Someni kwa wale wenye intereste na siasa za maziwa makuu.
http://www.newvision.co.ug/D/8/459/534656
Post-election DRC: The Uganda-Rwanda dilemma
Monday, 27th November, 2006
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WON POLLS: Joseph Kabila
WON POLLS: Joseph Kabila
Joseph Kabila Kabange is the first democratically elected president in DR Congos history. But will his new tenure bring peace, security and stability in Congo and the region? Will he open up the vast, impoverished but mineral-rich country to economic development? His victory is already being challenged through military, political and judicial means.
Long before the elections, there were fears of resumption of war in Congo emanating from the east. The loser in the run-off elections, Jean-Pierre Bemba, a former head of the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC), accuses the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) of connivance with Kabila.
In accepting his victory, Kabila noted that the work ahead is harder. The Congolese people must remain calm because this is the moment we must all get down to work.
The UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan urged Kabila, Bemba and their supporters to respond calmly to the election results and to use the law rather than violence to pursue any challenges.
But Bemba and the opposition have rejected the election results. I regret to say to our people and the international community that I cannot accept the results that are far from reflecting the truth of the election results. I promise to use all the legal channels to respect the will of our people, said Bemba, who then petitioned the Supreme Court.
Crowd violence is becoming the order of the day. On November 21, violence erupted outside the Supreme Court during the public session to consider Bembas challenge to the result of the October 29 election. The court session was suspended after Bembas lawyers protested at the composition of the legal panel. The presiding judge, Justice Kalonda Kele, also complained about the violence outside.
The presence of Bembas 1,000 private soldiers in the city centre has been a source of worry during the elections. In August, at least 23 people were killed in clashes involving Bembas and Kabilas troops after the results of the first round of voting were released. Following a 48 hour ultimatum for Bemba, last Thursday, he began to transfer his forces to his country estate in Makulu 80km away.
Both sides blame the United Nations Observer Mission to Congo (MONUC) for not doing enough to quell the riots. But MONUC has expressed lack of concern and says that the problem is for the Congolese to resolve themselves. Kabilas camp is concerned that a section of the peacekeepers, especially French troops, have not been taking the issue of violence very seriously. Bemba camp considers the peacekeepers as agents of certain countries who were bent on ensuring Kabila won the elections.
Uganda and Rwanda
Rwanda and Uganda must be watching the developments in Congo very closely. They are de facto stakeholders. A decade ago, their armies swept into the former Zaire in pursuit of Rwandan Hutu extremists responsible for the 1994 genocide. In 1997, the Rwandan and Ugandan armies backing Laurent Desire Kabila ended the over 30 years rule of the Zairean leader Joseph Désiré Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Bengu Waza Banga.
When Laurent Kabila in 1998 turned against his mentors, the country almost disintegrated. Kigali and Kampala backed various Congolese rebel and militia groups who took over almost half of the country, while the other half was desperately held by beleaguered Kinshasa regime backed by armies from Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Sudan.
Efforts to resolve the crisis began with the Lusaka peace agreement in 1999, the same year when the UN Security Council created MONUC.
However, the rebellion continued and Laurent Kabila was shot during the afternoon of January 16, 2001 by one of his own staff, Rashidi Kasereka, who was also killed. His son Joseph Kabila, then commander in chief of the ground forces, succeeded him as the head of the state. The younger Kabila then pursued a peaceful end to the conflict.
The Lusaka Accord was finalised by the Global and All Inclusive Agreement signed in Sun City, South Africa, in April 2003. The power-sharing agreement put in place a transitional government that ended with Joseph Kabilas election.
Rwandan and Ugandan troops quit Congo in 2003, but they left a legacy which has completely changed the military and political climate in the former Belgian colony. Congo will never be the same because its people were taught the art of war and small arms proliferated. Congolese learnt about the military and its role. They learnt about the NRA and RPA ideologies and how people in the neighbouring countries used the gun to stop dictatorships and take full control of their affairs.
Previously, the gun was a secluded item in Congo politics and countrys affairs were remotely controlled in Washington, Brussels and Paris. But when Mobutus US-backed administration collapsed like a house of cardboards, Congolese opened their eyes to see the importance of the gun. Hence, Uganda and Rwanda empowered the Congolese militarily and left them to determine their destiny.
The impact of the two small neighbours is reflected in the composition of the national army (FARDC). At least half of the estimated 200,000 soldiers were recruited and trained by the Ugandan and Rwandan instructors. Uganda-backed Congolese Liberation Movement/Army (MLC/A) and Rwanda-backed RCD/Goma constitute majority of the FARDC.
Truly, with proper use of the gun, a people can liberate themselves. But when poorly used, the gun can destroy a state, and such example is Somalia.
Congo has not yet reached the status of a failed state like Somalia. But when a countrys army has turned its guns on the people it is supposed to protect and the state has no absolute control of the forces of coercion, then that is failed state.
Civil war in Congo officially ended in 2003, but parts of the country, especially the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu, as well as the northeastern district of Ituri, have remained volatile because of activities of militias and other armed groups. In these parts, central governmental control has been void.
MONUC takes the blame for failing to mould the former guerrilla armies and militia groups into a respectable national army. Under the terms of the Sun City Accord, MONUC was supposed to oversee the armys integration and retraining. But today, almost 60 per cent of the army is not yet integrated and therefore behaves like a militia force. Without a good national army or police force, it will be hard to enjoy stability and peace in Congo and the bickering over elections results may trigger another round of war.
A good political leadership is needed to tame the highly militarised society. With an undisciplined army and growing violent political opposition, Kabila may constantly need the presence and direct assistance of the 17,600 MONUC force.
The eastern frying pan
In eastern Congo, especially in Ituri and the Kivu region, there are thousands of armed men who are loyal to various warlords and rebel groups which control the countryside and still levy taxes. The most formidable force to reckon with are those of Gen. Laurent Nkunda, an officer formally in the RCD-Goma rebel group. He possesses immense military prowess and popularity. Nkundas estimated 30,000 secret army is closely linked to the Congolese Revolutionary Movement (MRC) rebels in Ituri.
In September, Nkunda declared a Volcano State that covers the Ituri and the Kivu regions. He says that he is struggling against the marginalization of eastern Congo and Kinshasas refusal to repatriate Congolese refugees from Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi. Last September, he warned Kabila against deploying more FARDC soldiers in the Kivus. Amidst the conflict are various Mai Mai groups in the Kivus whose loyalty often switches between FARDC and Nkunda forces.
The military situation in eastern Congo is further complicated by the presence of Rwandan and Ugandan rebels, which makes Uganda and Rwanda stakeholders in Congo affairs.
The Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR) rebels, numbering about 10,000 battle-ready fighters, is like a standing army complete with a shadow government. Previously backed by Kinshasa, they are a combination of former Rwandan armed forces (ex-FAR) and the Interahamwe who are blamed for the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. But Kigali authorities still assume that Kabilas security forces are linked to this group.
http://www.newvision.co.ug/D/8/459/534656
Post-election DRC: The Uganda-Rwanda dilemma
Monday, 27th November, 2006
E-mail article E-mail article Print article Print article
WON POLLS: Joseph Kabila
WON POLLS: Joseph Kabila
Joseph Kabila Kabange is the first democratically elected president in DR Congos history. But will his new tenure bring peace, security and stability in Congo and the region? Will he open up the vast, impoverished but mineral-rich country to economic development? His victory is already being challenged through military, political and judicial means.
Long before the elections, there were fears of resumption of war in Congo emanating from the east. The loser in the run-off elections, Jean-Pierre Bemba, a former head of the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC), accuses the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) of connivance with Kabila.
In accepting his victory, Kabila noted that the work ahead is harder. The Congolese people must remain calm because this is the moment we must all get down to work.
The UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan urged Kabila, Bemba and their supporters to respond calmly to the election results and to use the law rather than violence to pursue any challenges.
But Bemba and the opposition have rejected the election results. I regret to say to our people and the international community that I cannot accept the results that are far from reflecting the truth of the election results. I promise to use all the legal channels to respect the will of our people, said Bemba, who then petitioned the Supreme Court.
Crowd violence is becoming the order of the day. On November 21, violence erupted outside the Supreme Court during the public session to consider Bembas challenge to the result of the October 29 election. The court session was suspended after Bembas lawyers protested at the composition of the legal panel. The presiding judge, Justice Kalonda Kele, also complained about the violence outside.
The presence of Bembas 1,000 private soldiers in the city centre has been a source of worry during the elections. In August, at least 23 people were killed in clashes involving Bembas and Kabilas troops after the results of the first round of voting were released. Following a 48 hour ultimatum for Bemba, last Thursday, he began to transfer his forces to his country estate in Makulu 80km away.
Both sides blame the United Nations Observer Mission to Congo (MONUC) for not doing enough to quell the riots. But MONUC has expressed lack of concern and says that the problem is for the Congolese to resolve themselves. Kabilas camp is concerned that a section of the peacekeepers, especially French troops, have not been taking the issue of violence very seriously. Bemba camp considers the peacekeepers as agents of certain countries who were bent on ensuring Kabila won the elections.
Uganda and Rwanda
Rwanda and Uganda must be watching the developments in Congo very closely. They are de facto stakeholders. A decade ago, their armies swept into the former Zaire in pursuit of Rwandan Hutu extremists responsible for the 1994 genocide. In 1997, the Rwandan and Ugandan armies backing Laurent Desire Kabila ended the over 30 years rule of the Zairean leader Joseph Désiré Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Bengu Waza Banga.
When Laurent Kabila in 1998 turned against his mentors, the country almost disintegrated. Kigali and Kampala backed various Congolese rebel and militia groups who took over almost half of the country, while the other half was desperately held by beleaguered Kinshasa regime backed by armies from Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Sudan.
Efforts to resolve the crisis began with the Lusaka peace agreement in 1999, the same year when the UN Security Council created MONUC.
However, the rebellion continued and Laurent Kabila was shot during the afternoon of January 16, 2001 by one of his own staff, Rashidi Kasereka, who was also killed. His son Joseph Kabila, then commander in chief of the ground forces, succeeded him as the head of the state. The younger Kabila then pursued a peaceful end to the conflict.
The Lusaka Accord was finalised by the Global and All Inclusive Agreement signed in Sun City, South Africa, in April 2003. The power-sharing agreement put in place a transitional government that ended with Joseph Kabilas election.
Rwandan and Ugandan troops quit Congo in 2003, but they left a legacy which has completely changed the military and political climate in the former Belgian colony. Congo will never be the same because its people were taught the art of war and small arms proliferated. Congolese learnt about the military and its role. They learnt about the NRA and RPA ideologies and how people in the neighbouring countries used the gun to stop dictatorships and take full control of their affairs.
Previously, the gun was a secluded item in Congo politics and countrys affairs were remotely controlled in Washington, Brussels and Paris. But when Mobutus US-backed administration collapsed like a house of cardboards, Congolese opened their eyes to see the importance of the gun. Hence, Uganda and Rwanda empowered the Congolese militarily and left them to determine their destiny.
The impact of the two small neighbours is reflected in the composition of the national army (FARDC). At least half of the estimated 200,000 soldiers were recruited and trained by the Ugandan and Rwandan instructors. Uganda-backed Congolese Liberation Movement/Army (MLC/A) and Rwanda-backed RCD/Goma constitute majority of the FARDC.
Truly, with proper use of the gun, a people can liberate themselves. But when poorly used, the gun can destroy a state, and such example is Somalia.
Congo has not yet reached the status of a failed state like Somalia. But when a countrys army has turned its guns on the people it is supposed to protect and the state has no absolute control of the forces of coercion, then that is failed state.
Civil war in Congo officially ended in 2003, but parts of the country, especially the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu, as well as the northeastern district of Ituri, have remained volatile because of activities of militias and other armed groups. In these parts, central governmental control has been void.
MONUC takes the blame for failing to mould the former guerrilla armies and militia groups into a respectable national army. Under the terms of the Sun City Accord, MONUC was supposed to oversee the armys integration and retraining. But today, almost 60 per cent of the army is not yet integrated and therefore behaves like a militia force. Without a good national army or police force, it will be hard to enjoy stability and peace in Congo and the bickering over elections results may trigger another round of war.
A good political leadership is needed to tame the highly militarised society. With an undisciplined army and growing violent political opposition, Kabila may constantly need the presence and direct assistance of the 17,600 MONUC force.
The eastern frying pan
In eastern Congo, especially in Ituri and the Kivu region, there are thousands of armed men who are loyal to various warlords and rebel groups which control the countryside and still levy taxes. The most formidable force to reckon with are those of Gen. Laurent Nkunda, an officer formally in the RCD-Goma rebel group. He possesses immense military prowess and popularity. Nkundas estimated 30,000 secret army is closely linked to the Congolese Revolutionary Movement (MRC) rebels in Ituri.
In September, Nkunda declared a Volcano State that covers the Ituri and the Kivu regions. He says that he is struggling against the marginalization of eastern Congo and Kinshasas refusal to repatriate Congolese refugees from Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi. Last September, he warned Kabila against deploying more FARDC soldiers in the Kivus. Amidst the conflict are various Mai Mai groups in the Kivus whose loyalty often switches between FARDC and Nkunda forces.
The military situation in eastern Congo is further complicated by the presence of Rwandan and Ugandan rebels, which makes Uganda and Rwanda stakeholders in Congo affairs.
The Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR) rebels, numbering about 10,000 battle-ready fighters, is like a standing army complete with a shadow government. Previously backed by Kinshasa, they are a combination of former Rwandan armed forces (ex-FAR) and the Interahamwe who are blamed for the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. But Kigali authorities still assume that Kabilas security forces are linked to this group.
