Mag3
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- May 31, 2008
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Kitu kimoja nilicho na hakika nacho kwa asilimia 100% ni kwamba wale wote wenye mapenzi ya kweli kwa taifa letu la Tanzania wanasita sana kuchangia hii hoja inayofinyangwafinyangwa na huyu anayejiita Mohamed Said. Bila kumung'unya maneno nayaita madai ya Mohamed Said la kutoa elimu ya historia ya kweli ni porojo hatari iliyojaa uchochezi ambayo lengo lake hasa ni kuleta uhasama wa kidini miongoni mwa wananchi. Sijui anachotegemea kufaidika nacho kwa kupanda hii mbegu ya hatari ambayo nina hakika mtu kama Mohamed Said anajua fika madhara yake.
Mohamed Said ni kama kipofu ambaye baada ya kusimuliwa na wazee kwamba tembo ni mnyama mkubwa kuliko wanyama wengi anapata nafasi ya kumpapasa tembo. Kwa bahati mbaya anaupapasa mguu wa tembo na si mwili wote halafu katika imani yake anadai anao uwezo wa kutoa somo kuhusu umbo la mnyama tembo na ushuhuda wake, kuwa tembo ni kama gogo la mti mkubwa, ndio ukweli na anayesema tofauti hajui kitu. Watu wote wanaolalamikiwa na Mohamed Said kuwa walisahauliwa, wengi wao walikuwa wakazi wa Dar es Salaam eneo la Gerezani.
Kabla ya uhuru Tanganyika iligawanywa katika majimbo makuu manane na katika majimbo yote hayo, jimbo la pwani kwa ujumla lilikuwa moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa nyuma kimaendeleo kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na hiyo ni licha ya kuwa makao makuu ya serikali ya kikoloni yalikuwa Dar es Salaam. TAA ilianzishwa na watumishi wa serikali (civil servants) na kwa wakati wote kazi kubwa ya TAA ilikuwa ni kulalamika ikidai haki ya wafanyakazi bila upendeleo na hasa ubaguzi wa rangi katila utumishi kubwa ukiwa uonevu dhidi ya wazawa, mtu mweusi.
Jimbo la Ziwa ni moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa mbele kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na kama kuna kitu kinaweza kudaiwa kuwa kilisahaulika katika harakati ya kupigania uhuru ni mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa (Bukoba, Mwanza, Mara na Shinyanga) Jimbo la Ziwa ndilo lililoongoza kwa idadi ya watu, idadi ya makabila, idadi ya mali asili na idadi ya machifu ambao nafasi yao ilikuwa kubwa tu katika kuhamasisha watu. Moja wa watu ambao mchango wao nitautaja kidogo tu ingawa alifanya jitihada kubwa labda zaidi ya wazee wa Mohamed Said ni Paul "Kishamapanda" Bomani.
Historia ya harakati za uhuru ni zaidi ya porojo za Mohamed Said, watu walipigania uhuru kama Watanganyika na bila kubaguana kikabila, kidini wala kijinsia. Ndio maana mimi sitaki kabisa kuwa na majibizano na huyu Mohamed Said moja kwa moja ila kwa kuwa hoja ileletwa JF, akae tayari kupewa somo kuhusu umbile zima la mnyama tembo na sio mguu moja wa tembo alioupapasa. Hapa mimi nitaongea sana kuhusu mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa na baadaye kuonyesha jinsi maadui wa nchi yetu wanavyowatumia kidini watu kama huyu Mohamed Said.
Baadaye nitaeleza jinsi Mkoa wa Mara yenye makabila karibu hamsini yalivyoweza kushirikiana bila mfarakano na kuitikia mwito wa Mwalimu Nyerere katika hizo harakati za kudai uhuru. Je mwamko wa wakazi wa jimbo la Ziwa ulikuwaje na mapokezi gani aliyapata kila wakati Mwalimu aliporudi kwenye hili jimbo ambalo idadi ya wakazi wake kwenye miaka ya 50s ilikuwa mara tatu ya majimbo mengi Tanganyika kama Pwani. Pia nitaonyesha ni wakati gani walianza kuyasikia hayo majina anayodai Mohamed Said ya wazee wa Gerezani Dar es Salaam !
Mohamed Said ni kama kipofu ambaye baada ya kusimuliwa na wazee kwamba tembo ni mnyama mkubwa kuliko wanyama wengi anapata nafasi ya kumpapasa tembo. Kwa bahati mbaya anaupapasa mguu wa tembo na si mwili wote halafu katika imani yake anadai anao uwezo wa kutoa somo kuhusu umbo la mnyama tembo na ushuhuda wake, kuwa tembo ni kama gogo la mti mkubwa, ndio ukweli na anayesema tofauti hajui kitu. Watu wote wanaolalamikiwa na Mohamed Said kuwa walisahauliwa, wengi wao walikuwa wakazi wa Dar es Salaam eneo la Gerezani.
Kabla ya uhuru Tanganyika iligawanywa katika majimbo makuu manane na katika majimbo yote hayo, jimbo la pwani kwa ujumla lilikuwa moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa nyuma kimaendeleo kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na hiyo ni licha ya kuwa makao makuu ya serikali ya kikoloni yalikuwa Dar es Salaam. TAA ilianzishwa na watumishi wa serikali (civil servants) na kwa wakati wote kazi kubwa ya TAA ilikuwa ni kulalamika ikidai haki ya wafanyakazi bila upendeleo na hasa ubaguzi wa rangi katila utumishi kubwa ukiwa uonevu dhidi ya wazawa, mtu mweusi.
Jimbo la Ziwa ni moja ya majimbo yaliyokuwa mbele kiuchumi, kielimu na kisiasa na kama kuna kitu kinaweza kudaiwa kuwa kilisahaulika katika harakati ya kupigania uhuru ni mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa (Bukoba, Mwanza, Mara na Shinyanga) Jimbo la Ziwa ndilo lililoongoza kwa idadi ya watu, idadi ya makabila, idadi ya mali asili na idadi ya machifu ambao nafasi yao ilikuwa kubwa tu katika kuhamasisha watu. Moja wa watu ambao mchango wao nitautaja kidogo tu ingawa alifanya jitihada kubwa labda zaidi ya wazee wa Mohamed Said ni Paul "Kishamapanda" Bomani.
The lack of country-wide political consciousness in Dar es salaam was more than compensated for by the organizational strength and political activities of the branches upcountry. These, it will be recalled , were the rural areas from which mass support had to be drawn.
Thus the expansion of the Association into the provinces and the existence of dynamic leadership to keep alive and expand the activities of the Association in the rural areas from 1945 through the period of reaction from headquarter, made certain the growth and the expansion of the Association even without direction from headquarter (Dar es Salaam ?).
Nowhere in Tanzania was this more true than in Sukuma land with its provincial centre at Mwanza. Alongside the upsurge in association after 1945 there grew up producers co-operatives for the marketing of cotton. The Lake Province Growers Association which was organised by Paul Bomani in 1949 and which became the Victoria federation of Co-operative Unions in usukuma, incorporating all the co-operatives, was a most important political force during the transition from TAA to TANU and during the struggle for uhuru after 1954.
The co-operative movement sought to gain control of the marketing of cotton hirherto monopolized by indian businessmen; this monopoly entailed exploitation of the African farmers to whom the Indian invariably paid unfair prices. In evitably the co-operatives were drawn into political issues although their dual purpose was primarily economic. The co-operatives used tehri dual purpose to insulate themselves from proscription. For example, where TANU was banned in usukumaland in 1954, the co-operatives were not banned .
The refusal of the government to register the co-operative movement before 1951 only served to aggravate the situation and helped Paul Bomani to awaken the farmers to their disabilities and to alienate them further from the government which had initiated the post-war development of cotton whose marketing they themselves wanted top control.
Historia ya harakati za uhuru ni zaidi ya porojo za Mohamed Said, watu walipigania uhuru kama Watanganyika na bila kubaguana kikabila, kidini wala kijinsia. Ndio maana mimi sitaki kabisa kuwa na majibizano na huyu Mohamed Said moja kwa moja ila kwa kuwa hoja ileletwa JF, akae tayari kupewa somo kuhusu umbile zima la mnyama tembo na sio mguu moja wa tembo alioupapasa. Hapa mimi nitaongea sana kuhusu mchango wa Jimbo la Ziwa na baadaye kuonyesha jinsi maadui wa nchi yetu wanavyowatumia kidini watu kama huyu Mohamed Said.
Bomani's successful tours in the heart of Usukumaland, paved the way for the leaders of the TAA in Mwanza to tour country side to organize the masses for political action. In 1952 Bomani, I.B. Munanka and S.A. Kandoro became full time officers of TAA. With the full time appointment of political of political officers ( S.A. Kandoro was the provincial secretary and Bomani and Munaka the president and vice-president respectively) the Association in Sukumaland entered a new phase a year before the headquarter elected President Nyerere as president of the Association.
Inviting Kandoro to take up the post, Bomani wrote , "Because Munanka is giving up his present employment to work for the freedom of his people, you must move from Tabora to Mwanza so that the three of us can work for the freedom of this country."
More important is that the three leaders of the TAA, Mwanza, were not civil servants which serves to show that the Association was to become henceforth a fully blown political party under the hands of men who were now committed to politics as a way of life. Indicative of this change was the Association's proposal of a change of name to match the new phase of its political transformation.
Baadaye nitaeleza jinsi Mkoa wa Mara yenye makabila karibu hamsini yalivyoweza kushirikiana bila mfarakano na kuitikia mwito wa Mwalimu Nyerere katika hizo harakati za kudai uhuru. Je mwamko wa wakazi wa jimbo la Ziwa ulikuwaje na mapokezi gani aliyapata kila wakati Mwalimu aliporudi kwenye hili jimbo ambalo idadi ya wakazi wake kwenye miaka ya 50s ilikuwa mara tatu ya majimbo mengi Tanganyika kama Pwani. Pia nitaonyesha ni wakati gani walianza kuyasikia hayo majina anayodai Mohamed Said ya wazee wa Gerezani Dar es Salaam !