Wikileaks' release on Tanzania Tanzania; August 2011
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fangfangjt
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- Apr 25, 2008
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wikileaks imeamua kutoa "cables" zote zilizobaki kwa mpigo. Tanzania yaguswa na "cables" nyingi. Wikileaks.org
mluga
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 8, 2010
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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 DAR ES SALAAM 000972
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 5/15/15
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM TZ
SUBJECT: SALIM SALIM SOUNDS OFF ON ELECTIONS, POLITICAL
MACHINATIONS, PROSPECTS FOR VIOLENCE IN ZANZIBAR
REF: DAR ES SALAAM 0908 and previous
Classified by Charge d'Affaires Michael S. Owen for reasons
1.4 (b) and (d).
¶1. (C) Summary: In a wide-ranging two-hour lunch
meeting, former OAU Secretary General Salim Salim told us
he had failed to capture the CCM presidential nomination
because of strong opposition from the Zanzibari faction of
the CCM. Salim, who is a Zanzibari of Arab heritage,
accused some party members of "reverse racism" because they
had considered him "insufficiently African" to become
President. Salim acknowledged that Foreign Minister Jakaya
Kikwete had run a strong campaign to capture the
nomination, but charged that "lots of money" had changed
hands and lots of promises had been made, many of which are
unlikely to be kept. Salim blasted Zanzibari President
Karume as a "lightweight," and said in a free vote he would
not even have captured the party's nomination. Mohammed
Bilal, who had also been vying for the Zanzibari
presidential nomination, had been "heavily pressured" to
withdraw, Salim said, but this could backfire in the
general election by further weakening Karume's support
among CCM party faithful. If a free and fair election were
held today, he said, CUF would almost certainly win the
Zanzibari presidency. Die-hards in the CCM are fighting to
ensure that does not happen, Salim said, and violence
during and after the elections in Zanzibar is almost
certain unless Karume can exercise strong leadership in the
weeks ahead. End Summary.
¶2. (U) Charge joined the Belgian Ambassador and UK and
Canadian High Commissioners for a March 12 lunch meeting
with former OAU Secretary General and recently defeated
presidential aspirant Salim Salim. Salim, who is also a
former Foreign Minister, had been considered a strong
candidate but ultimately finished second to current Foreign
Minister Jakaya Kikwete in the ruling CCM party's
presidential nominating convention (ref).
---------------------------------------------
Party Heavyweights Maneuver Behind the Scenes
---------------------------------------------
¶3. (C) Salim provided a detailed accounting of the
machinations undertaken during the CCM's nominating party
convention, leading to Kikwete's nomination. Although much
debate and the final vote were public, he said, the real
decisions were made in closed-door meetings chaired by
President and party chairman Mkapa. Candidates were not
allowed in some of these meetings, Salim said, so even
though the public events gave the impression of open-ness
and transparency, there was in fact considerable opacity to
many of the decisions.
¶4. (C) Salim was particularly incensed over one such
closed-door meeting in which his own candidacy was debated
by the party's Central Committee. Salim was not allowed
into the meeting, but had heard details of the proceedings
from one of his supporters. Salim said his candidacy had
been attacked by the Zanzibari contingent of the CCM, who
complained that Salim was "an Arab," and "insufficiently
African" to become president. He claimed that one delegate
said that "Salim's skin is not black enough" ever to become
president of Tanzania. Salim expressed considerable
bitterness over this episode, particularly the fact that
Mkapa let it continue and did not try to intervene or rebut
these arguments.
¶5. (C) Salim also told us that in the weeks leading up to
the party convention, the CCM leadership had repeatedly
said that strong anti-corruption credentials would be a
requirement to obtain the party's nomination. During the
initial Central Committee meeting however, Mkapa had
downplayed corruption as a factor, saying at one point that
"nobody's completely clean." When party Vice-chairman John
Malacela was unexpectedly eliminated in the first round by
the Central Committee, Mkapa could have sent a strong
message by using Malacela's dubious record on corruption as
a justification for his elimination; instead, Mkapa simply
said that Malacela was "too old" and "not electable."
According to Salim, this was a clear signal that corruption
would not be a determining factor in selection of the
nominee, and took the wind out of the sails of the CCM's
anti-corruption contingent.
-----------------------------------------
Kikwete: Lots of Money, Lots of Promises
-----------------------------------------
¶6. (C) Salim acknowledged that Kikwete had run an
energetic and skillful campaign, and deserved to win the
nomination. Kikwete had done a particularly good job of
traveling throughout the countryside and enlisting the
support of youth groups. On the other hand, Salim said, a
lot of money had changed hands and a lot of promises had
been made by Kikwete in the process, and many such promises
would be next to impossible to keep. Once Kikwete takes
office and begins making appointments, he said, there will
be "a mad scramble" with many disappointed supporters left
with nothing. Salim also said - with a certain degree of
admiration - that Kikwete had "done a good job" of paying
off the press to ensure nothing but a steady stream of
favorable press reporting.
--------------------------------------------- ----
Karume's Nomination Heightens Tensions Within CCM
--------------------------------------------- ----
¶7. (C) Turning to Zanzibar, Salim admitted that the
process for re-nominating current Zanzibari President
Karume once again was "not very democratic." Karume faced
a very tough challenge from Mohammed Bilal, a protege of
former Zanzibari president Salmin Amour; in a free and fair
vote in the CCM Central Committee or on the floor of the
party convention, Bilal would almost certainly have
trounced Karume, according to Salim. Mkapa and Kikwete had
both placed "extremely heavy pressure" on Bilal, and in the
end he had crumbled and dropped out of the race, handing
the nomination to Karume. This could ultimately backfire,
Salim said, because many Bilal supporters were now
embittered and would find it difficult to support Karume.
Although they would be unlikely to support the opposition
party CUF, they could well stay at home on election day,
thus weakening Karume's vote count.
¶8. (C) Salim was particularly critical of Karume, terming
him a "political lightweight" who had achieved his position
only because of his historic name. Salim explained a key
Kikwete/Karume nexus: Kikwete had supported Karume's
nomination over former president Amour in 2000, which was
the critical boost Karume needed to catapult into the
Zanzibar presidency. Karume thus was obliged to support
Kikwete's candidacy over fellow Zanzibari Salim. According
to Salim, Karume's popularity in Zanzibar had steadily
waned since 2005, and if a free and fair election were held
today, Karume would almost certainly lose to CUF candidate
Sharif Seif Hamad.
------------------------
Crisis looms in Zanzibar
------------------------
¶9. (C) Salim expressed grave concern over the prospects
for electoral violence on Zanzibar. Die-hards in the
Zanzibari CCM recognize Karume's weakness, and will pull
out all the stops to assure his victory, he said.
Similarly, the CUF rank and file believes they were robbed
of victory in 1995 and 2000, and are vowing never to let
this happen again. Both sides will "do everything
possible" to win, and each will erupt if it feels it has
been cheated at the polls. Salim said that the Zanzibari
wings of both parties have "too many hot-heads" who are
only concerned about victory, and are not looking at the
possible consequences of another questionable election.
¶10. (C) The next three months will be critical, said
Salim, and will above all require strong leadership and
statesmanship from Karume. If Karume can reach out to
Bilal supporters and bring them back into the fold, this
will strengthen his position and make it more likely he can
negotiate some sort of power-sharing arrangement with CUF.
Conversely, failure to reach out to Bilal will make it even
more likely Karume's supporters will resort to
intimidation, violence, and fraud to win the election, thus
making post-election chaos almost inevitable. Salim
reiterated the crucial importance of leadership from
Karume, but his skepticism on this front was all too clear.
-------
Comment
-------
¶11. (C) Comment: Although Salim's remarks were no doubt
influenced to some extent by his disappointment at not
capturing the presidential nomination, they ring generally
true. In particular, the approaching train wreck in
Zanzibar is of growing general concern, and Salim's
analysis tracks very closely with ours. We also share his
skepticism over President Karume's ability - or inclination
- to exert strong leadership and avoid a crisis. We have
discussed these concerns with several like-minded
diplomatic missions here and are planning a series of
meetings with both Karume and Kikwete to ensure they fully
understand the consequences of another fraudulent election
in Zanzibar, and to encourage them to take action now to
calm tensions and avert a crisis. End Comment.
OWEN
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 5/15/15
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM TZ
SUBJECT: SALIM SALIM SOUNDS OFF ON ELECTIONS, POLITICAL
MACHINATIONS, PROSPECTS FOR VIOLENCE IN ZANZIBAR
REF: DAR ES SALAAM 0908 and previous
Classified by Charge d'Affaires Michael S. Owen for reasons
1.4 (b) and (d).
¶1. (C) Summary: In a wide-ranging two-hour lunch
meeting, former OAU Secretary General Salim Salim told us
he had failed to capture the CCM presidential nomination
because of strong opposition from the Zanzibari faction of
the CCM. Salim, who is a Zanzibari of Arab heritage,
accused some party members of "reverse racism" because they
had considered him "insufficiently African" to become
President. Salim acknowledged that Foreign Minister Jakaya
Kikwete had run a strong campaign to capture the
nomination, but charged that "lots of money" had changed
hands and lots of promises had been made, many of which are
unlikely to be kept. Salim blasted Zanzibari President
Karume as a "lightweight," and said in a free vote he would
not even have captured the party's nomination. Mohammed
Bilal, who had also been vying for the Zanzibari
presidential nomination, had been "heavily pressured" to
withdraw, Salim said, but this could backfire in the
general election by further weakening Karume's support
among CCM party faithful. If a free and fair election were
held today, he said, CUF would almost certainly win the
Zanzibari presidency. Die-hards in the CCM are fighting to
ensure that does not happen, Salim said, and violence
during and after the elections in Zanzibar is almost
certain unless Karume can exercise strong leadership in the
weeks ahead. End Summary.
¶2. (U) Charge joined the Belgian Ambassador and UK and
Canadian High Commissioners for a March 12 lunch meeting
with former OAU Secretary General and recently defeated
presidential aspirant Salim Salim. Salim, who is also a
former Foreign Minister, had been considered a strong
candidate but ultimately finished second to current Foreign
Minister Jakaya Kikwete in the ruling CCM party's
presidential nominating convention (ref).
---------------------------------------------
Party Heavyweights Maneuver Behind the Scenes
---------------------------------------------
¶3. (C) Salim provided a detailed accounting of the
machinations undertaken during the CCM's nominating party
convention, leading to Kikwete's nomination. Although much
debate and the final vote were public, he said, the real
decisions were made in closed-door meetings chaired by
President and party chairman Mkapa. Candidates were not
allowed in some of these meetings, Salim said, so even
though the public events gave the impression of open-ness
and transparency, there was in fact considerable opacity to
many of the decisions.
¶4. (C) Salim was particularly incensed over one such
closed-door meeting in which his own candidacy was debated
by the party's Central Committee. Salim was not allowed
into the meeting, but had heard details of the proceedings
from one of his supporters. Salim said his candidacy had
been attacked by the Zanzibari contingent of the CCM, who
complained that Salim was "an Arab," and "insufficiently
African" to become president. He claimed that one delegate
said that "Salim's skin is not black enough" ever to become
president of Tanzania. Salim expressed considerable
bitterness over this episode, particularly the fact that
Mkapa let it continue and did not try to intervene or rebut
these arguments.
¶5. (C) Salim also told us that in the weeks leading up to
the party convention, the CCM leadership had repeatedly
said that strong anti-corruption credentials would be a
requirement to obtain the party's nomination. During the
initial Central Committee meeting however, Mkapa had
downplayed corruption as a factor, saying at one point that
"nobody's completely clean." When party Vice-chairman John
Malacela was unexpectedly eliminated in the first round by
the Central Committee, Mkapa could have sent a strong
message by using Malacela's dubious record on corruption as
a justification for his elimination; instead, Mkapa simply
said that Malacela was "too old" and "not electable."
According to Salim, this was a clear signal that corruption
would not be a determining factor in selection of the
nominee, and took the wind out of the sails of the CCM's
anti-corruption contingent.
-----------------------------------------
Kikwete: Lots of Money, Lots of Promises
-----------------------------------------
¶6. (C) Salim acknowledged that Kikwete had run an
energetic and skillful campaign, and deserved to win the
nomination. Kikwete had done a particularly good job of
traveling throughout the countryside and enlisting the
support of youth groups. On the other hand, Salim said, a
lot of money had changed hands and a lot of promises had
been made by Kikwete in the process, and many such promises
would be next to impossible to keep. Once Kikwete takes
office and begins making appointments, he said, there will
be "a mad scramble" with many disappointed supporters left
with nothing. Salim also said - with a certain degree of
admiration - that Kikwete had "done a good job" of paying
off the press to ensure nothing but a steady stream of
favorable press reporting.
--------------------------------------------- ----
Karume's Nomination Heightens Tensions Within CCM
--------------------------------------------- ----
¶7. (C) Turning to Zanzibar, Salim admitted that the
process for re-nominating current Zanzibari President
Karume once again was "not very democratic." Karume faced
a very tough challenge from Mohammed Bilal, a protege of
former Zanzibari president Salmin Amour; in a free and fair
vote in the CCM Central Committee or on the floor of the
party convention, Bilal would almost certainly have
trounced Karume, according to Salim. Mkapa and Kikwete had
both placed "extremely heavy pressure" on Bilal, and in the
end he had crumbled and dropped out of the race, handing
the nomination to Karume. This could ultimately backfire,
Salim said, because many Bilal supporters were now
embittered and would find it difficult to support Karume.
Although they would be unlikely to support the opposition
party CUF, they could well stay at home on election day,
thus weakening Karume's vote count.
¶8. (C) Salim was particularly critical of Karume, terming
him a "political lightweight" who had achieved his position
only because of his historic name. Salim explained a key
Kikwete/Karume nexus: Kikwete had supported Karume's
nomination over former president Amour in 2000, which was
the critical boost Karume needed to catapult into the
Zanzibar presidency. Karume thus was obliged to support
Kikwete's candidacy over fellow Zanzibari Salim. According
to Salim, Karume's popularity in Zanzibar had steadily
waned since 2005, and if a free and fair election were held
today, Karume would almost certainly lose to CUF candidate
Sharif Seif Hamad.
------------------------
Crisis looms in Zanzibar
------------------------
¶9. (C) Salim expressed grave concern over the prospects
for electoral violence on Zanzibar. Die-hards in the
Zanzibari CCM recognize Karume's weakness, and will pull
out all the stops to assure his victory, he said.
Similarly, the CUF rank and file believes they were robbed
of victory in 1995 and 2000, and are vowing never to let
this happen again. Both sides will "do everything
possible" to win, and each will erupt if it feels it has
been cheated at the polls. Salim said that the Zanzibari
wings of both parties have "too many hot-heads" who are
only concerned about victory, and are not looking at the
possible consequences of another questionable election.
¶10. (C) The next three months will be critical, said
Salim, and will above all require strong leadership and
statesmanship from Karume. If Karume can reach out to
Bilal supporters and bring them back into the fold, this
will strengthen his position and make it more likely he can
negotiate some sort of power-sharing arrangement with CUF.
Conversely, failure to reach out to Bilal will make it even
more likely Karume's supporters will resort to
intimidation, violence, and fraud to win the election, thus
making post-election chaos almost inevitable. Salim
reiterated the crucial importance of leadership from
Karume, but his skepticism on this front was all too clear.
-------
Comment
-------
¶11. (C) Comment: Although Salim's remarks were no doubt
influenced to some extent by his disappointment at not
capturing the presidential nomination, they ring generally
true. In particular, the approaching train wreck in
Zanzibar is of growing general concern, and Salim's
analysis tracks very closely with ours. We also share his
skepticism over President Karume's ability - or inclination
- to exert strong leadership and avoid a crisis. We have
discussed these concerns with several like-minded
diplomatic missions here and are planning a series of
meetings with both Karume and Kikwete to ensure they fully
understand the consequences of another fraudulent election
in Zanzibar, and to encourage them to take action now to
calm tensions and avert a crisis. End Comment.
OWEN
Duh!! hawa jamaa kumbe kamba hivi, mimi nilijua ni Embassy zetu wamejaa vilaza!!
National Leaders Remember Home
------------------------------
¶5. (C) In the scramble for donor funding, or for public and private investment, the region that is home to a top government leader has the edge. It is certainly no accident that President Mkapa's village in Masasi District is now accessible by a good dirt road. It is probably no accident that the entire Mtwara Region, in which Masasi is located, is now emerging from its longstanding isolation, thanks to the construction of the Mkapa Bridge. At the
other end of the country, Shinyanga Region also seeks the infrastructure that will enable it to overcome its isolation and attract investors. Shinyanga region is home to Prime Minister Frederick Sumaye, one of the contenders for the CCM's Presidential nomination in the 2005 elections. Despite the policies implemented to quell regionalism, those local government officials whose fortunes are tied to Shinyanga Region presumably have a
motive to support Sumaye's presidential aspirations. A future President Sumaye could provide Shinyanga with the resources, and the infrastructure projects to make ambitious regional officials shine.
Source: Cable Viewer
National Leaders Remember Home
------------------------------
¶5. (C) In the scramble for donor funding, or for public and private investment, the region that is home to a top government leader has the edge. It is certainly no accident that President Mkapa's village in Masasi District is now accessible by a good dirt road. It is probably no accident that the entire Mtwara Region, in which Masasi is located, is now emerging from its longstanding isolation, thanks to the construction of the Mkapa Bridge. At the
other end of the country, Shinyanga Region also seeks the infrastructure that will enable it to overcome its isolation and attract investors. Shinyanga region is home to Prime Minister Frederick Sumaye, one of the contenders for the CCM's Presidential nomination in the 2005 elections. Despite the policies implemented to quell regionalism, those local government officials whose fortunes are tied to Shinyanga Region presumably have a
motive to support Sumaye's presidential aspirations. A future President Sumaye could provide Shinyanga with the resources, and the infrastructure projects to make ambitious regional officials shine.
Source: Cable Viewer
Duh!! Kumbe JK ana mke ambaye ni binamu wa marehemu Habyarimana!!
(C) An able politician, Kikwete is a somewhat unenthusiastic administrator. On Embassy row, his Foreign Ministry has a reputation for being understaffed and minimally responsive. Kikwete himself is personable, and conveys the impression that he will at least consider the views of foreign diplomats. Kikwete has signaled that he might discuss signing an Article 98 agreement with the US; the current President Benjamin Mkapa has firmly closed the door on any agreement for the remainder of his Presidency. For years, observers of the Great Lakes conflicts have considered Kikwete to be virulently pro-Hutu. Rumors that he was facilitating arms transfers to Burundian Hutu rebels persisted, but have never been substantiated. Kikwete's marriage to a
cousin of former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana may have fueled these rumors, which are now fading as the Burundi conflict winds down.
¶9. (u) Please see Embassy Dar es Salaam's SPRNet site for a complete update and background on the Tanzanian elections.
STILLMAN
Cable Viewer
(C) An able politician, Kikwete is a somewhat unenthusiastic administrator. On Embassy row, his Foreign Ministry has a reputation for being understaffed and minimally responsive. Kikwete himself is personable, and conveys the impression that he will at least consider the views of foreign diplomats. Kikwete has signaled that he might discuss signing an Article 98 agreement with the US; the current President Benjamin Mkapa has firmly closed the door on any agreement for the remainder of his Presidency. For years, observers of the Great Lakes conflicts have considered Kikwete to be virulently pro-Hutu. Rumors that he was facilitating arms transfers to Burundian Hutu rebels persisted, but have never been substantiated. Kikwete's marriage to a
cousin of former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana may have fueled these rumors, which are now fading as the Burundi conflict winds down.
¶9. (u) Please see Embassy Dar es Salaam's SPRNet site for a complete update and background on the Tanzanian elections.
STILLMAN
Cable Viewer
MwanaHabari
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 9, 2006
- 442
- 13
C O N F I D E N T I A L DAR ES SALAAM 000277
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR INR, R.EHRENREICH
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/13/2016
TAGS: PGOV PREL TZ
SUBJECT: KIKWETE CORRUPTION TIDBIT
Classified By: Ambassador Michael Retzer, Reason 1.5 (d)
¶1. (C) President Kikwete has accepted gifts (bribes) from
the owner of the Kempinski Hotel chain,s Tanzanian
properties, a citizen of the United Arab Emirates.
¶2. (C) In a conversation with the manager and the publicity
director of Dar Es Salaam,s Kilimanjaro-Kempinski Hotel
hours after accompanying A/S Frazer to her October 18, 2005
meeting with then-Foreign Minister Kikwete, I commented on
Kikwete's flashy attire, asking "Who dresses him?" "We do,"
they responded. Initially thinking this meant Kikwete
frequented a men,s shop in the hotel, I learned later in
the
evening from hotel publicity director Lisa Pile (protect)
that the hotel owner*UAE citizen Ali Albwardy*had recently
flown Kikwete to London for a subsidized shopping
expedition.
Among other things, on that trip Ali Albwardy bought
Kikwete
five Saville Row suits. He had also recently made a $1
million cash contribution to the CCM (which is a legal
contribution under current Tanzanian law).
¶3. (C) Pile told me the Kempinski Hotel chain is greatly
expanding its presence in Tanzania. She said that in
December it would open "the best hotel in Zanzibar." Her
prediction was a little off; the new Kempinski hotel,
located
on the beach on Zanzibar,s east coast, opened January 5. I
attended the opening ceremony along with Zanzibari
President
Karume, who was asked publicly by Ali Albwardy for a site
in
Stone Town to build a new hotel. Later that day, Pile
revealed that the Zanzibar government had already earmarked
for Ali Albwardy a hotel site in Stone Town.
¶4. (C) Pile also said in the October 18 conversation that
Ali
Abwardy was about to receive the rights to construct two
new
hotels on the mainland: one on the edge of Ngorongoro
Crater
and another on the Serengeti plain overlooking the main
animal migration routes. Stringent conservation rules
currently ban the construction of permanent structures
inside
national parks*including in the crater and on the Serengeti
plain*but Pile said that in November legislation would be
introduced to parliament to authorize the new hotels.
(Comment: We have received no reports on new legislation,
but
the Dar Es Salaam Daily News on January 15 reported that
the
Tanzania National Parks Authority had approved construction
of a five star hotel on the Serengeti plain.)
¶4. (C) Later on October 18, over dinner, an Indian/South
Asian man described as a business associate of Ali Albwardy
briefly took Pile from the table for a conversation in
Kiswahili. I am not sure what was said, but Kikwete's name
came up several times and he passed her an envelope. Pile
told me the envelope was stuffed with 1 million shillings
( $1,000) and was to pay for a Kikwete meeting at the
Kilmanjaro-Kempinski later that month. Apparently Kikwete
is
a regular customer, but no name ever appears on the hotel
registry when a government bigshot has an "event" in one of
the guest rooms.
¶5. (C) Bio Note: Lisa Pile, an Australian citizen, has
lived
in Dar working for Kempinski Hotels since early 2004.
Before
that she had served in a similar capacity with the
Kempinski
chain in China. Her family in Australia is prominent in
Australia's Liberal Party (the center-right party of Prime
Minister John Howard).
¶6. (C) Comment: What does it all mean? I don,t know, but
my guess is that the investor Ali Albwardy has access to
oil
money out of the UAE. I suspect giving free clothes and
the
campaign donation is just the way these people do business.
¶7. (C) For his part, Kikwete probably thinks having all
these
five star hotels around is a good idea for the country,and
I
agree with him. His new minister of Natural Resources and
Tourism, Anthony Diallo, says he wants to double tourism,s
contribution to the national economy in ten year,s time.
Kikwete probably believes there is no harm in taking these
&little gifts8 to do what he would have been inclined to do
anyway. That said, they are what they are: bribes.
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR INR, R.EHRENREICH
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/13/2016
TAGS: PGOV PREL TZ
SUBJECT: KIKWETE CORRUPTION TIDBIT
Classified By: Ambassador Michael Retzer, Reason 1.5 (d)
¶1. (C) President Kikwete has accepted gifts (bribes) from
the owner of the Kempinski Hotel chain,s Tanzanian
properties, a citizen of the United Arab Emirates.
¶2. (C) In a conversation with the manager and the publicity
director of Dar Es Salaam,s Kilimanjaro-Kempinski Hotel
hours after accompanying A/S Frazer to her October 18, 2005
meeting with then-Foreign Minister Kikwete, I commented on
Kikwete's flashy attire, asking "Who dresses him?" "We do,"
they responded. Initially thinking this meant Kikwete
frequented a men,s shop in the hotel, I learned later in
the
evening from hotel publicity director Lisa Pile (protect)
that the hotel owner*UAE citizen Ali Albwardy*had recently
flown Kikwete to London for a subsidized shopping
expedition.
Among other things, on that trip Ali Albwardy bought
Kikwete
five Saville Row suits. He had also recently made a $1
million cash contribution to the CCM (which is a legal
contribution under current Tanzanian law).
¶3. (C) Pile told me the Kempinski Hotel chain is greatly
expanding its presence in Tanzania. She said that in
December it would open "the best hotel in Zanzibar." Her
prediction was a little off; the new Kempinski hotel,
located
on the beach on Zanzibar,s east coast, opened January 5. I
attended the opening ceremony along with Zanzibari
President
Karume, who was asked publicly by Ali Albwardy for a site
in
Stone Town to build a new hotel. Later that day, Pile
revealed that the Zanzibar government had already earmarked
for Ali Albwardy a hotel site in Stone Town.
¶4. (C) Pile also said in the October 18 conversation that
Ali
Abwardy was about to receive the rights to construct two
new
hotels on the mainland: one on the edge of Ngorongoro
Crater
and another on the Serengeti plain overlooking the main
animal migration routes. Stringent conservation rules
currently ban the construction of permanent structures
inside
national parks*including in the crater and on the Serengeti
plain*but Pile said that in November legislation would be
introduced to parliament to authorize the new hotels.
(Comment: We have received no reports on new legislation,
but
the Dar Es Salaam Daily News on January 15 reported that
the
Tanzania National Parks Authority had approved construction
of a five star hotel on the Serengeti plain.)
¶4. (C) Later on October 18, over dinner, an Indian/South
Asian man described as a business associate of Ali Albwardy
briefly took Pile from the table for a conversation in
Kiswahili. I am not sure what was said, but Kikwete's name
came up several times and he passed her an envelope. Pile
told me the envelope was stuffed with 1 million shillings
( $1,000) and was to pay for a Kikwete meeting at the
Kilmanjaro-Kempinski later that month. Apparently Kikwete
is
a regular customer, but no name ever appears on the hotel
registry when a government bigshot has an "event" in one of
the guest rooms.
¶5. (C) Bio Note: Lisa Pile, an Australian citizen, has
lived
in Dar working for Kempinski Hotels since early 2004.
Before
that she had served in a similar capacity with the
Kempinski
chain in China. Her family in Australia is prominent in
Australia's Liberal Party (the center-right party of Prime
Minister John Howard).
¶6. (C) Comment: What does it all mean? I don,t know, but
my guess is that the investor Ali Albwardy has access to
oil
money out of the UAE. I suspect giving free clothes and
the
campaign donation is just the way these people do business.
¶7. (C) For his part, Kikwete probably thinks having all
these
five star hotels around is a good idea for the country,and
I
agree with him. His new minister of Natural Resources and
Tourism, Anthony Diallo, says he wants to double tourism,s
contribution to the national economy in ten year,s time.
Kikwete probably believes there is no harm in taking these
&little gifts8 to do what he would have been inclined to do
anyway. That said, they are what they are: bribes.
MwanaHabari
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 9, 2006
- 442
- 13
C O N F I D E N T I A L DAR ES SALAAM 000277
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR INR, R.EHRENREICH
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/13/2016
TAGS: PGOV PREL TZ
SUBJECT: KIKWETE CORRUPTION TIDBIT
Classified By: Ambassador Michael Retzer, Reason 1.5 (d)
¶1. (C) President Kikwete has accepted gifts (bribes) from
the owner of the Kempinski Hotel chain,s Tanzanian
properties, a citizen of the United Arab Emirates.
¶2. (C) In a conversation with the manager and the publicity
director of Dar Es Salaam,s Kilimanjaro-Kempinski Hotel
hours after accompanying A/S Frazer to her October 18, 2005
meeting with then-Foreign Minister Kikwete, I commented on
Kikwete's flashy attire, asking "Who dresses him?" "We do,"
they responded. Initially thinking this meant Kikwete
frequented a men,s shop in the hotel, I learned later in
the
evening from hotel publicity director Lisa Pile (protect)
that the hotel owner*UAE citizen Ali Albwardy*had recently
flown Kikwete to London for a subsidized shopping
expedition.
Among other things, on that trip Ali Albwardy bought
Kikwete
five Saville Row suits. He had also recently made a $1
million cash contribution to the CCM (which is a legal
contribution under current Tanzanian law).
¶3. (C) Pile told me the Kempinski Hotel chain is greatly
expanding its presence in Tanzania. She said that in
December it would open "the best hotel in Zanzibar." Her
prediction was a little off; the new Kempinski hotel,
located
on the beach on Zanzibar,s east coast, opened January 5. I
attended the opening ceremony along with Zanzibari
President
Karume, who was asked publicly by Ali Albwardy for a site
in
Stone Town to build a new hotel. Later that day, Pile
revealed that the Zanzibar government had already earmarked
for Ali Albwardy a hotel site in Stone Town.
¶4. (C) Pile also said in the October 18 conversation that
Ali
Abwardy was about to receive the rights to construct two
new
hotels on the mainland: one on the edge of Ngorongoro
Crater
and another on the Serengeti plain overlooking the main
animal migration routes. Stringent conservation rules
currently ban the construction of permanent structures
inside
national parks*including in the crater and on the Serengeti
plain*but Pile said that in November legislation would be
introduced to parliament to authorize the new hotels.
(Comment: We have received no reports on new legislation,
but
the Dar Es Salaam Daily News on January 15 reported that
the
Tanzania National Parks Authority had approved construction
of a five star hotel on the Serengeti plain.)
¶4. (C) Later on October 18, over dinner, an Indian/South
Asian man described as a business associate of Ali Albwardy
briefly took Pile from the table for a conversation in
Kiswahili. I am not sure what was said, but Kikwete's name
came up several times and he passed her an envelope. Pile
told me the envelope was stuffed with 1 million shillings
( $1,000) and was to pay for a Kikwete meeting at the
Kilmanjaro-Kempinski later that month. Apparently Kikwete
is
a regular customer, but no name ever appears on the hotel
registry when a government bigshot has an "event" in one of
the guest rooms.
¶5. (C) Bio Note: Lisa Pile, an Australian citizen, has
lived
in Dar working for Kempinski Hotels since early 2004.
Before
that she had served in a similar capacity with the
Kempinski
chain in China. Her family in Australia is prominent in
Australia's Liberal Party (the center-right party of Prime
Minister John Howard).
¶6. (C) Comment: What does it all mean? I don,t know, but
my guess is that the investor Ali Albwardy has access to
oil
money out of the UAE. I suspect giving free clothes and
the
campaign donation is just the way these people do business.
¶7. (C) For his part, Kikwete probably thinks having all
these
five star hotels around is a good idea for the country,and
I
agree with him. His new minister of Natural Resources and
Tourism, Anthony Diallo, says he wants to double tourism,s
contribution to the national economy in ten year,s time.
Kikwete probably believes there is no harm in taking these
&little gifts8 to do what he would have been inclined to do
anyway. That said, they are what they are: bribes.
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR INR, R.EHRENREICH
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/13/2016
TAGS: PGOV PREL TZ
SUBJECT: KIKWETE CORRUPTION TIDBIT
Classified By: Ambassador Michael Retzer, Reason 1.5 (d)
¶1. (C) President Kikwete has accepted gifts (bribes) from
the owner of the Kempinski Hotel chain,s Tanzanian
properties, a citizen of the United Arab Emirates.
¶2. (C) In a conversation with the manager and the publicity
director of Dar Es Salaam,s Kilimanjaro-Kempinski Hotel
hours after accompanying A/S Frazer to her October 18, 2005
meeting with then-Foreign Minister Kikwete, I commented on
Kikwete's flashy attire, asking "Who dresses him?" "We do,"
they responded. Initially thinking this meant Kikwete
frequented a men,s shop in the hotel, I learned later in
the
evening from hotel publicity director Lisa Pile (protect)
that the hotel owner*UAE citizen Ali Albwardy*had recently
flown Kikwete to London for a subsidized shopping
expedition.
Among other things, on that trip Ali Albwardy bought
Kikwete
five Saville Row suits. He had also recently made a $1
million cash contribution to the CCM (which is a legal
contribution under current Tanzanian law).
¶3. (C) Pile told me the Kempinski Hotel chain is greatly
expanding its presence in Tanzania. She said that in
December it would open "the best hotel in Zanzibar." Her
prediction was a little off; the new Kempinski hotel,
located
on the beach on Zanzibar,s east coast, opened January 5. I
attended the opening ceremony along with Zanzibari
President
Karume, who was asked publicly by Ali Albwardy for a site
in
Stone Town to build a new hotel. Later that day, Pile
revealed that the Zanzibar government had already earmarked
for Ali Albwardy a hotel site in Stone Town.
¶4. (C) Pile also said in the October 18 conversation that
Ali
Abwardy was about to receive the rights to construct two
new
hotels on the mainland: one on the edge of Ngorongoro
Crater
and another on the Serengeti plain overlooking the main
animal migration routes. Stringent conservation rules
currently ban the construction of permanent structures
inside
national parks*including in the crater and on the Serengeti
plain*but Pile said that in November legislation would be
introduced to parliament to authorize the new hotels.
(Comment: We have received no reports on new legislation,
but
the Dar Es Salaam Daily News on January 15 reported that
the
Tanzania National Parks Authority had approved construction
of a five star hotel on the Serengeti plain.)
¶4. (C) Later on October 18, over dinner, an Indian/South
Asian man described as a business associate of Ali Albwardy
briefly took Pile from the table for a conversation in
Kiswahili. I am not sure what was said, but Kikwete's name
came up several times and he passed her an envelope. Pile
told me the envelope was stuffed with 1 million shillings
( $1,000) and was to pay for a Kikwete meeting at the
Kilmanjaro-Kempinski later that month. Apparently Kikwete
is
a regular customer, but no name ever appears on the hotel
registry when a government bigshot has an "event" in one of
the guest rooms.
¶5. (C) Bio Note: Lisa Pile, an Australian citizen, has
lived
in Dar working for Kempinski Hotels since early 2004.
Before
that she had served in a similar capacity with the
Kempinski
chain in China. Her family in Australia is prominent in
Australia's Liberal Party (the center-right party of Prime
Minister John Howard).
¶6. (C) Comment: What does it all mean? I don,t know, but
my guess is that the investor Ali Albwardy has access to
oil
money out of the UAE. I suspect giving free clothes and
the
campaign donation is just the way these people do business.
¶7. (C) For his part, Kikwete probably thinks having all
these
five star hotels around is a good idea for the country,and
I
agree with him. His new minister of Natural Resources and
Tourism, Anthony Diallo, says he wants to double tourism,s
contribution to the national economy in ten year,s time.
Kikwete probably believes there is no harm in taking these
&little gifts8 to do what he would have been inclined to do
anyway. That said, they are what they are: bribes.
Wakuu, mbona hii ya suti nilishaimwaga hapa ukumbini siku nyingi? Sikujua kuwa alianza kuzilamba akiwa waziri wa mambo ya nje. Kwa sasa analetewa na emissary wa Al Badawi na anatuma mtu wa Ikulu kuzichukua pale Kempinski. Ukiangalia utagundua kwamba Kikwete havai suti moja mara mbili. Pia cheki viatu vyake. Tuna rais fisadi.
Zion Train
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 5, 2008
- 501
- 78
tumeoza watu wanaongeka mpaka suti tu khaaaaaaaaa
Hii ni aibu kubwa kwa nchi kwa mkuu wa kaya kununuliwa suti za Saville Row in exchange for permission to destroy our country's heritage; allowing these Arabs to build a hotel in the national park!! Haya ndio matokeo ya kuchagua watu wasio na maadili kuongoza nchi, na laiti uchafu wake usingefichwa na Mkapa wakati wa kuyapitisha majina ya wagombea mwaka 2005, mkweree asingeitia najisi Ikulu.
kapotolo
JF-Expert Member
- Sep 19, 2010
- 3,727
- 2,214
Kiwete a regular customer? what kind of events is this bigshot having in these guest rooms? making babies is the most probable event. We have the president!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Halafu mnashangaa Kombani anaposema FORODHANI ATAUZIWA KEMPISKI kwasababu jengo haliendani na hadhi ya majaji wa rufaa!! Ukweli ni kwamba jamaa walimuomba mkweree kuwa wanataka kuexpand area yao nae akawaahidi kuwa atawapa; hivyo Kombani anatimiza maelekezo ya bosi wake. Ikumbukwe kwamba hadhi ya majaji haipimwi na uzuru wa ofisi zao bali jinsi wanavyofanya kazi zao kwa kuzingatia utoaji wa haki katika hukumu zao na sio vinginevyo.NAKUBALIANA NA JASUSI TUNA RAIS FISADI.
Balozi Chriss
Senior Member
- Jan 21, 2011
- 153
- 16
doh doh doh a 21th century Chief Mang'ung'o......Well investigated,well done piece of work and Shame on you Chief Mang'ung'o wa karne ya 21.
Mfwatiliaji
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 5, 2007
- 1,323
- 67
Na bado, mtalizwa sana pamoja na kusaga meno..si mliamua kumuingiza ikulu, tena kwa asilimia zaidi ya 80, sababu mojawapo kubwa ni haiba ya mvuto wake na pia eti ni mtanashati!!..
Then, baada ya miaka 5 ya ubabaishaji, majuzi mmemrudisha tena ikulu, japo this time naamini zaidi ni kupitia mlango wa nyuma!!
Then, baada ya miaka 5 ya ubabaishaji, majuzi mmemrudisha tena ikulu, japo this time naamini zaidi ni kupitia mlango wa nyuma!!
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