Economist: John Magufuli is bulldozing the opposition and wrecking the economy

[jingalao]

Following Mwalimu Nyerere footsteps is the most precious thing most of Tanzanians would expect to see from any president in office.

By ignoring Mwalimu Nyerere's legacy Tanzania has remained poor despite having many and unique resources like Tanzanite,Gold,Diamonds mentioning a few.

The author is like a howler monkey who pretends to scavanger for bad news against Magufuli.

 

[Massanda OMtima Massanda]

At some point and time, it is disgraceful to give false allegation. In any reformation process, especially when it touches corrupt and greedy guys, such responses are likely to be aired vehemently.
What do you expect to hear from drug dealers, economy sabotages, thieves, opportunists, etc?
And why say dinosaur of Dodoma? You mean to say it is more or less a white elephant and unworthy?
Be informed also that whether in a nutshell, the mouthpiece for people like Lissu, political rallies banning, social and economic welfare are subject to citizens of this nation. The rest will be watch dogs!

 

[xaracter]

Following Mwalimu Nyerere footsteps is the most precious thing most of Tanzanians would expect to see from any president in office.

By ignoring Mwalimu Nyerere's legacy Tanzania has remained poor despite having many and unique resources like Tanzanite,Gold,Diamonds mentioning a few.

The author is like a howler monkey who pretends to scavanger for bad news against Magufuli.

A bitter pill to swallow [HASHTAG]#truthhurts[/HASHTAG]

 

[Drifter]

Following Mwalimu Nyerere footsteps is the most precious thing most of Tanzanians would expect to see from any president in office.

By ignoring Mwalimu Nyerere's legacy Tanzania has remained poor despite having many and unique resources like Tanzanite,Gold,Diamonds mentioning a few.

The author is like a howler monkey who pretends to scavanger for bad news against Magufuli.

Seriously?

 

[Kibanga Ampiga Mkoloni]

Source: https://www.economist.com/news/midd...-work-tanzania-last-time-either-john-magufuli


The dinosaur of DodomaJohn Magufuli is bulldozing the opposition and wrecking the economy
“African socialism” did not work in Tanzania last time, either

Print edition | Middle East and Africa
Oct 19th 2017| NAIROBI
https://www.economist.com/node/21730424/comments
CRITICALLY ill in a hospital in Nairobi, Tundu Lissu, the chief whip of Tanzania’s main opposition party, Chadema, is a lesson to those who would criticise the Tanzanian president, John Magufuli (pictured). On September 7th Mr Lissu was gunned down in broad daylight near his house in the sleepy administrative capital, Dodoma, after returning from a session in parliament. The attempted assassination came just two weeks after he was arrested—for the sixth time—for such things as insulting the president. It is not clear who was behind the attack. A month later, the government has yet to make any arrests. Mr Lissu had previously complained about being followed, and said he worried he might be killed. “This cowardly attack on one of Tanzania’s most fearless and prominent politicians raises concerns about the safety of all dissident voices in the country, at a time when space for dissent is quickly shrinking,” said Amnesty International, a human-rights group.

Tanzania, a country of 55m people on the East African coast, is rarely seen as one of Africa’s problem cases. Unlike Congo, Uganda or Burundi, it has never had a civil war or a military dictatorship. And although its elections have never once ousted the party (and its predecessor) that has governed Tanzania since independence in 1962, nor are they especially bloody affairs. Yet over the past two years, since the election of John Magufuli, Tanzania’s descent into autocracy has been stunning. It is a lesson in how when the presidency is strong and other institutions are weak, a single bad leader can set a country back many years.

• 

See all updates
The attack on Mr Lissu occurred in an atmosphere of intensifying political repression. Opposition rallies have been banned for almost a year on spurious security grounds. Dozens of people have been arrested for insulting the president on internet chat groups under a cybercrimes law. Even musicians have not escaped the rap. In March Emmanuel Elibariki, a hip-hop artist, released a song in which he asked “is there still freedom of expression in the country?” The answer was no: he was swiftly arrested and his song was banned from the airwaves.

Mr Lissu’s is not the only case where words have been met with violence. In August the offices of IMMMA, a law firm that has handled lawsuits against the government, was bombed. Several opposition figures have disappeared in the past year, including the personal assistant of Freeman Mbowe, the leader of Chadema. On the island of Zanzibar members of the Civic United Front, a separatist-leaning party that won elections in 2015 that were later annulled, have been targeted by pro-government militias known as “zombies”.

Mr Magufuli, who is nicknamed “the bulldozer”, impressed many when he came into office by cracking down on corruption. But his economic ideas have a whiff of the “African socialism” of Julius Nyerere, the country’s founding leader, who declared a one-party state, nationalised factories and forced peasants at gunpoint onto collective farms. Donors had to step in to prevent mass starvation.

Mr Magufuli is not as ruinously radical. But he has caused traffic to collapse at Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s main port, which serves six countries, by imposing a huge tax on goods that pass through it. Ships have simply gone to Kenya instead.

More startling still is Tanzania’s dispute with Acacia, a British gold-mining firm. The government claims that its two mines have been producing more than 10 times as much gold as they declared (which would make them the two largest gold mines in the world, by far). Preposterously, it says the firm owes taxes of $190bn, or roughly four times Tanzania’s annual GDP. Acacia has been forced to halt exports and has cut back production.

Other firms worry they may be next. Petra Diamonds closed its mine in Tanzania in September after the government seized a parcel of diamonds it was exporting. And on October 9th Aliko Dangote, a Nigerian cement billionaire, accused Mr Magufuli of scaring investors away. Few Tanzanian businessmen are as critical publicly, but in private they are damning. “We are shit scared. If this can happen to Acacia, it can happen to anyone,” says one.

Foreign firms can at least turn to foreign judges for protection. In August a Bombardier jet bought for Air Tanzania was seized by a Canadian court on behalf of Stirling Civil Engineering. The company had won an international arbitration in 2010 after not being paid for building roads. This may not be the last such judgment. Symbion Power, an energy producer, is claiming $561m from Tanzania’s state-owned electricity utility after it was not paid for electricity for more than a year.

What will happen now? There are few constraints on Mr Magufuli. With the opposition neutered, the ruling party remains mostly unchallenged. Mr Magufuli’s allies in parliament have even suggested extending the presidential term from five years to seven. Tanzania suffered wretchedly under one bullheaded socialist. It cannot afford another.

This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "The dinosaur of Dodoma"





MyTake: Hoja ujibiwa kwa hoja na sio Vihoja. na inaonekana source ya hii article ni Middle East and Africa section of the print edition
Sijajua ni gazeti gani hilo la Middle and East Africa.

 

[Barbarosa]

Source: https://www.economist.com/news/midd...-work-tanzania-last-time-either-john-magufuli


The dinosaur of DodomaJohn Magufuli is bulldozing the opposition and wrecking the economy
“African socialism” did not work in Tanzania last time, either

Print edition | Middle East and Africa
Oct 19th 2017| NAIROBI
CRITICALLY ill in a hospital in Nairobi, Tundu Lissu, the chief whip of Tanzania’s main opposition party, Chadema, is a lesson to those who would criticise the Tanzanian president, John Magufuli (pictured). On September 7th Mr Lissu was gunned down in broad daylight near his house in the sleepy administrative capital, Dodoma, after returning from a session in parliament. The attempted assassination came just two weeks after he was arrested—for the sixth time—for such things as insulting the president. It is not clear who was behind the attack. A month later, the government has yet to make any arrests. Mr Lissu had previously complained about being followed, and said he worried he might be killed. “This cowardly attack on one of Tanzania’s most fearless and prominent politicians raises concerns about the safety of all dissident voices in the country, at a time when space for dissent is quickly shrinking,” said Amnesty International, a human-rights group.

Tanzania, a country of 55m people on the East African coast, is rarely seen as one of Africa’s problem cases. Unlike Congo, Uganda or Burundi, it has never had a civil war or a military dictatorship. And although its elections have never once ousted the party (and its predecessor) that has governed Tanzania since independence in 1962, nor are they especially bloody affairs. Yet over the past two years, since the election of John Magufuli, Tanzania’s descent into autocracy has been stunning. It is a lesson in how when the presidency is strong and other institutions are weak, a single bad leader can set a country back many years.

• 

See all updates
The attack on Mr Lissu occurred in an atmosphere of intensifying political repression. Opposition rallies have been banned for almost a year on spurious security grounds. Dozens of people have been arrested for insulting the president on internet chat groups under a cybercrimes law. Even musicians have not escaped the rap. In March Emmanuel Elibariki, a hip-hop artist, released a song in which he asked “is there still freedom of expression in the country?” The answer was no: he was swiftly arrested and his song was banned from the airwaves.

Mr Lissu’s is not the only case where words have been met with violence. In August the offices of IMMMA, a law firm that has handled lawsuits against the government, was bombed. Several opposition figures have disappeared in the past year, including the personal assistant of Freeman Mbowe, the leader of Chadema. On the island of Zanzibar members of the Civic United Front, a separatist-leaning party that won elections in 2015 that were later annulled, have been targeted by pro-government militias known as “zombies”.

Mr Magufuli, who is nicknamed “the bulldozer”, impressed many when he came into office by cracking down on corruption. But his economic ideas have a whiff of the “African socialism” of Julius Nyerere, the country’s founding leader, who declared a one-party state, nationalised factories and forced peasants at gunpoint onto collective farms. Donors had to step in to prevent mass starvation.

Mr Magufuli is not as ruinously radical. But he has caused traffic to collapse at Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s main port, which serves six countries, by imposing a huge tax on goods that pass through it. Ships have simply gone to Kenya instead.

More startling still is Tanzania’s dispute with Acacia, a British gold-mining firm. The government claims that its two mines have been producing more than 10 times as much gold as they declared (which would make them the two largest gold mines in the world, by far). Preposterously, it says the firm owes taxes of $190bn, or roughly four times Tanzania’s annual GDP. Acacia has been forced to halt exports and has cut back production.

Other firms worry they may be next. Petra Diamonds closed its mine in Tanzania in September after the government seized a parcel of diamonds it was exporting. And on October 9th Aliko Dangote, a Nigerian cement billionaire, accused Mr Magufuli of scaring investors away. Few Tanzanian businessmen are as critical publicly, but in private they are damning. “We are shit scared. If this can happen to Acacia, it can happen to anyone,” says one.

Foreign firms can at least turn to foreign judges for protection. In August a Bombardier jet bought for Air Tanzania was seized by a Canadian court on behalf of Stirling Civil Engineering. The company had won an international arbitration in 2010 after not being paid for building roads. This may not be the last such judgment. Symbion Power, an energy producer, is claiming $561m from Tanzania’s state-owned electricity utility after it was not paid for electricity for more than a year.

What will happen now? There are few constraints on Mr Magufuli. With the opposition neutered, the ruling party remains mostly unchallenged. Mr Magufuli’s allies in parliament have even suggested extending the presidential term from five years to seven. Tanzania suffered wretchedly under one bullheaded socialist. It cannot afford another.

This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "The dinosaur of Dodoma"





MyTake: Hoja ujibiwa kwa hoja na sio Vihoja. na inaonekana source ya hii article ni Middle East and Africa section of the print edition
Sijajua ni gazeti gani hilo la Middle and East Africa.

Hakuna jipya hapo!

 

[Nyani Ngabu]

Nyerere forced peasants at gunpoint onto collective farms?

First time I'm hearing that...

 

[Pascal Mayalla]

Naileta kama nilivyoikuta

John Magufuli is bulldozing the opposition and wrecking the economy

"The dinosaur of Dodoma"

“African socialism” did not work in Tanzania last time, either

This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "The dinosaur of Dodoma"

Source: https://www.economist.com/news/midd...-work-tanzania-last-time-either-john-magufuli
The dinosaur of DodomaJohn Magufuli is bulldozing the opposition and wrecking the economy
“African socialism” did not work in Tanzania last time, either

MyTake: Hoja ujibiwa kwa hoja na sio Vihoja. na inaonekana source ya hii article ni Middle East and Africa section of the print edition
Sijajua ni gazeti gani hilo la Middle and East Africa.

Wakuu Mwanakwetu na Kibanga, kwanza kwa ruhusa yenu, naomba kuwaarifu, nitalitumia bandiko hili kama mbegu, kwenda kulipanda kule Jukwaa la siasa, ila Tusikubali uwongo huu wa gazeti la The Economist
My Take.

1. John Magufuli is bulldozing the opposition-True
2. and wrecking the economy-Felse, Magufuli haangamizi uchumi bali anajenga uchumi
3. "The dinosaur of Dodoma"-huku ni kumtukana rasi wetu kuwa ni dinasauria wa Dodoma
4. “African socialism” did not work in Tanzania last time-True ila Magufuli hajengi ujamaa mwingine, hivyo what has kushindwa kwa ujamaa wa Nyerere to do with Magufuli?.
5. CRITICALLY ill in a hospital in Nairobi, Tundu Lissu, the chief whip of Tanzania’s main opposition party Chadema-True
6. is a lesson to those who would criticise the Tanzanian president, John Magufuli. Huu ni uongo mkubwa na hatari sana, ku insinuate kilichompata Lissu ni kwa sababu alikuwa ana mcriticize Magufuli!, kweli tunaweza kunyamazia hili na dunia nzima ikamuelewa hivi rais wetu Magufuli?!.
7. On September 7th Mr Lissu was gunned down in broad daylight near his house in the sleepy administrative capital, Dodoma, after returning from a session in parliament. True
8. The attempted assassination came just two weeks after he was arrested—for the sixth time—for such things as insulting the president. Uongo, Lisu amewahi kushitakiwa kwa kosa la kumtukana rais Magufuli?, makosa ya kumtukana mtu ni defamation sio criminal ni civil, Lissu anashitakiwa kwa criminal offences, kwa nini hawakuzitaja?.
9. It is not clear who was behind the attack. True, kama wanajua kuwa its not clear who was behind, why did they insinuate refer no 6 above.
10. A month later, the government has yet to make any arrests. True, na inawezekana kabisa, kamwe hakuna atakayekamatwa kwa sababu ambazo nimezieleza hapa Shambulio la Lissu: Wajue Wasiojulikana Watakaojulikana na ...
11. Mr Lissu had previously complained about being followed, and said he worried he might be killed. “This cowardly attack on one of Tanzania’s most fearless and prominent politicians raises concerns about the safety of all dissident voices in the country, at a time when space for dissent is quickly shrinking,” said Amnesty International, a human-rights group. kumbe tuna dissidents?!, this might be true.
12. Tanzania, a country of 55m people on the East African coast, is rarely seen as one of Africa’s problem cases. Unlike Congo, Uganda or Burundi, it has never had a civil war or a military dictatorship. True
13. And although its elections have never once ousted the party (and its predecessor) that has governed Tanzania since independence in 1962, nor are they especially bloody affairs. Japo Hatujapata Uhuru mwaka 1962!, mengine ni kweli, Tanzania ni kisiwa cha amani
14. Yet over the past two years, since the election of John Magufuli, Tanzania’s descent into autocracy has been stunning. True
15. It is a lesson in how when the presidency is strong and other institutions are weak, a single bad leader can set a country back many years. Hapa ni uongo, wanamuita Magufuli ni bad leader!.
16. The attack on Mr Lissu occurred in an atmosphere of intensifying political repression. Opposition rallies have been banned for almost a year on spurious security grounds. Dozens of people have been arrested for insulting the president on internet chat groups under a cybercrimes law.True
17. Even musicians have not escaped the rap. In March Emmanuel Elibariki, a hip-hop artist, released a song in which he asked “is there still freedom of expression in the country?” The answer was no: he was swiftly arrested and his song was banned from the airwaves. Japo ni kweli alishikwa na wimbo ulizuiliwa lakini aliachiwa na wimbo uliruhusiwa!, hapa jamii ya kimataifa inahesabu huyo mwanamuziki bado yuko arrested na wimbo umezuiliwa!.
18. Mr Lissu’s is not the only case where words have been met with violence. Bado hakuna uthibitisho Lissu ameshambuliwa kwa kauli zake hili nmelisema hapaTuacheni Ramli Chonganishi: Tusihukumu, Tusije Tukahukumiwa ...
19. In August the offices of IMMMA, a law firm that has handled lawsuits against the government, was bombed. Huu pia ni uongo, hakuna uthibitisho shambulio hili ni la kisiasa.
20. Several opposition figures have disappeared in the past year, including the personal assistant of Freeman Mbowe, the leader of Chadema. Huu ni uongo, Several wangapi Zaidi ya Ben?.
21. On the island of Zanzibar members of the Civic United Front, a separatist-leaning party that won elections in 2015 that were later annulled, have been targeted by pro-government militias known as “zombies”. True
22. Mr Magufuli, who is nicknamed “the bulldozer”, impressed many when he came into office by cracking down on corruption. True
23. But his economic ideas have a whiff of the “African socialism” of Julius Nyerere, the country’s founding leader, who declared a one-party state, nationalised factories and forced peasants at gunpoint onto collective farms. Donors had to step in to prevent mass starvation. Huu ni uongo, kwenye Ujamaa kuna watu walilazimishwa kwa mitutu?. Magufuli anafuata ujamaa wa Nyerere?.
24. Mr Magufuli is not as ruinously radical. But he has caused traffic to collapse at Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s main port, which serves six countries, by imposing a huge tax on goods that pass through it. Ships have simply gone to Kenya instead. Huu ni uongo, aliyeongeza kodi ni Magufuli?. Meli zilikimbilia Mombasa kwa mengine sio sababu ya Magufuli, TPA wakanushe uongo huu!.
25. More startling still is Tanzania’s dispute with Acacia, a British gold-mining firm. The government claims that its two mines have been producing more than 10 times as much gold as they declared (which would make them the two largest gold mines in the world, by far). Preposterously, it says the firm owes taxes of $190bn, or roughly four times Tanzania’s annual GDP. Acacia has been forced to halt exports and has cut back production. True, hawa ni majizi na ndio maana yamekubali kutupooza.
26. Other firms worry they may be next. True kama ni majizi, watakuwa next, this is bad for investment climate ya Tanzania
27. Petra Diamonds closed its mine in Tanzania in September after the government seized a parcel of diamonds it was exporting. Hapa hawasemi kuwa hao Petra nao pia ni majizi, na hizo parcel walijaza almazi za wizi!, this also is not good for investment climate.
28. And on October 9th Aliko Dangote, a Nigerian cement billionaire, accused Mr Magufuli of scaring investors away. Its true, and it is not good for investment climate, bali kesho yake Dangote alirejebisha kauli Dangote arekebisha kauli ya ‘Bulldozer’. Asema “It's OK, I have his mobile number, I can call him and he listens to me”
29. Few Tanzanian businessmen are as critical publicly, but in private they are damning. “We are shit scared. If this can happen to Acacia, it can happen to anyone,” says one. True
30. Foreign firms can at least turn to foreign judges for protection. In August a Bombardier jet bought for Air Tanzania was seized by a Canadian court on behalf of Stirling Civil Engineering. The company had won an international arbitration in 2010 after not being paid for building roads. This may not be the last such judgment. Symbion Power, an energy producer, is claiming $561m from Tanzania’s state-owned electricity utility after it was not paid for electricity for more than a year. True
31. What will happen now? There are few constraints on Mr Magufuli. With the opposition neutered, the ruling party remains mostly unchallenged. Mr Magufuli’s allies in parliament have even suggested extending the presidential term from five years to seven. True
32. Tanzania suffered wretchedly under one bullheaded socialist. It cannot afford another. Hapa wamemtukana tena rais wetu, bullheaded socialist!. Wanamuita socialist ili kuwatisha wawekezaji kuwa mwisho wa siku kila kitu chao kitataifishwa!

Tusikubali udhalilishwaji huu.
Paskali

 

[wasumu]

dinosour of dodoma

 

[data]

Naileta kama nilivyoikuta

John Magufuli is bulldozing the opposition and wrecking the economy

"The dinosaur of Dodoma"

“African socialism” did not work in Tanzania last time, either

Print edition | Middle East and Africa

Oct 19th 2017 | NAIROBI

CRITICALLY ill in a hospital in Nairobi, Tundu Lissu, the chief whip of Tanzania’s main opposition party, Chadema, is a lesson to those who would criticise the Tanzanian president, John Magufuli (pictured). On September 7th Mr Lissu was gunned down in broad daylight near his house in the sleepy administrative capital, Dodoma, after returning from a session in parliament. The attempted assassination came just two weeks after he was arrested—for the sixth time—for such things as insulting the president. It is not clear who was behind the attack. A month later, the government has yet to make any arrests. Mr Lissu had previously complained about being followed, and said he worried he might be killed. “This cowardly attack on one of Tanzania’s most fearless and prominent politicians raises concerns about the safety of all dissident voices in the country, at a time when space for dissent is quickly shrinking,” said Amnesty International, a human-rights group.


Tanzania, a country of 55m people on the East African coast, is rarely seen as one of Africa’s problem cases. Unlike Congo, Uganda or Burundi, it has never had a civil war or a military dictatorship. And although its elections have never once ousted the party (and its predecessor) that has governed Tanzania since independence in 1962, nor are they especially bloody affairs. Yet over the past two years, since the election of John Magufuli, Tanzania’s descent into autocracy has been stunning. It is a lesson in how when the presidency is strong and other institutions are weak, a single bad leader can set a country back many years.


The attack on Mr Lissu occurred in an atmosphere of intensifying political repression. Opposition rallies have been banned for almost a year on spurious security grounds. Dozens of people have been arrested for insulting the president on internet chat groups under a cybercrimes law. Even musicians have not escaped the rap. In March Emmanuel Elibariki, a hip-hop artist, released a song in which he asked “is there still freedom of expression in the country?” The answer was no: he was swiftly arrested and his song was banned from the airwaves.


Mr Lissu’s is not the only case where words have been met with violence. In August the offices of IMMMA, a law firm that has handled lawsuits against the government, was bombed. Several opposition figures have disappeared in the past year, including the personal assistant of Freeman Mbowe, the leader of Chadema. On the island of Zanzibar members of the Civic United Front, a separatist-leaning party that won elections in 2015 that were later annulled, have been targeted by pro-government militias known as “zombies”.


Mr Magufuli, who is nicknamed “the bulldozer”, impressed many when he came into office by cracking down on corruption. But his economic ideas have a whiff of the “African socialism” of Julius Nyerere, the country’s founding leader, who declared a one-party state, nationalised factories and forced peasants at gunpoint onto collective farms. Donors had to step in to prevent mass starvation.


Mr Magufuli is not as ruinously radical. But he has caused traffic to collapse at Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s main port, which serves six countries, by imposing a huge tax on goods that pass through it. Ships have simply gone to Kenya instead.


More startling still is Tanzania’s dispute with Acacia, a British gold-mining firm. The government claims that its two mines have been producing more than 10 times as much gold as they declared (which would make them the two largest gold mines in the world, by far). Preposterously, it says the firm owes taxes of $190bn, or roughly four times Tanzania’s annual GDP. Acacia has been forced to halt exports and has cut back production.


Other firms worry they may be next. Petra Diamonds closed its mine in Tanzania in September after the government seized a parcel of diamonds it was exporting. And on October 9th Aliko Dangote, a Nigerian cement billionaire, accused Mr Magufuli of scaring investors away. Few Tanzanian businessmen are as critical publicly, but in private they are damning. “We are shit scared. If this can happen to Acacia, it can happen to anyone,” says one.


Foreign firms can at least turn to foreign judges for protection. In August a Bombardier jet bought for Air Tanzania was seized by a Canadian court on behalf of Stirling Civil Engineering. The company had won an international arbitration in 2010 after not being paid for building roads. This may not be the last such judgment. Symbion Power, an energy producer, is claiming $561m from Tanzania’s state-owned electricity utility after it was not paid for electricity for more than a year.


What will happen now? There are few constraints on Mr Magufuli. With the opposition neutered, the ruling party remains mostly unchallenged. Mr Magufuli’s allies in parliament have even suggested extending the presidential term from five years to seven. Tanzania suffered wretchedly under one bullheaded socialist. It cannot afford another.


This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "The dinosaur of Dodoma"

Umnhuuhh...!