Je, Upo uhusiano wa anguko la Socialism ama Ukomunist Afrika na umasikini unaokumba nchi nyingi Afrika!?

Nashindwa kuelewa uliposimamia mkuu...

Ina maana ujamaa ulitakiwa upewe nafasi ukomae bila usumbufu kutoka kwa wale wanaoamini mfumo mwingine wa kibepari!???


Kuonesha ubora wake ujamaa ulitakiwa kuthibitisha uwezo wake na kushinda hila zozote zilizoletwa na ubepari...hivyo kufeli kwake kunaweza kuonesha ni kama mfumo dhaifu usio na tija!!!
Kumbuka hata Ubepari haujawahi kufanikiwa popote pale ambapo ulipigwa vita kwa mabavu, naposimamia ni kwamba hizi mifumo zote zinamazuri na mabaya yake, ingekuwa bora kama zingeachwa zishamiri kwa pamoja.

Na sitegemei kwamba ingekuja kutokea eti kukawa na mfumo mmoja utakaokuwa umekubalika sababu ya mafanikio yake, kuna nyakati ujamaa unahitajika na kunawakati ubepari unahitajika hata katika maisha yetu ya kila siku.

extremism is evil
 
Naw
Si kwamba asili ya mwanadamu ni ubinafsi!??

Je unaweza kuthibitisha kuwa ubinafsi hutokana na malezi tuliyolelewa na Si vinginevyo!!!
Naweza kuthibitisha kwa kuangalia baadhi ya familia nilizokuwa nazo karibu. Kuna familia mbili nipo karibu nazo tangu udogoni. Hizi familia zinaishi kijima haswaa. Familia moja inawatu zaidi ya 30 ktk nyumba moja. kila gharama wana share, kuanzia mavazi, chakula hadi elimu.
Wapo vizuri wana amani na wanapendana sana. kuliko hizi familia nyingine (zakibepari) ambazo undugu unaishia kwa baba, mama, na watoto ikizidi sana labda mjomba na shangazi kwa mbaali.
Binadam akichangiwa na mazingira anaumba fikra ambazo zinaweza kuzaa upendo au ubinafsi.
 
Ungepata raha gani kuishi ktk nchi ya kipumbavu ambayo rais ndiye mungu kama China,Russia,n.Korea na takataka nyinginezo,,heri tz maskini kuliko China,Russia na jehanam nyinginezo
hapo unazungumzia udikteta sasa sio ujamaa. wajamaa hawana viongozi miungu watu. viongozi miungu watu huweza kuchipuka kwenye mfumo wowote ule.
 
Kumbuka hata Ubepari haujawahi kufanikiwa popote pale ambapo ulipigwa vita kwa mabavu, naposimamia ni kwamba hizi mifumo zote zinamazuri na mabaya yake, ingekuwa bora kama zingeachwa zishamiri kwa pamoja.

Na sitegemei kwamba ingekuja kutokea eti kukawa na mfumo mmoja utakaokuwa umekubalika sababu ya mafanikio yake, kuna nyakati ujamaa unahitajika na kunawakati ubepari unahitajika hata katika maisha yetu ya kila siku.

extremism is evil
Hili ndio lingefaa zaidi. Ubepari peke yake bila kuuchaganya na ujamaa ni hatari sana kwa usalama wa dunia. Ujamaa haujashindwa km wanavotaka kutuaminisha ila tunashurutishwa kuuacha. Kitu kinachoshindwa ni kile kinachojifia chenyewe bila kutumia nguvu kubwa kukiuwa.
 
Hili ndio lingefaa zaidi. Ubepari peke yake bila kuuchaganya na ujamaa ni hatari sana kwa usalama wa dunia. Ujamaa haujashindwa km wanavotaka kutuaminisha ila tunashurutishwa kuuacha. Kitu kinachoshindwa ni kile kinachojifia chenyewe bila kutumia nguvu kubwa kukiuwa.

Ujamaa umepigwa vita mbaya sana, kuna wakati viongozi wajamaa kindakindaki walikuwa wakiitwa ma terrorists
 
Ungepata raha gani kuishi ktk nchi ya kipumbavu ambayo rais ndiye mungu kama China,Russia,n.Korea na takataka nyinginezo,,heri tz maskini kuliko China,Russia na jehanam nyinginezo
Hapa suala halikuwa raha, ilikuwa maendeleo, na maendeleo siku zote yana JASHO NA DAMU.
 
Shida moja ya ujamaa ni kufifisha ubunifu wa mtu binafsi. Fikiria baadhi ya vijiji vilivyoitwa vya ujamaa haikuruhusiwa hata kuendesha mgahawa. Kila biashara ni ya kijiji. Watu walisubiri tu maelekezo ya viongozi. Sishangai hadi leo ubunifu ni chini sana, na mtu akithubutu kubuni wakubwa na hata raia wa kawaida au wataponda au kuweka vikwazo.
 
Nchi njingi za kijamaa zina sikitisha sana, ndio huko rais anakuwa mungu, hatoki madarakani mpaka anakufa then mtoto wake ana takeover, yaani uchumi unakuwa kwa kuua wananchi wako wenyewe, hivi ukaua watu wote hao ndio maana wanataka kuwa rais wa maisha.
 
Sera za ujamaa zinahitaji nidhamu ya hali ya juu. Viwanda alivyoanzisha Nyerere vilikufa kwa kukosa ufanisi.
Boss anachukua gari ya kampuni kwenda likizo kwao, gari ikirudi imeharibika kampuni inapata hasara ya matengenezo.

Kwakua ni General Manager anaingia kazini saa nne na saa saba anafunga ofisi mpaka kesho.

Ikisha kuwa mali ya wote watu hawana uchungu nayo.
 
Nchi njingi za kijamaa zina sikitisha sana, ndio huko rais anakuwa mungu, hatoki madarakani mpaka anakufa then mtoto wake ana takeover, yaani uchumi unakuwa kwa kuua wananchi wako wenyewe, hivi ukaua watu wote hao ndio maana wanataka kuwa rais wa maisha.
Ujamaa haushawishi mashindano wakati ubepari unafanya research jinsi ya kuinua viwanja vya mapato.

McDonald ilianza lakini alipata ushindani wa KFC na Burger King zote ni fast food franchise.
 
Kwahiyo changamoto kubwa ya ujamaa ni kutokuwepo kwa nidhamu!???
Sera za ujamaa zinahitaji nidhamu ya hali ya juu. Viwanda alivyoanzisha Nyerere vilikufa kwa kukosa ufanisi.
Boss anachukua gari ya kampuni kwenda likizo kwao, gari ikirudi imeharibika kampuni inapata hasara ya matengenezo.

Kwakua ni General Manager anaingia kazini saa nne na saa saba anafunga ofisi mpaka kesho.

Ikisha kuwa mali ya wote watu hawana uchungu nayo.
Je nidhamu pekee ndio huchangia ufanisi??
 
Naamini kabisa japo sina reference kuwa Socialism na Communalism ni DINI kama uislam na ukristo.

Nyerere alishindwa kufanya maamuzi ya kutumia nguvu kubwa ya hata kuuwa watu waliotaka kumpindua, nikwa vile alikuwa mkatoliki..ana chembe ya kuamini MUNGU yupo.

Maendeleo yoyote yale yanakafara, tena kafara KUBWA,KUBWA SANA. China na Russia nasikia hakuna ukristo wala uislam, hapo mungu wao ni aliyemadarakani, wakiamua kwenda mbele hakuna kuwaza mara mbilimbili.

Africa tungeendelea kama nchi hii ingeshikwa na viongozi wa kijeshi, sio hawa wa kiraia...tatizo ni uongozi sio mfumo.

Samahani kwa kuchangia mjadala kwa lugha ya Kiswahili na Kiingereza.

Huu si kamili hasa ama kusema umetosheleza 100% lakini tumia rejea zake na visomo zaidi kuhusuiana na 'umasikini, Ujinga na Maradhi', Sera, Mipango, Mikakati ya Kitaifa n.k.... Na namna moja ni kutazama shida katika mapitio yetu kimaendeleo kwa namna tunazoweza kuyabayanisha ni vipi tumekuwa tukitaasisi maono, sera, mikakati na mipango kuafikia malengo na mapenzi ya kitaifa.
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According to 2010 Maendeleo Dialogue, it was principally resolved that since independence in 1961 Tanzania has been pre-occupied with three development problems namely poverty, ignorance and diseases. Yet, despite trying all development approaches at her disposal, it has failed to break make tangible achievements mostly because it has embraced an oppressive structure, which is inimical to development(ESRF, 2010). Within this premise, it was also cited that the modes of political organization and institution rendered most Tanzanians powerless to chose who should lead them or rather to command decision over kind of leadership they want; attributing to their poor, ignorant and unhealthy background. Obviously, this refers to an overall picture of Tanzania that involves both Rural and Urban development contexts as encompassed by the politics of institutional choices.​

In regard to ‘the pride of being among the poorest nations’, Mr Ansbert Ngurumo, as one of keynote presenter in the Dialogue, argued that visionary leadership built around the Pillars of the Arusha Declaration whose aim was to build a self reliant society, under leadership of people with integrity; responsible and accountable leaders; contributed to 24 years of which that the declaration prevailed(ESRF, 2010). It can be noted here that Mr Ansbert accounts this in reflection to prominence of ‘governance’ and ‘self reflection’ within the majority of Tanzanian Population, and also towards assessing how executive leadership began to mismatch ‘Real issues vis a vis Idealogical inclinations’ in attending elaborate socio economic needs of majority of Tanzanians; and began to contend in apparent ‘culture of poverty acceptance’ with presumed limited knowledge on how to tackle it.​

In addressing governance and crisis pertinent to national leadership and local institutions in Tanzania, Mr Anwar Shah, under patronage of World Bank cited that there is amounting evidence that decentralization or localization, if left unchecked, may yield potentials for increasing corruption that affect the effectiveness of the development approach that exploit democratic institutions and local participation in governments delivering its services. He used Tanzania, as it was transitioning into effective decentralization, as one of the example pertinent to potential local interest groups conflicting with public interest at lower levels when the norm, merit culture and management systems in civil service are weak and institution of participation and accountability are ineffective. Contrasting that in Tanzania, service delivery survey data suggest that bribes paid to officials in the police, courts, tax services, and land offices amounted to 62 percent of official public expenditures in these areas(Shah, 2006). This coincides well with the general outlook of Mr Ansbert Ngurumo over governance and inclusion in Tanzania since independence.​

In addressing the basic rationality towards poverty reduction as a compounding factor, Prof. Marjorie Mbilinyi and Dr. Timothy Nyoni, under patronage of the Institute of Development Studies, provided a feedback review on Rural Food Security Policy stated that despite of no specific policy on poverty eradication, the Tanzanian government prioritized poverty as one of its major concerns in the 1960s and 1970s, and adopted a variety of measures to reduce poverty and income inequalities. These included a coherent incomes policy, and substantial support for rural development programmes and basic social services in the context of the Socialism and Self Reliance policy. By the end of the 1970s and early 1980s, Tanzania had one of the lowest income differentials in Southern Africa, and highest quality of life indicators among low income countries in SubSaharan Africa(Mbilinyi & Nyoni, 2000). In this context, having attained lowest income differential is can be perceived as occasional success that is consistent with the goal of socialistic goals, however the tension between communism and capitalistic socio political hegemony had impacted Tanzania’s development visions severely as Leander Schneider deducts the implication of 1977 national constitution of Tanzania that highlighted: “The object of this Constitution is to facilitate the building of the United Republic as a nation of equal and free individuals enjoying freedom, justice, fraternity and concord, through the pursuit of the policy of Socialism and Self Reliance which emphasizes the application of socialist principles while taking into account the conditions prevailing in the United Republic.” to denote that: From there, it (Tanzania) sets out a vision of society that uses the country’s resources and wealth to achieve “the eradication of poverty, ignorance, and disease” and avoids the “concentration of wealth or the major means of production in the hands of a few individuals.”(Schneider, 2015); This underlines an intriguing question, is development pro ‘materialism’ or rather, pro ‘people’ it terms of accessible and improved social services?

To approach the above question, in one way, Bonny Ibhawoh and J.I Dibua, expressing sentiments over nation founder Mwl. Julius K Nyerere and his ideological influence over development context of Tanzania, as a nation under Ujamaa—as outlined by the Arusha Declaration -- among other African Nations and the world at large, content that: beyond its socialist rhetoric, Ujamaa shared the same premise and fallacy, of developmentalism that has propelled and constrained successive development initiatives in Africa. That is, the objectification of African peasants and rural dwellers as helpless victims of underdevelopment who needed to be emancipated to higher levels of social and material well being, where these better standard of living was defined in terms of the Westernization of the peasantry. As a result, the Ujamaa's commitment to the modernization paradigm resulted in a situation where improving the conditions of the peasants meant alienating them from their cultural and social realities in favor of transplanted Western ways of life. Yet in other ways, the Ujamaa experiment was unique in the paradoxes it reflected, in its inward orientation and in its attention to social equity and distributive justice(Ibhawoh&Dibua, 2003).​

To complement all of the above in regard to amalgamation of socio-political and socio economic perspectives that shape rationality for development planning in Tanzania, the former President of the United Republic of Tanzania, late Benjamin William Mkapa, finalized shifted orientations and pragmatism beyond previous national stances and rhetoric – over development visions by initiating the National Development Vision 2025, with a compelling prologue that stated: “We are standing at the threshold of the 21st Century, a Century that will be characterised by competition. It is clear, therefore, that it will be a Century dominated by those with advanced technological capacity, high productivity, modern and efficient transport and communication infrastructure and, above all highly skilled manpower imbued with initiative. If we are to be active participants in the global developments of the twenty-first century we must, as a Nation, find ways of improving and strengthening ourselves in all these areas.” (URT, 1999).​

To conclude, the effects of globalization and the quest of modernization have influenced Tanzania to re-examine its position relative to suitable development policies and orientation that increase effectiveness of central government to deliver appropriate public services in collaboration with decentralized local governments. Although there has always been an associated risk with corruption at various levels with development planning technique that applies ‘decentralization’, on the other hand, Some of key addressed challenges facing Tanzania have been prior identified -- that guided the development planning rationale and due considerations for the Development Vision 2025 -- such as ‘income poverty’, ‘Limited access to Land Resources’, ‘Dependency Syndrome’, ‘Inadequacies in Policies and Policy formulations over populations and needs’; beside the ‘limited Entrepreneurial Knowledge and Skills amongst many of the Tanzanians’. These issues have been critically integrated into multiplicity of strategic plans -- to drive and orchestrate multi-sectorial coordinations for socio economic development. Thus the broad implications over the execution of the Development Vision 2025 is the critical role playing of various multi sectorial stakeholders – down to role of individuals. This denotes that Partnership is key to the realisation of the Vision 2025 – Private Public Partnership can also be integral part of the process in which useful goods and services can be available to the community with some ‘social services private enterprises’ offering them; depending upon the opportunity foreseen by say local and international Entrepreneurs. It emphasizes that Tanzanians must cease to wait for the government to cater them ‘with all their needs’--and leaders also should drop the ‘dependence mindset’ for ‘foreign aids’(Ibid., 1999).​



REFERENCES

ESRF, (2010). Democracy in Tanzania, 48 years of our Fight against Poverty, Ignoance and Diseases: Have We Attained the Goal? Maendeleo Dialogue, TADIP & KAS, Dar es Salaam. Retreived from https://www.kas.de/c/document_libra...36-0f9d-11b8-8d54-7412c9963b51&groupId=252038

Ibhawoh B & Dibua J. I.(2003). Deconstructing Ujamaa: The Legacy of Julius Nyerere in the Quest for Social and Economic Development in Africa. African Journal on political settings, Vol 8 No. 1. Michigan State University. Retrevied from https://pdfproc.lib.msu.edu

Mbilinyi M and Nyoni T (2000). Policy Review Process Of The Rural Food Security Policy And Development Group (RFS). Tanzania Episcopal Conference (TEC). Dar es Salaam. Retrieved from http://www.tzonline.org/pdf/povertyeradication.pdf

Schneider L, (2015). Visions of Tanzanian Socialism. Retrieved from Visions of Tanzanian Socialism

Shah, Anwar (2006). Corruption and Decentralized Public Governance. WPS3824. World Bank, Washington DC. Retrieved from http://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/153481468177556563/pdf/wps3824.pdf


URT. (1977). The Constitution Of The United Republic Of Tanzania [Ebook]. Dar es Salaam: Government Publisher. Retrieved from https://rsf.org/sites/default/files/constitution.pdf

URT. (1999). The Tanzania Development Vision 2025 [Ebook]. Dar es Salaam: Government Publisher. Retrieved from https://www.policyforum-tz.org/sites/default/files/Development Vision 2025.pdf
 
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