili. Sasa hivi tatizo kubwa sio nani awe waziri. Ni uwekezaji mdogo kwenye huduma hizi tangu uhuru. Nishati na maji vilisahaulika kabisa. Tukaanzisha miradi mipya ya kijinga kama RUZUKU kwenye vyama vya siasa.
Turudi tujipange upya kwenye huduma hizi na zile nyingine za elimu, afya, usafiri na usafirishaji. Kama tunaweza kuchangisha bilioni moja kuwahonga watu na ikapatikana kwa masaa tu jenereta kama lile la DOWANS linatushindaje?
Turudi tujipange upya kwenye huduma hizi na zile nyingine za elimu, afya, usafiri na usafirishaji. Kama tunaweza kuchangisha bilioni moja kuwahonga watu na ikapatikana kwa masaa tu jenereta kama lile la DOWANS linatushindaje?
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