Averoes
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- Jan 30, 2014
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Whatever the outcome of the rollercoaster election transfixing the U.S. this year, the losing candidate will not flee the country. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton would remain a prominent Democratic figure with an influential family foundation, and billionaire Donald Trump(R) may be even richer at the end of his campaign than he is now. Like 2012 GOP nominee Mitt Romney, 2004 Democratic nominee John Kerry and others before them, the losing candidate will remain free to pursue their interests, political or otherwise. This is not always the case for African elections.
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Whatever the outcome of the rollercoaster election transfixing the U.S. this year, the losing candidate will not flee the country. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton would remain a prominent Democratic figure with an influential family foundation, and billionaire Donald Trump (R) may be even richer at the end of his campaign than he is now. Like 2012 GOP nominee Mitt Romney, 2004 Democratic nominee John Kerry and others before them, the losing candidate will remain free to pursue their interests, political or otherwise. This is not always the case for African elections.
To be sure, African democracy has seen progress. Of the 15 presidential elections on the continent this past year, 11 were deemed free and fair. Yet democratic progress cannot be measured solely by elections. Indeed, in a number of recent cases, opposition candidates have earned placement on African ballots but have also faced brazen campaigns of intimidation. Any true, societal contest of ideas and alternative opinions was stifled. If the U.S. is committed to the very first pillar of its sub-Saharan strategy — "strengthening democratic institutions" — then paying attention to the treatment of these opposition candidates needs to be a priority.
Seeking the presidency, finding arrest, prison and exile
In Uganda's case, that candidate was Kizza Besigye. A landlocked country in East Africa, Uganda is a "key strategic partner" of the United States. The countries collaborate in the fight against al-Shabaab in Somalia and the Lord's Resistance Army led by Joseph Kony. In the course of Uganda's Feb. 18 elections, Besigye was arrested four times in seven days: once while campaigning, once on election day and twice more while contesting the results. In May, Besigye escaped house arrest yet again and was arrested a final time, charged with treason, and sent to prison. It wasn't his first time, either: Treason and rape charges were also thrown at Besigye during his candidacy for Uganda's 2006 elections. He was later acquitted of both.
In Niger, it was Hama Amadou who contested the country's February presidential elections. One of the world's poorest countries, Niger is surrounded by Boko Haram, al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and myriad Libyan militant groups. Not unrelatedly, it also hosts two U.S. air bases. Amadou, a former president of Niger's National Assembly, returned from exile in November 2015. He was promptly arrested for a long-passed allegation that had triggered his original departure, despite being involved marginally, if at all, and all other defendants having already been released. Nigeriens viewed the arrest as politically motivated, and Amadou ran a surprisingly successful campaign from prison. In January, a month before election day, his appeal for bail was denied. In March, after losing a runoff vote (which his supporters boycotted), Amadou was flown from prison to France for unspecified medical treatment. Bail was granted shortly thereafter.
In the Republic of Congo, the March presidential elections took place under a government-imposed telecommunications blackout, with eight opposition candidates. At least three were subsequently detained. Okombi Salissa and Claudine Munari earned roughly 4 and 2 percent of the vote, respectively (according to the Constitutional Court). Both were placed under house arrest after the elections. Jean-Marie Mokoko earned closer to 14 percent, placing second or third depending on whose numbers you use. Mokoko is a former military chief and was an adviser to the incumbent until February. He was also initially placed under house arrest before being imprisoned on belated charges of a 2007 coup attempt. Second-place finisher Guy Kolélas accepted the election results and was not arrested, though he had been placed under house arrest while campaigning for the election. In fact, the French ambassador had to smuggle food into his house just to keep him nourished.
Unfortunately, there's more. In April, a Gambian opposition leader died while in custody after leading a peaceful protest. And in many other African countries, through new and less visible tactics, autocrats continue to suppress opposition and cling to power, often under the guise of some sort of election.
Watching before and after election day
On a continent where outright coups used to be common, it does reflect important progress to have so many elections occurring. But it is time to move the goal posts a bit further.
As the U.S. and its partners have emphasized elections and more closely monitored ballot counts — President Obama's fiscal 2016 budget requested $62 million for elections and consensus building in Africa — aspiring cheats have shifted their methods to target the broader foundations of democracy: freedoms of speech, movement, assembly and more. Elections are no longer just stolen on the day they occur. Opposition candidates are slandered, arrested and exiled months or even years before they lay the groundwork for popular support. They are targeted immediately afterward also, in order to prevent protest rallies and legal challenges and erode a candidate's popularity before the next election.
U.S. policymakers should more candidly consider these stories and decide exactly what they consider acceptable. Otherwise, they risk being taken for a ride by autocrats adept in donning a democratic wardrobe. There is even an immediate opportunity to elevate such considerations. Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) presidential hopeful Moise Katumbi was just recently sentenced to prison in absentia — even as the incumbent government continues to delay scheduling elections that should be held by November. Electoral fraud in the DRC, as with these other cases, will likely contribute to political instability and mass population displacements. Such outcomes are not in U.S. or Africa's interests.
Strengthening democracy in Africa does require a list of alternative candidates on election day, but it also requires freedom of expression for public figures — as scholars, business leaders or private individuals. Only in this way can a country cultivate policy ideas, priorities, and a national vision. Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump have certainly used this freedom over the years, and the U.S. should push for freedom for African candidates, too — before, during and after the continent's growing number of elections.
Rettig is an assistant research fellow at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies. All views expressed are those of the author and do not reflect an institutional position by the Africa Center or the Department of Defense.
Source: thehill
